There is one more requirement. Write 10 key point after references, and write some word reflection each point. Can be one sentence - Management
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0886260516645574?casa_token=qbN_TjbG8DAAAAAA%3AElL93i1gwhFgqK2tUuVUNPKnFx49ViHlTr0asgc2pSb7NmN4agREycT10DtIeqllw41XeAfUYpgGtg
Please read the article first. second ,find 10 key point in article, then going to critical analysis. APA style, 5 pages long(excluding the cover and reference pages). the essay should be included functionalism, conflict and symbolic theory.
There is one more requirement. Write 10 key point after references, and write some word reflection each point. Can be one sentence
Here is sample,
The Meaning of Friendship Brianna D. Aaron
(
Friendship
) (
10
)
Abstract
The term “friendship” is a very broad term that contains a variety of other categories that can be used to describe all of the different types of friendships. Society is made up of many different types of bonds in which friendship is either present or not present. If friendship is present, the extent to which it is present depends upon many factors such as trust, emotional connections, and shared morals and values. This essay defines the different types of friendships and applies them to societal interactions. Friendships can occur between people of all ages and vary in significance and meaning. Our society is made up of various friendships between people of different races, social groups, ages, gender, and varies in strength depending on the people involved. By examining the different types of friendships and their contributions to how society functions, we can evaluate our own friendships and how they contribute to not only our personal choices but the choices we make as members of society.
Keywords: friendship quality, the nature of friendship, eudemonic friendship, symbolic interaction, functionalism, conflict theory
Table of Contents Abstract 2
Introduction 4
Friendship Quality 4
Friendship Quality and Symbolic Interaction… 4
Friendship Quality and Functionalism 5
Friendship Quality and Conflict Theory 5
The Nature of Friendship… 6
The Nature of Friendship and Symbolic Interaction 6
The Nature of Friendship and Functionalism 7
The Nature of Friendship and Conflict Theory 7
Eudaimonic Friendship… 8
Eudaimonic Friendship and Functionalism 8
Eudaimonic Friendship and Symbolic Interaction 9
Eudaimonic Friendship and Conflict Theory 9
Conclusion 10
References 11
The Meaning of Friendship Introduction
Friendship is defined by many people in many ways. Whether the friendship is a quality friendship that has meaning and will last depends on many factors that involve the emotional connections and trust between two people. Friendships that are based upon simple ideas such as liking the same color or being in the same class at school are often the types of friendships that children have. As we grow older and begin to develop our own morals and standards, our choice of who we want to associate ourselves with changes. We tend to gravitate towards people with not only similar interests but also similar morals and values to our own. Real friendship has many different parts that when put together, create an entire friendship.
Friendship Quality
Friendship quality is broken up into two categories: quality of friendship and social competence. Quality is defined as “… typically characterized in non-moral terms, as pertaining to ‘level’ or ‘degree’ of emotional support, absence of conflict, enjoyment of companionship, and the like” (Walker, Curren, & Jones, 2016, pg. 286). Social competence is similarly defined, but also includes “prosocial” orientation or temperament. Without these, friendships would not work. If a friend does not support you emotionally and had a bad temperament, you are likely not going to want to be friends with them anymore. Friendship can only work if the two people who are involved are happy with the relationship that they have. If one friend is not happy, chances are it is not a real friendship (Walker, Curren, & Jones, 2016, p. 286-287).
Friendship Quality and Symbolic Interaction
The quality and social competence of a friendship can be examined through symbolic interactions. Symbolic interaction theory, “… examines people’s everyday behavior through the
communication of knowledge, ideas, beliefs, and attitudes” (Benokraitis, 2015, p. 16). Quality friendship is made up of symbolic interactions. We each have our own picture of what a quality friend is. The qualities that you associate with a good friend are symbolic. If someone were to ask you what you look for in a friend, your answers would be symbolic interactions. You are conveying your ideas and beliefs of what a good friend is. The qualities of what makes a good friend vary from person to person, but overall, quality friendship comes from symbolic interactions.
Friendship Quality and Functionalism
Functionalism, “… maintains that society is a complex system of interdependent parts that work together to ensure a society’s survival” (Benokraitis, 2015, p. 13). Friendship quality is crucial to the way in which our society works. If friendships were based upon simple ideas such as similar likes and nothing else, people would not be able to create bonds that are held together by mutual trust. The quality of friendship that people have with each other leads to marriages, business partnerships, or basically any arrangement in which two or more people create bonds in which they trust each other and work together for a common goal. Quality friendships are the basis for families as well as the partnerships that are required to move forward and be a productive society.
Friendship Quality and Conflict Theory
Conflict theory, “… examines how and why groups disagree, struggle over power, and compete for scarce resources” (Benokraitis, 2015, p. 13). When quality friendships occur, people and groups get along, but with the absence of quality friendship, people may not get along as well. People can be “friends” and still compete with one another. Friendships that are formed either in spite of someone or for a person’s personal advantage are not quality friendships and if
or when these friendships end, it can lead to disagreements and competition between the former friends. With the presence of quality friendships, conflict theory is not present because the people involved work together and support each other rather than argue and fight. Friendship quality is related to conflict theory in that friendship quality cancels out the idea of conflict theory because in quality friendships, there is no competition.
The Nature of Friendship
Friendship has been defined by philosophers to be, “… a form of relationship that is: based in the mutual positive regard two people have for one another, exhibits mutual concern and willingness to act for the good of other’s sake, and involves time spent together in shared activities” (qtd. in Walker, Curren, & Jones, 2016, p. 288). This, similar to quality of friendship, defines what friendship itself is. Just because you are a part of a friendship does not mean that you have a quality friendship. Your friend could be there to support you sometimes or you could see each other occasionally, but that does not mean that the friendship is quality.
The Nature of Friendship and Symbolic Interaction
When we think of friendship, many ideas come to mind. We may think of people who are nice to us, places we go or activities that we do with our friends, or anything that we associate with friendship in general. These are all symbolic interactions. Friendship in general is symbolic. There is no set definition for what friendship is. Friendships are formed in random and unexpected ways. Those situations in which friendships are created allow for us to form ideas on what friendship is and where they originate from. To one, a person who sits next to them in class every day and is nice to them is considered a friend while to another, a person who they spend their personal time with a friend. These are both symbolic interactions because they
symbolize to that person what a friend is and that idea of what a friend is differs from person to person.
The Nature of Friendship and Functionalism
The nature of friendship is a part of functionalism because we need friendships in order for our society to function properly. Friendship is crucial to the way in which our world works and how we deal with both personal and public issues. We need friends to help us through hard times, whether by providing emotional or physical help. Friends help each other when one is in a tough situation that they cannot fix on their own. Also, without friendship, we would not be able to learn how to work together and therefore we would have a difficult time surviving. Some of the biggest ideas have been created by friends and had those friendships not occurred, they would have never happened. Without these ideas, our society would not be anywhere near as advanced as we are today.
The Nature of Friendship and Conflict Theory
Similar to friendship quality, a world that contains no friendships is a world that cannot function. Basic friendships are essential to our survival and progress as human beings. Without friendship, we would not survive because we would not be able to form even basic connections with others which would create ongoing conflict and competition. Friendship in its most basic form is two people who like each other. If no one liked each other, there would be no reason for anyone to care about anyone but themselves and therefore they would put their survival needs above those of anyone else and they would be willing to do anything to defend themselves and their needs. At our most primitive stage, friendship is crucial because it allows for people to work together for the well-being of each person in the relationship rather than just one person alone.
Eudaimonic Friendship
Eudaimonic friendship is a deeper kind of friendship. It involves respect for each other— such as not cheating, lying, or manipulating each other—being able to see the good in the other person and appreciate them for their true self, and actually being willing to do something for the other person’s sake. Often times, eudaimonic friendships occur later in life when we have developed our own morals and are able to recognize those morals in others and decide if we really want to be friends with that person. In children, this is less common because they have not yet figured out what is really important to them and their friendships are based upon what is
good at the moment and not what is good in the long-run (Walker, Curren, & Jones, 2016, p. 290-291).
Eudaimonic Friendship and Functionalism
This concept connects to functionalism because as we age, we come to a better understanding of what our morals and beliefs are and what we look for in other people. This dictates how society works, similar to friendship quality. If we all disliked each other, we would not make any advancements. On the contrary, if we all liked each other and had very personal connections with everyone we know, we could have trouble making advancements because we would fear hurting others. The different qualities that we look for or do not look for help us to establish relationships and find our place in society that keeps society going. It is beneficial for us to form eudaimonic friendships with only a select amount of people because that way we are able to determine who we will prioritize over others as well as who we will trust the most when we need help. Without a few eudaimonic friendships, we would not have anyone who we know certainly that we can truly depend when we are in need of help and who we know can truly depend on us.
Eudaimonic Friendship and Symbolic Interaction
When we picture a eudaimonic friendship, we picture something other than a simple friendship or even a quality friendship. We may picture a person who we call “uncle” or “aunt” even though they are not a part of our family. We also may picture an elderly married couple who has been married for as long as anyone can remember. These are all symbolic interactions because they are what we think of when we think of eudaimonic friendship. If someone were to ask you what would represent a eudaimonic friendship, any answer that you give them would be a symbolic interaction because you are telling that person what that means to you. Eudaimonic friendship itself is a symbolic interaction because it describes the perception that someone has on a bond between two people.
Eudaimonic Friendship and Conflict Theory
Eudaimonic friendship contributes to conflict theory in many ways because it answers the question as to why people may compete against each other and disagree. If someone has an eudaimonic friendship with someone and another person dislikes that person or puts them in harm’s way, the friend will stick up for their friend against the other person. Now, not only does the one friend have a conflict or disagreement with the person, but now their friend is also involved which creates greater conflict. For example, if you have a eudaimonic friendship and your friend runs for office, you are going to do anything you can to support that friend as well as anything you can to compete with anyone else who may be running. Eudaimonic friendships have such strong bonds that conflict can easily be created if one person in the friendship is treated unfairly or poorly by someone outside of the friendship. Eudaimonic friendships can even ruin other friendships because the if the person has to make the choice between their friend
with which they have a eudaimonic friendship with or their friend that they do not, they will most likely choose the friend with whom they share a eudaimonic friendship.
Conclusion
Overall, there are many factors that go into friendship and what kind of friendship people have as well as how those different types of friendships affect society and how it functions. Friendships can vary greatly from person to person due to factors such as age, location, family, and their overall upbringing. Regardless of what kind, friendship is crucial to our society and how the world works. We survive and make advancements all because of friendships.
Friendships are the reason that we are here and the reason why we are able to live our lives each and every day.
References
Enormities, N.V. (2015). SOC5: Introduction to Sociology. Boston, Massachusetts: Cengage Learning
Walker, D.I, Curren, R., & Jones, C. (2016). Good Friendships among Children: A Theoretical and Empirical Investigation, Journal For The Theory Of Social Behaviour, 46(3), 286- 309. doi:10.1111/jtsb.12100
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Families and Aging
LE ARNING OBJEC TIVE S
After studying this chapter, you will be able to…
12-1 Describe how families are similar and different in the United States and worldwide.
12-2 Describe how and explain why U.S. families are changing.
12-3 Describe, illustrate, and explain why intimate partner violence, child maltreatment,
and elder abuse occur.
12-4 Describe, illustrate, and explain how the U.S. older population is changing, and its
impact on our society.
12-5 Compare and evaluate the theoretical explanations of families and aging.
After finishing
this chapter go to
PAGE 252 for
STUDY TOOLS
12
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W H A T D O YOU T H I N K ?
I would undergo medical treatments
to live to age 120 or longer.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
strongly agree strongly disagree
12-1 WHAT IS A FAMILY?
Ask five of your friends to define family. Their defini-
tions will probably differ not only from each other’s
but also from yours. For our purposes, a family is an
intimate group consisting of two or more people who
(1) have a committed relationship, (2) care for one an-
other and any children, and (3) share activities and close
emotional ties. This definition includes households (e.g.,
foster families, same-sex couples) whose members aren’t
related by birth, marriage, or adoption.
Contemporary households are complex; family
structures vary across cultures and have changed over
time. In some societies, a family includes uncles, aunts,
and other relatives. In others, only parents and their chil-
dren are viewed as a family.
12-1a How Families Are Similar
Worldwide
The family, a social institution, exists in some form in
all societies. Worldwide, families are similar in fulfilling
some functions that have persisted over time.
FAMILY FUNCTIONS
Families vary considerably in the United States and
globally but fulfill five important functions that ensure a
society’s survival (Parsons and Bales, 1955):
▸▸ Sexual activity. Every society has norms regarding
who may engage in sexual relations, with whom,
and under what circumstances. U.S. laws ban sexual
American families vary greatly in structure, dynamics, and racial-ethnic diversity.
This chapter examines the ways that families and aging are changing, both in the
United States and globally. Before reading further, take the True or False quiz to see
how much you already know about these topics.
intercourse with someone younger than 18 (or 16 in
some states), but several states allow 12- and 13-year-
old girls and 14-year-old boys to marry with parental
permission, and some countries permit marriage with
girls as young as 8 (McClendon and Sandstrom, 2016;
Sandstrom and Theodorou, 2016; see also Chapter 9).
One of the oldest
rules that regulate
sexual behavior is
the incest taboo,
cultural norms and
laws that forbid sexual
intercourse between
close blood relatives
(e.g., brother and sister,
father and daughter,
uncle and niece).
family an intimate group
consisting of two or more people
who (1) have a committed
relationship, (2) care for one
another and any children, and
(3) share activities and close
emotional ties.
incest taboo cultural norms
and laws that forbid sexual
intercourse between close blood
relatives.
HOW MUCH DO YOU KNOW ABOUT
CONTEMPORARY U.S. FAMILIES
AND AGING?
1. Nonmarital teenage births have increased over
the past 20 years.
2. College-educated women are less likely than
those with a high school diploma to live with a
man outside of marriage.
3. Divorce rates have increased since the 1990s.
4. The most common type of family is married
couples with children.
5. Baby boomers (those born between 1946 and
1964) are the fastest growing segment of the
population.
6. Asian Americans are more likely than Latinos to
live in a home with three or more generations.
True or False?
The answers to #2 and #6 are true; the others are false. You’ll see why as
you read this chapter.
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▸▸ Procreation and socialization. Procreation is an
essential family function because it replenishes a
country’s population. Through socialization, children
acquire language; absorb the accumulated knowledge,
attitudes, beliefs, and values of their culture; and learn
the social and interpersonal skills they need to function
effectively in society (see Chapters 3 and 4).
▸▸ Economic security. Families provide food, shelter,
clothing, and other material resources for their
members.
▸▸ Emotional support. Families supply the nurturance,
love, and emotional sustenance that people need to
be happy, healthy, and secure. Our friends may come
and go, but our family is usually our emotional anchor.
▸▸ Social class placement. Social class affects all aspects
of family life. Initially, our social position is based on our
parents’ social class, but we can move up or down the
social hierarchy in adulthood (see Chapter 8).
Some sociologists include recreation as a basic U.S.
family function. This function isn’t critical for survival,
but since the 1950s many parents have spent much more
time with their children on leisure activities (e.g., visiting
amusements parks, playing video games together) that
strengthen interpersonal bonds.
MARRIAGE
Marriage, a socially approved mating relationship that
people expect to be stable and enduring, is also universal.
Countries vary in their specific norms and laws dictat-
ing who can marry whom and at what age, but marriage
everywhere is an important rite of passage that marks
adulthood and its related responsibilities, especially pro-
viding for a family.
ENDOGAMY AND EXOGAMY
All societies have formal or informal rules about the
“right” marriage partner. Endogamy (often used inter-
changeably with homog-
amy) is a cultural practice
of marrying within one’s
group. The partners are
similar in religion (e.g.,
Catholics marrying Catho-
lics), race or ethnicity (e.g.,
blacks marrying blacks),
social class (e.g., college-
educated marrying col-
lege-educated), and/or age
(e.g., young people marry-
ing young people). Across
the Middle East and Africa, marrying a first or second
cousin is not only common but desirable. In Egypt, for
example, 40 percent of the population marry a family
member. The benefits include knowing a lot about one’s
relatives and ensuring that property stays in the family,
but the practice increases the chance of genetic diseases
(such as cystic fibrosis and thalassemia, a blood disorder)
in their children (“Consanguineous Marriage,” 2016).
Exogamy (often used interchangeably with het-
erogamy) is a cultural practice of marrying outside
one’s group, such as not marrying one’s relatives. In the
United States, 25 states prohibit marriage between first
cousins, but violations are rarely prosecuted (National
Conference of State Legislatures, 2014). Even when
there are no formal laws, cultural norms and values (as
well as social pressure) usually limit our marital partner
choices.
12-1b How Families Differ Worldwide
Families also differ around the world. Some variations
affect the family’s structure, whereas others regulate
where people reside and who has the most household
power and authority.
NUCLEAR AND EXTENDED FAMILIES
In Western societies, the typical family form is the nuclear
family composed of married parents and their biologi-
cal or adopted children. In much of the world, however,
marriage a socially approved
mating relationship.
endogamy (often used
interchangeably with homogamy)
cultural practice of marrying within
one’s group.
exogamy (often used
interchangeably with heterogamy)
cultural practice of marrying
outside one’s group.
nuclear family a family form
composed of married parents and
their biological or adopted children.
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the most common family form is the extended family,
composed of parents, children, and other kin (e.g., uncles
and aunts, nieces and nephews, cousins, grandparents).
As the number of single-parent families increases
in industrialized countries, extended families are more
common. By helping out with household tasks and child
care, other adult members make it easier for a single par-
ent to work outside the home.
Many Americans assume that the nuclear family is
the most common arrangement, but such families have
declined in number. In 2014, just 14 percent of children
lived with a stay-at-home mother and a working father—
down from 50 percent in 1960 (Livingston, 2015).
RESIDENCE PATTERNS
In a patrilocal residence pattern, newly married
couples live with the husband’s family. In a matrilocal
residence pattern, they live with the wife’s family. In a
neolocal residence pattern, the couple sets up their
own residence.
Around the world, the most common residence
pattern is patrilocal. In industrialized societies, married
couples are typically neolocal. Since the early 1990s, how-
ever, the tendency for young married adults to live with
the parents of either the wife or the husband—or some-
times with the grandparents of one of the partners—has
increased. Such “doubled-up” U.S. households have al-
ways existed, but escalated during the 2007–2009 reces-
sion for economic reasons (Parker, 2012).
One result is a boomerang generation, young
adults who move back into their parents’ home after liv-
ing independently for a while or never leave home in the
first place. Seven years after the 2007–2009 recession,
for example, 33 percent of 18- to 34-year-olds lived with
their parents. Of those, one in four didn’t work or go to
school (Vespa, 2017).
You saw in Chapter 4 that many young adults don’t
feel a need to set up their own homes because, among
other reasons, the stigma of living with parents has faded.
Some observers predict that boomerangers will become
more numerous. Many “helicopter-parented, trophy-
saturated, and self-centered” millennials, who were raised
by coddling baby boomers, are catering to their own chil-
dren even more. They want to be their kids’ friends rather
than authority figures. Instead of helicopter parenting,
millennials are “drone parenting”—they still hover, but
are now “following and responding to their kids rather
than directing and scheduling them” (Steinmetz, 2015:
38, 41). Parents try to launch their children into the adult
world, but like boomerangs,
some keep coming back.
AUTHORITY AND
POWER
Residence patterns often
reflect who has authority
and power in the family.
In a matriarchal family
system, the oldest females
(usually grandmothers and
mothers) control cultural,
political, and economic re-
sources and, consequently,
have power over males.
Some American Indian
tribes were matriarchal,
and in some African coun-
tries, the oldest women
have considerable author-
ity and influence. For the
most part, however, matri-
archal societies are rare.
Worldwide, a more
typical pattern is a patri-
archal family system,
in which the oldest males
In China’s Himalayas, the Mosuo are a matriarchal
society. A family consists of a woman, her children,
and the daughters’ offspring. An adult man will join
a lover for the night and then return to his mother’s
or grandmother’s house in the morning. Children
resulting from these unions belong to the female and
take her surname, she and her relatives raise them,
and daughters are preferred to sons. The Mosuo
population is decreasing, however, as more young
people marry outside the group or move to cities for
work (Qin, 2015).
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to
extended family a family
form composed of parents,
children, and other kin.
patrilocal residence
pattern newly married couples
live with the husband’s family.
matrilocal residence
pattern newly married couples
live with the wife’s family.
neolocal residence pattern
a newly married couple sets up its
own residence.
boomerang generation
young adults who move back into
their parents’ home or never leave
it in the first place.
matriarchal family system
the oldest females control cultural,
political, and economic resources
and, consequently, have power
over males.
patriarchal family system
the oldest males control cultural,
political, and economic resources
and, consequently, have power
over females.
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(grandfathers, fathers, and uncles) control cultural,
political, and economic resources and, consequently,
have power over females. In some patriarchal societies,
women have few rights within or outside the family; they
may not be permitted to work outside the home or at-
tend college. In other patriarchal societies, women may
have considerable decision-making power in the home
but few legal or political rights, such as getting a divorce
or running for political office (see Chapter 9).
In an egalitarian family system, both partners
share power and authority fairly equally. Many Americans
think they have egalitarian families, but our families tend
to be patriarchal. For example, employed women shoul-
der almost twice as much housework and child care as
men, and are more likely than men to provide caregiving
to aging family members (see Chapter 9).
COURTSHIP AND MATE SELECTION
Sociologists often describe U.S. dating as a marriage
market, a courtship process in which prospective spouses
compare the assets and liabilities of eligible partners,
and choose the best available mate. Marriage markets
don’t sound very romantic, but open dating fulfills sev-
eral important functions: recreation and companionship;
a socially acceptable way of pursuing love; opportunities
for sexual intimacy and experimentation; and finding a
spouse (Benokraitis, 2015).
Many societies, in contrast, discourage open dating
and have arranged marriages in which parents or rela-
tives choose the children’s spouses. An arranged marriage
is a family rather than an individual decision that increases
solidarity between families and preserves endogamy. Chil-
dren may have veto power, but they believe that if partners
are compatible, love will
result. In some of India’s
urban areas, arranged
marriages also rely on non-
traditional methods (e.g.,
online dating services) to
find prospective spouses
(Cullen and Masters, 2008;
see also Chapter 9).
MONOGAMY AND
POLYGAMY
In monogamy, one per-
son is married exclusively to
another person. Where di-
vorce and remarriage rates
are high, as in the United
States, people engage in
serial monogamy. That is, they marry several people
but one at a time—they marry, divorce, remarry, divorce,
and so on.
Polygamy, in which a man or woman has two or
more spouses, is subdivided into polygyny—one man
married to two or more women—and polyandry—one
woman is married to two or more men. Nearly 1,000 cul-
tures around the world allow some form of polygamy,
either officially or unofficially (Epstein, 2008).
Although rare, there are pockets of polyandry in
some remote and isolated parts of India, and among the
Pimbwe in western Tanzania, Africa. Polyandry serves
several functions: The family is more likely to survive in
harsh environments if there’s more than one husband to
provide food, and if one husband dies, the others care for
the widow (Borgerhoff Mulder, 2009; Polgreen, 2010).
In contrast to polyandry, polygyny is common in
many societies, especially in some regions of Africa,
South America, and the Middle East. Men benefit from
polygyny in several ways: They can have many legal
sexual partners, more chances to have male heirs, more
income if some of the wives are employed, and high so-
cial status because they can support multiple wives and
children (Al-Jassem, 2011; Nossiter, 2011).
Western and industrialized societies forbid polyg-
amy, but there are pockets of isolated polygynous groups
in the United States, Europe, and Canada. The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons) banned
polygamy in 1890 and excommunicates members who
follow such beliefs. Still, males of the Fundamentalist
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (FLDS),
a polygynous sect that broke away off from the main-
stream Mormon Church more than a century ago, head
India’s Ziona Chana has the world’s largest
polygynous family—39 wives, 94 children, and
33 grandchildren (so far). They all live together in
a 100-room mansion (Sykes, 2015).
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di
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rs
egalitarian family both
partners share power and
authority fairly equally.
marriage market prospective
spouses compare the assets and
liabilities of eligible partners and
choose the best available mate.
arranged marriage parents
or relatives choose the children’s
spouses.
monogamy one person is
married exclusively to another
person.
serial monogamy individuals
marry several people, but one at
a time.
polygamy a man or woman has
two or more spouses.
234 SOC
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an estimated 300,000 families in Texas, Arizona, Utah,
and Canada. Wives who have escaped from these groups
have reported forced marriage between men in their 60s
and girls as young as 10 years old, sexual abuse, and in-
cest (Janofsky, 2003).
12-2 HOW U.S. FAMILIES
ARE CHANGING
American families have changed considerably since the
1950s. Some of the most important changes are related
to marriage, divorce, cohabitation, nonmarital childbear-
ing, and single-parent families.
12-2a Marriage and Divorce
The United States has one of the highest marriage and di-
vorce rates in the world. By age 65, 95 percent of Americans
have been married at least once; over a lifetime, about
half of first marriages end in divorce (Vespa et al., 2013).
Despite the high divorce rate, most people aren’t disil-
lusioned about marriage. Indeed, nearly 85 percent who
divorce remarry, half of them within 4 years, and 8 percent
have been married three times or more (Kreider and Ellis,
2011; Livingston, 2014).
TRENDS
U.S. marriage and divorce rates rose steadily during
the twentieth century, but have declined since 1990
(Figure 12.1). In 1960, only 9 percent of U.S. adults
age 25 and older had never been married. By 2016,
52 percent had never been married—an historic high.
Marriage rates are expected to decrease further because
the number of newlyweds has been falling since 2012
(Wang and Parker, 2014).
In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to le-
galize same-sex marriage. In 2017, 10 percent of LGBT
adults were married to a same-sex spouse, and 13 per-
cent were married to an opposite-sex partner. About
half of people who self-identify as LGBT are bisexual,
helping to explain the high proportion who are married
to opposite-sex partners. Men (11 percent) are more
likely than women (9 percent) to be married to a same-
sex partner. The marriage rates are highest among males
age 50 and older, but 32 percent of this age group have
never married, compared with 11 percent of their non-
LGBT counterparts (Jones, 2017; see also Chapter 9).
Thus, despite the Supreme Court’s legalization of same-
sex marriage in 2015, LGBT marriages haven’t surged.
Like heterosexuals, LGBTs may be postponing marriage
or decide to not marry.
In 1970, California was the first state to pass a no-
fault divorce law; neither partner needs to prove guilt
or wrongdoing (e.g., adultery, desertion). Today, in all
states, couples can simply give “irreconcilable differ-
ences” or “incompatibility” as a valid reason for divorce.
As these laws changed, marital dissolutions became quick
and cheap, and divorce rates rose to historically high lev-
els, particularly in the 1980s and 1990s. Divorce rates
are high, but lower today than they were between 1980
and 2009 (Figure 12.1). In 2017, 73 percent of Ameri-
cans said that divorce was morally acceptable, compared
with only 53 percent in 1954 (Dugan, 2017). Thus, and
despite greater public acceptance, the divorce rate has
fallen to its lowest point in decades.
WHY ARE MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
RATES FALLING?
There are several macro-level reasons for declining
marriage and divorce rates. First, U.S. values have
been changing. In 2010, 39 percent of Americans
said that marriage is becoming obsolete, up from
28 percent in 1978 (Cohn et al., 2011; Fry, 2012).
Just 45 percent of millennials say that marriage is
an important step in becoming an adult, and only
44 percent of Americans believe that having chil-
dren is a “very important” reason to marry. Only
31 percent think that premarital sex is immoral,
open marriage markets provide many opportuni-
ties for nonmarital sex, and nonmarital births are
now socially acceptable (Cohn, 2013; Jones, 2017;
Vespa, 2017). Thus, the traditional reasons for
marriage have waned.
Figure 12.1 U.S. Marriage and Divorce Rates, 1870–2014
Pe
r
1,
00
0
Po
p
u
la
ti
o
n
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1870 1890 1910 1930 1950 1970 1990 2014
Year
Marriage
Divorce
6.9
3.2
Sources: Based on Plateris 1973, Table 1; and CDC/NCHS National Vital Statistics
System, 2017.
235CHAPTER 12: Families and Aging
05164_ch12_ptg01.indd 235 15/12/17 7:32 pm
Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203
Second, the economy affects marriage and divorce
rates. Economic depressions, recessions, and unem-
ployment tend to delay marriage, especially for men.
Because of the recent recession, 20 percent of 18- to
34-year-olds have postponed marriage. Moreover, when
incomes plummet and people are insecure about their
jobs, unhappy married couples tend to stay together:
They can’t afford to divorce and risk the possibility of not
being able to maintain separate households (Cohn, 2012;
Martin et al., 2014).
Demographic variables also affect marriage and di-
vorce rates. The median age at first marriage is 30 for
men and almost 28 for women, compared with 23 for
men and 21 for women in 1970 (“Marital Status,” 2017).
There are now almost as many single as married
Americans (128 million and 129 million, respectively)
and, for the first time, single women outnumber married
women. Marriage has become an option, rather than a
goal, primarily because women are free to pursue a higher
education, to have a career, and to cohabit. Thus, many
women have become choosier about whether and when to
marry (Traister, 2016; “Unmarried and Single . . .,” 2017).
About 64 percent of Americans with college degrees
are married, compared with 47 percent of those with a
high school diploma or less, who are more likely to co-
habit than marry. The education-marriage relationship
holds even at higher levels. Among women in their early
40s, for example, 80 percent with a Ph.D. or professional
degree are married, compared to 63 percent with a bach-
elor’s degree. The highly educated tend to marry other
highly educated people, and are almost twice as likely as
people with less education to have marriages that last at
least 20 years. In effect, then, there’s a growing “marriage
gap” between the most and least educated (Wang, 2015;
Reeves et al., 2016). Such data also challenge stereotypes
of highly educated women as sad and lonely “old maids”
who lavish attention on a brood of cats.
Americans with a bachelor’s or graduate degree
also have lower divorce rates than those without col-
lege degrees. By age 46, 30 percent of people with a
college degree or higher are divorced compared with
59 percent with less than a high school diploma (Augh-
inbaugh et al., 2013). College graduates have lower
divorce rates not because they’re smarter but because
going to college postpones marriage. As a result, better-
educated couples are often more mature and capable
of dealing with personal crises. They also have higher
incomes and health care
benefits, both of which
lessen marital stress over
financial problems.
There are also micro-level (individual) reasons for
falling marriage and divorce rates. About 84 percent
of unmarried Americans say that love is a “very impor-
tant” reason to marry. As a result, a third are still wait-
ing for their “ideal mate” or “one true love” (Wang and
Parker, 2014).
The most common micro-level reasons for divorce
include infidelity, communication and financial prob-
lems, substance and spousal abuse, premarital doubts,
continuous disagreements about how to raise and dis-
cipline children, and expecting to change a partner af-
ter marriage (see Benokraitis, 2015, for a discussion of
these studies). Because many people are delaying mar-
riage, they’re usually more mature in handling the chal-
lenges of married life, which decreases the likelihood
of divorce.
12-2b Cohabitation
Cohabitation is an arrangement in which two unrelated
and unmarried people live together and are in a sexual
relationship (shacking up, in plain English). Because it’s
based on emotional rather than legal ties, “cohabitation is
a distinct family form, neither singlehood nor marriage”
(Brown, 2005: 33).
TRENDS
Married couples comprise 49 percent of all households,
a sharp decline from 78 percent in 1950. The decline is
due to falling marriage rates and rising cohabitation. The
number of adults in heterosexual cohabiting relationships
surged from 430,000 in 1960 to almost 18 million in 2016.
This number climbs by another 860,000 if we include
same-sex cohabiters. Despite the high numbers, only 7
to 9 percent of the population is cohabiting in any given
year (“Characteristics of Same-Sex Households,” 2017;
Stepler, 2017).
cohabitation two unrelated
and unmarried people live together
and are in a sexual relationship.
V
ic
to
ri
a
Ro
be
rt
s/
Th
e
N
ew
Y
or
ke
r C
ol
le
ct
io
n/
Th
e
C
ar
to
on
B
an
k
236 SOC
05164_ch12_ptg01.indd 236 15/12/17 7:32 pm
Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203
About half of cohabiters are younger than 35.
Since 2007, however, the number of cohabiters aged
50 and older has increased faster than other groups
(Figure 12.2). Because of high divorce rates and a grow-
ing share of people who have never been married in this
age group, more people are available for cohabitation
(Stepler, 2017).
By age 44, 65 percent of women—compared with
33 percent in 1987—have cohabited. Cohabitation is a
common experience at all education levels, but the like-
lihood of cohabiting decreases as women’s educational
levels increase (e.g., 76 percent of women with less than
high school vs. 58 percent of women with a bachelor’s
or advanced degree). On average, college-educated
women cohabit for the shortest period (17 months)
and are more likely than those without college degrees
to transition to marriage (Copen, 2013; Vanorman and
Scommegna, 2016).
Black women are less likely to have ever cohabited
(59 percent) than white women (67 percent) or Latinas
(64 percent). Among all cohabiting adults, significantly
more Asians (46 percent) live with a partner of a differ-
ent race or ethnicity than Latinos (24 percent), blacks
(20 percent), or whites (12 percent) (Vanorman and
Scommegna, 2016; Livingston, 2017). The high rate of
Asian interracial cohabitation, like intermarriage, may
be due to this group’s small population size and short-
age of available partners within their own group (see
Chapter 10).
WHY HAS COHABITATION INCREASED?
On a micro level, some people drift gradually into dating
cohabitation, when a couple that spends a great deal of
time together decides to move in together. Dating cohab-
itation is essentially an alternative to singlehood because
the decision may be based on a combination of reasons
(e.g., convenience, finances, companionship, and sexual
accessibility), but there’s no long-term commitment. In
this type of cohabitation, and especially among young
adults, there’s considerable serial cohabitation, living
with different sexual partners over time. Even if there’s
an unplanned pregnancy, the man, especially, may decide …
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