Final Essay - History
3 Pages Essay. Choose one question from the two Prompts and do the Comparative Essay.
No Plagiarism. Due in 24 hours.
Must use the Readings. Use one reading from Column A and one reading from Column B.
HISTORY 21C: MODERN WORLD HISTORY
FINAL ESSAY
DUE: UPLOAD TO CANVAS BY SEPTEMBER 6 AT 11:59PM
Please respond to ONE of the following prompts:
1. Throughout the quarter, we have looked at divisions in society based on
class, gender, and race. Select one primary source from Column A and one
primary source from Column B (listed below). Using the two sources, compare
and contrast the ways that class, gender, OR racial divisions have been
constructed in different moments of history. Be sure to provide the
necessary historical context for understanding these comparisons.
2. I have argued that modernity is not synonymous with progress. Select one
primary source from Column A and one primary source from Column B (listed
below). Using the two sources, write an essay that either agrees or
disagrees with my argument. You will need to provide specific evidence
from the two sources to support your argument. Be sure to also provide
the necessary historical context for understanding any evidence.
For your essay, select one primary source from Column A AND one
primary source from Column B:
Column A Column B
Theodore Roosevelt, “The Strenuous
Life” (Topic 2)
Qiu Jin, “An Address to Two Hundred
Million Fellow Countrywomen” (Topic
3)
Vladimir Lenin, “From What is to be
Done?” (Topic 4)
Mohandas Gandhi, “Indian Home Rule”
(Topic 10)
Ernesto Guevara, “Guerrilla Warfare”
(Topic 11)
Liu Shao-chi, “On the Agrarian Reform
Law” (Topic 11)
Emiliano Zapata, “Plan of Ayala” (Topic
5)
Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved
(Topic 7)
“Japan at War Selections” (Topic 8)
Martin Luther King, Jr. “Beyond
Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence”
(Topic 12)
Marjane Satrapi, Persepolis (Topic 13)
Nelson Mandela, “I am Prepared to
Die” (Topic 14)
Guidelines and Tips:
• Your essay should be 3-5 pages, typed, double-spaced, one-inch margins,
12pt Times New Roman (or similar font)
• Please provide an original title for your essay (it makes me happy when
students get creative with essay titles)
• Your essay must be organized around an original, arguable thesis statement
• Be sure to include proper citations for all quoted and paraphrased material
(any citation style is acceptable, just be consistent)
• Take a look at the rubric for the final essay for specific details about what I
expect from this essay (with regard to the content and organization)
• This is a History class, so I expect you to be able to provide the necessary
historical context
• Do not assume that your reader knows what you mean. Be specific and
detailed.
I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join
with you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which
has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statement of your executive
committee are the sentiments of my own heart and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A
time comes when silence is betrayal." That time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.
The truth of these words is beyond doubt but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even
when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government’s
policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of
conformist thought within one’s own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover when the issues at hand
seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict we are always on the verge of being
mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
Some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is
often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our
limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation’s
history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth
patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of
history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movement well and pray that our own
inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that
seems so close around us.
Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the
burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons
have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed
large and loud: Why are you speaking about war, Dr. King? Why are you joining the voices of dissent? Peace and civil
rights don’t mix, they say. Aren’t you hurting the cause of your people, they ask? And when I hear them, though I
often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that
the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they
do not know the world in which they live.
In the light of such tragic misunderstandings, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust
concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church—the church in Montgomery, Alabama,
where I began my pastorate—leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed
to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia.
Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to
the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front
paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they can play in a successful resolution of the problem. While they
both may have justifiable reason to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give
eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
Beyond Vietnam:
A Time to Break Silence
Rev. Martin Luther King
April 4, 1967
Riverside Church, New York City
1
Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the NLF, but rather to my fellow Americans, who,
with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing
Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection
between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there
was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor—both black
and white—through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the
buildup in Vietnam and I watched the program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything
of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in
rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like
some demonic destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor
and to attack it as such.
Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing
far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their
husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were
taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away
to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we
have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and
die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. So we watch them in
brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would never live on the same block in
Detroit. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the
ghettoes of the North over the last three years—especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the
desperate, rejected and angry young men I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their
problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change
comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they asked—and rightly so—what about Vietnam? They
asked if our own nation wasn’t using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes
it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the
oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world
today—my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of hundreds
of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.
For those who ask the question, "Aren’t you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the
movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could
not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would
never be free or saved from itself unless the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles
they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written
earlier:
O, yes, I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath—
America will be!
Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America
today can ignore the present war. If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read
Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those
of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the
health of our land.
As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of
responsibility was placed upon me in 1964; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a
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commission—a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a
calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the
meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making
of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I am speaking against the war. Could it
be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men—for communist and capitalist, for their
children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my
ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to
the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this one? Can I threaten them with death or must I not
share with them my life?
Finally, as I try to delineate for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I
would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with
all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of
sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering
and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.
This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and
loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and
positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for victims of our nation and for those it calls
enemy, for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond to
compassion my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side,
not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three
continuous decades now. I think of them too because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution
there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence
in 1945 after a combined French and Japanese occupation, and before the Communist revolution in China. They
were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own
document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of
her former colony.
Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not "ready" for independence, and we again fell
victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that
tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination, and a government that had
been established not by China (for whom the Vietnamese have no great love) but by clearly indigenous forces that
included some Communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most
important needs in their lives.
For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we
vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam.
Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French
were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of the reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them
with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we
would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
After the French were defeated it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the
Geneva agreements. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the
temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern
dictators—our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly routed out all
opposition, supported their extortionist landlords and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. The
peasants watched as all this was presided over by U.S. influence and then by increasing numbers of U.S. troops
who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem’s methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may
have been happy, but the long line of military dictatorships seemed to offer no real change—especially in terms of
their need for land and peace.
3
The only change came from America as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments
which were singularly corrupt, inept and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and
received regular promises of peace and democracy—and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and
consider us—not their fellow Vietnamese—the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them
off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they
must move or be destroyed by our bombs. So they go—primarily women and children and the aged.
They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the
bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals, with
at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one "Vietcong"-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed
a million of them—mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless,
without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children, degraded by our soldiers as
they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into
our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test our latest weapons on them, just as the
Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of
the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?
We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed
their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation’s only non-Communist revolutionary
political force—the unified Buddhist church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have
corrupted their women and children and killed their men. What liberators?
Now there is little left to build on—save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will
be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call fortified hamlets. The
peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these? Could we blame them
for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These too are our brothers.
Perhaps the more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our
enemies. What of the National Liberation Front—that strangely anonymous group we call VC or Communists?
What must they think of us in America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem
which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? What do they think of our condoning
the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak
of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when
now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we
pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings even if we do not
condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we
must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent
Communist and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that
we are aware of their control of
major sections of Vietnam and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly
organized political parallel government will have no part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the
Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of
new government we plan to help form without them—the only party in real touch with the peasants. They
question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded.
Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again and then shore
it up with the power of new violence?
Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence when it helps us to see the enemy’s
point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see
the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the
wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
4
So, too, with Hanoi. In the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the
waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of
confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who
led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the
French commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It
was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to
give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at
Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which would have surely brought
Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.
When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered. Also it must be clear that
the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the
initial military breach of the Geneva agreements concerning foreign troops, and they remind us that they did not
begin to send in any large number of supplies or men until American forces had moved into the tens of
thousands.
Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures
for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has
watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard of the increasing
international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the north. He knows the bombing and shelling and
mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony
can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands
of bombs on a poor weak nation more than eight thousand miles away from its shores.
At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the
voiceless on Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called enemy, I am as deeply concerned
about our troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not
simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are
adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we
claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into
a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy
and the secure while we create hell for the poor.
Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the
suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed,
whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed
hopes at home and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands
aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as an American to the leaders of my own nation. The great initiative in
this war is ours. The initiative to stop it must be ours.
This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words:
"Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the
hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends
into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully
on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are
incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again
be the image of revolution, freedom and democracy, but the image of violence and
militarism."
If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable
intentions in Vietnam. It will become clear that our minimal expectation is to occupy it as an American colony
and men will not refrain from thinking that our maximum hope is to goad China into a war so that we may bomb
her nuclear installations. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately the world will be
left with no other alternative than to see this as some horribly clumsy and deadly game we have decided to play.
5
The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we
admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental
to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our
present ways.
In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this
tragic war. I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the
long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
1. End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.
2. Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
3. Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup
in Thailand and our interference in Laos.
4. Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam
and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and in any future Vietnam government.
5. Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva agree-
ment.
Part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese
who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what
reparations we can for the damage we have done. We most provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making
it available in this country if necessary.
Meanwhile we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to
disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices if our nation persists in its
perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative
means of protest possible.
As we counsel young men concerning military service we must clarify for them our nation’s role in Vietnam
and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is the path now
being chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to
all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover I would encourage all
ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. These are
the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if
our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits
his convictions, but we must all protest.
There is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles
has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter the struggle, but I wish to go on
now to say something even more disturbing. The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within
the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality we will find ourselves organizing Clergy and Laymen
Concerned committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be
concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will
be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end unless there is a significant and
profound change in American life and policy. Such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling
as sons of the living God.
In 1957 a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong
side of a world revolution. During the past ten years we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which now
has justified the presence of U.S. military "advisors" in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our
investments accounts for the counter- revolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why
American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Colombia and why American napalm and green beret
forces have already been active against rebels in Peru. It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late
John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will
make violent revolution inevitable."
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Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken—the role of those who make
peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the
immense profits of overseas investment.
I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a
radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin the shift from a "thing-oriented" society to a "person-
oriented" society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more
important than people, the giant triplets of racism, materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.
A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and
present policies. n the one hand we are called to play the good Samaritan on life’s roadside; but that will be only
an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho road must be transformed so that men and
women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life’s highway. True compassion
is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it is not haphazard and superficial. It comes to see that an edifice which
produces beggars needs restructuring.
A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With
righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums
of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment
of the countries, and say: "This is …
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
1
THEODORE ROOSEVELT, “THE STRENUOUS LIFE” (10 April 1899)
“The expanding role of the United States in world affairs is one of the twentieth century’s
momentous developments. As late as the 1890s, the United States was on no one’s list of ‘great
powers’ despite its growing population, resources, and industrial expansion. It had no colonies,
a tiny army, a “washtub” navy, and a diplomatic corps notorious for its unprofessionalism. The
United States had played a key role in opening Japan to foreign trade in the 1850s and 1860s,
and although it intervened frequently in Latin American affairs, the U.S. government and the
American people showed little interest in the affairs of Europe or Asia.
This changed in the late 1890s… Among the advocates of an expanded international role for the
United States, none was more enthusiastic and vociferous than Theodore Roosevelt. Born in
1858 in New York and a graduate of Harvard, Roosevelt was an author, rancher, state
assemblyman, New York City police commissioner, and undersecretary of the navy before being
elected vice-president on the Republican ticket in 1900. He became president in 1901 after the
assassination of President McKinley, and was reelected in 1904. As president, Roosevelt
directed the construction of the Panama Canal, helped broker an end to the Russo-Japanese War
in 1905, sent the Navy on a world cruise to ‘show the flag,’ and announced the ‘Roosevelt
Corollary’ to the Monroe Doctrine, by which the United States proclaimed the right to intervene
in the political affairs of Latin American states.
Roosevelt delivered the following speech in early 1899 during the heated national debate
following the U.S. victory over Spain in the Spanish American War. According to the armistice
agreement of August 12, 1898, Spain ceded to the United States Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Guam.
In December the two sides negotiated the Treaty of Paris, by which the United States would
receive the Philippines in return for twenty million dollars. Senate ratification of the treaty was
bitterly opposed by most Democrats and members of the Anti-Imperialism League, who believed
that annexing the Philippines clashed with the nation’s commitment to liberty and freedom. In
his Chicago speech, ‘The Strenuous Life,’ and in many other statements, Roosevelt vigorously
opposed the anti-imperialists’ arguments. He and other supporters of the new U.S. imperial role
won the day when the Senate narrowly approvied the Treaty of Paris in February 1899.”1
In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the State which gave to the
country Lincoln and Grant, men who pre-eminently and distinctly embody all that is most
American in the American character, I wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the
doctrine of the strenuous life, the life of toil and effort, of labor and strife; to preach that highest
form of success which comes, not to the man who desires mere easy peace, but to the man who
1 James Overfield, ed., Sources of Twentieth-Century Global History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2002), 10-
11.
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
2
does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the
splendid ultimate triumph.
A life of ignoble ease, a life of that peace which springs merely from lack either of desire or
of power to strive after great things, is as little worthy of a nation as of an individual. I ask only
that what every self-respecting American demands from himself and from his sons shall be
demanded of the American nation as a whole. Who among you would teach your boys that ease,
that peace, is to be the first consideration in their eyes-to be the ultimate goal after which they
strive? You men of Chicago have made this city great, you men of Illinois have done your share,
and more than your share, in making America great, because you neither preach nor practice
such a doctrine. You work yourselves, and you bring up your sons to work. If you are rich and
are worth your salt, you will teach your sons that though they may have leisure, it is not to be
spent in idleness; for wisely used leisure merely means that those who possess it, being free from
the necessity of working for their livelihood, are all the more bound to carry on some kind of
non-remunerative work in science, in letters, in art, in exploration, in historical research-work of
the type we most need in this country, the successful carrying out of which reflects most honor
upon the nation.
We do not admire the man of timid peace. We admire the man who embodies victorious
effort; the man who never wrongs his neighbor, who is prompt to help a friend, but who has
those virile qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual life. It is hard to fail, but it is
worse never to have tried to succeed. In this life we get nothing save by effort. Freedom from
effort in the present merely means that there has been stored up effort in the past. A man can be
freed from the necessity of work only by the fact that he or his fathers before him have worked to
good purpose. If the freedom thus purchased is used aright, and the man still does actual work,
though of a different kind, whether as a writer or a General, whether in the field of politics or in
the field of exploration and adventure, he shows he deserves his good fortune. But if he treats
this period of freedom from the need of actual labor as a period not of preparation, but of mere
enjoyment, he shows that he is simply a cumberer of the earth’s surface, and he surely unfits
himself to hold his own with his fellows if the need to do so should again arise. A mere life of
ease is not in the end a very satisfactory life, and, above all, it is a life which ultimately unfits
those who follow it for serious work in the world.
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As it is with the individual, so it is with the nation. It is a base untruth to say that happy is
the nation that has no history. Thrice happy is the nation that has a glorious history. Far better it
is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take
rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in the
gray twilight that knows not victory nor defeat. If in 1861 the men who loved the Union had
believed that peace was the end of all things, and war and strife the worst of all things, and had
acted up to their belief, we would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives, we would have
saved hundreds of millions of dollars. Moreover, besides saving all the blood and treasure we
then lavished, we would have prevented the heartbreak of many women, the dissolution of many
homes, and we would have spared the country those months of gloom and shame when it seemed
as if our armies marched only to defeat. We could have avoided all this suffering simply by
shrinking from strife. And if we had thus avoided it, we would have shown that we were
weaklings, and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth. Thank God for
the iron in the blood of our fathers, the men who upheld the wisdom of Lincoln, and bore sword
or rifle in the armies of Grant! Let us, the children of the men who proved themselves equal to
the mighty days-let us, the children of the men who carried the great Civil War to a triumphant
conclusion, praise the God of our fathers that the ignoble counsels of peace were rejected; that
the suffering and loss, the blackness of sorrow and despair, were unflinchingly faced, and the
years of strife endured; for in the end the slave was freed, the Union restored, and the mighty
American republic placed once more as a helmeted queen among nations.
We of this generation do not have to face a task such as that our fathers faced, but we have
our tasks, and woe to us if we fail to perform them! We cannot, if we would, play the part of
China, and be content to rot by inches in ignoble ease within our borders, taking no interest in
what goes on beyond them, sunk in a scrambling commercialism; heedless of the higher life, the
life of aspiration, of toil and risk, busying ourselves only with the wants of our bodies for the
day, until suddenly we should find, beyond a shadow of question, what China has already found,
that in this world the nation that has trained itself to a career of unwarlike and isolated ease is
bound, in the end, to go down before other nations which have not lost the manly and
adventurous qualities. If we are to be a really great people, we must strive in good faith to play a
great part in the world. We cannot avoid meeting great issues. All that we can determine for
ourselves is whether we shall meet them well or ill. Last year we could not help being brought
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
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face to face with the problem of war with Spain. All we could decide was whether we should
shrink like cowards from the contest, or enter into it as beseemed a brave and high-spirited
people; and; once in, whether failure or success should crown our banners. So it is now. We
cannot avoid the responsibilities that confront us in Hawaii, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the
Philippines. All we can decide is whether we shall meet them in a way that will redound to the
national credit, or whether we shall make of our dealings with these new problems a dark and
shameful page in our history. To refuse to deal with them at all merely amounts to dealing with
them badly. We have a given problem to solve. If we undertake the solution, there is, of course,
always danger that we may not solve it aright; but to refuse to undertake the solution simply
renders it certain that we cannot possibly solve it aright.
The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the over-civilized man, who
has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant man, and the man of dull mind, whose
soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift that thrills “stern men with empires in their brains”-all
these, of course, shrink from seeing the nation undertake its new duties; shrink from seeing us
build a navy and an army adequate to our needs; shrink from seeing us do our share of the
world’s work, by bringing order out of chaos in the great, fair tropic islands from which the valor
of our soldiers and sailors has driven the Spanish flag. These are the men who fear the strenuous
life, who fear the only national life which is really worth leading. They believe in that cloistered
life which saps the hardy virtues in a nation, as it saps them in the individual; or else they are
wedded to that base spirit of gain and greed which recognizes in commercialism the be-all and
end-all of national life, instead of realizing that, though an indispensable element, it is, after all,
but one of the many elements that go to make up true national greatness. No country can long
endure if its foundations are not laid deep in the material prosperity which comes from thrift,
from business energy and enterprise, from hard, unsparing effort in the fields of industrial
activity; but neither was any nation ever yet truly great if it relied upon material prosperity alone.
All honor must be paid to the architects of our material prosperity, to the great captains of
industry who have built our factories and our railroads, to the strong men who toil for wealth
with brain or hand; for great is the debt of the nation to these and their kind. But our debt is yet
greater to the men whose highest type is to be found in a statesman like Lincoln, a soldier like
Grant. They showed by their lives that they recognized the law of work, the law of strife; they
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
5
toiled to win a competence for themselves and those dependent upon them; but they recognized
that there were yet other and even loftier duties – duties to the nation and duties to the race.
We cannot sit huddled within our own borders and avow ourselves merely an assemblage of
well-to-do hucksters who care nothing for what happens beyond. Such a policy would defeat
even its own end; for as the nations grow to have ever wider and wider interests, and are brought
into closer and closer contact, if we are to hold our own in the struggle for naval and commercial
supremacy, we must build up our power without our own borders. We must build the isthmian
canal, and we must grasp the points of vantage which will enable us to have our say in deciding
the destiny of the oceans of the East and the West.
So much for the commercial side. From the standpoint of international honor the argument is
even stronger. The guns that thundered off Manila and Santiago, left us echoes of glory, but they
also left us a legacy of duty. If we drove out a medieval tyranny only to make room for savage
anarchy, we had better not have begun the task at all. It is worse than idle to say that we have no
duty to perform, and can leave to their fates the islands we have conquered. Such a course would
be the course of infamy. It would be followed at once by utter chaos in the wretched islands
themselves. Some stronger, manlier power would have to step in and do the work, and we would
have shown ourselves weaklings, unable to carry to successful completion the labors that great
and high-spirited nations are eager to undertake.
The work must be done; we cannot escape our responsibility; and if we are worth our salt,
we shall be glad of the chance to do the work – glad of the chance to show ourselves equal to one
of the great tasks set modern civilization. But let us not deceive ourselves as to the importance of
the task. Let us not be misled by vainglory into underestimating the strain it will put on our
powers. Above all, let us, as we value our own self-respect, face the responsibilities with proper
seriousness, courage, and high resolve. We must demand the highest order of integrity and
ability in our public men who are to grapple with these new problems. We must hold to a rigid
accountability those public servants who show unfaithfulness to the interests of the nation or
inability to rise to the high level of the new demands upon our strength and our resources.
Of course we must remember not to judge any public servant by any one act, and especially
should we beware of attacking the men who are merely the occasions and not the causes of
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
6
disaster. Let me illustrate what I mean by the army and the navy. If twenty years ago we had
gone to war, we should have found the navy as absolutely unprepared as the army. At that time
our ships could not have encountered with success the fleets of Spain any more than nowadays
we can put untrained soldiers, no matter how brave, who are armed with archaic black-powder
weapons, against well-drilled regulars armed with the highest type of modern repeating rifle. But
in the early eighties the attention of the nation became directed to our naval needs. Congress
most wisely made a series of appropriations to build up a new navy, and under a succession of
able and patriotic secretaries, of both political parties, the navy was gradually built up, until its
material became equal to its splendid personnel, with the result that last summer it leaped to its
proper place as one of the most brilliant and formidable fighting navies in the entire world. We
rightly pay all honor to the men controlling the navy at the time it won these great deeds, honor
to Secretary Long and Admiral Dewey, to the captains who handled the ships in action, to the
daring lieutenants who braved death in the smaller craft, and to the heads of bureaus at
Washington who saw that the ships were so commanded, so armed, so equipped, so well
engined, as to insure the best results. But let us also keep ever in mind that all of this would not
have availed if it had not been for the wisdom of the men who during the preceding fifteen years
had built up the navy. Keep in mind the secretaries of the navy during those years; keep in mind
the senators and congressmen who by their votes gave the money necessary to build and to armor
the ships, to construct the great guns, and to train the crews; remember also those who actually
did build the ships, the armor, and the guns; and remember the admirals and captains who
handled battle-ship, cruiser, and torpedo-boat on the high seas, alone and in squadrons,
developing the seamanship, the gunnery, and the power of acting together, which their
successors utilized so gloriously at Manila and off Santiago.
And, gentlemen, remember the converse, too. Remember that justice has two sides. Be just
to those who built up the navy, and, for the sake of the future of the country, keep in mind those
who opposed its building up. Read the Congressional Record. Find out the senators and
congressmen who opposed the grants for building the new ships; who opposed the purchase of
armor, without which the ships were worthless; who opposed any adequate maintenance for the
Navy Department, and strove to cut down the number of men necessary to man our fleets. The
men who did these things were one and all working to bring disaster on the country. They have
no share in the glory of Manila, in the honor of Santiago. They have no cause to feel proud of the
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
7
valor of our sea-captains, of the renown of our flag. Their motives may or may not have been
good, but their acts were heavily fraught with evil. They did ill for the national honor, and we
won in spite of their sinister opposition.
Now, apply all this to our public men of to-day. Our army has never been built up as it
should be built up. I shall not discuss with an audience like this the puerile suggestion that a
nation of seventy millions of freemen is in danger of losing its liberties from the existence of an
army of 100,000 men, three fourths of whom will be employed in certain foreign islands, in
certain coast fortresses, and on Indian reservations. No man of good sense and stout heart can
take such a proposition seriously. If we are such weaklings as the proposition implies, then we
are unworthy of freedom in any event. To no body of men in the United States is the country so
much indebted as to the splendid officers and enlisted men of the regular army and navy. There
is no body from which the country has less to fear, and none of which it should be prouder, none
which it should be more anxious to upbuild.
Our army needs complete reorganization-not merely enlarging-and the reorganization can
only come as the result of legislation. A proper general staff should be established, and the
positions of ordnance, commissary, and quartermaster officers should be filled by detail from the
line. Above all, the army must be given the chance to exercise in large bodies. Never again
should we see, as we saw in the Spanish war, major-generals in command of divisions who had
never before commanded three companies together in the field. Yet, incredible to relate, the
recent Congress has shown a queer inability to learn some of the lessons of the war. There were
large bodies, of men in both branches who opposed the declaration of war, who opposed the
ratification of peace, who opposed the upbuilding of the army, and who even opposed the
purchase of: armor at a reasonable price for the battle-ships and cruisers, thereby putting an
absolute stop to the building of any new fighting-ships for the navy. If, during the years to come,
any disaster should befall our arms, afloat or ashore, and thereby any shame come to the United
States, remember that the blame will lie upon the men whose names appear upon the roll-calls of
Congress on the wrong side of these great questions. On them will lie the burden of any loss of
our soldiers and sailors, of any dishonor to the flag; and upon you and the people of this country
will lie the blame if you do not repudiate, in no unmistakable way, what these men have done.
The blame will not rest upon the untrained commander of untried troops, upon the civil officers
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
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of a department the organization of which has been left utterly inadequate, or upon the admiral
with an insufficient number of ships; but upon the public men who have so lamentably failed in
forethought as to refuse to remedy these evils long in advance, and upon the nation that stands
behind those public men.
So, at the present hour, no small share of the responsibility for the blood shed in the
Philippines, the blood of our brothers, and the blood of their wild and ignorant foes, lies at the
thresholds of those who so long delayed the adoption of the treaty of peace, and of those who by
their worse than foolish words deliberately invited a savage people to plunge into a war fraught
with sure disaster for them – a war, too, in which our own brave men who follow the flag must
pay with their blood for the silly, mock humanitarianism of the prattlers who sit at home in
peace.
The army and the navy are the sword and the shield which this nation must carry if she is to
do her duty among the nations of the earth – if she is not to stand merely as the China of the
western hemisphere. Our proper conduct toward the tropic islands we have wrested from Spain is
merely the form which our duty has taken at the moment. Of course we are bound to handle the
affairs of our own household well. We must see that there is civic honesty, civic cleanliness,
civic good sense in our home administration of city, State, and nation. We must strive for
honesty in office, for honesty toward the creditors of the nation and of the individual; for the
widest freedom of individual initiative where possible, and for the wisest control of individual
initiative where it is hostile to the welfare of the many. But because we set our own household in
order we are not thereby excused from playing our part in the great affairs of the world. A man’s
first duty is to his own home, but he is not thereby excused from doing his duty to the State; for
if he fails in this second duty it is under the penalty of ceasing to be a free man. In the same way,
while a nation’s first duty is within its own borders, it is not thereby absolved from facing its
duties in the world as a whole; and if it refuses to do so, it merely forfeits its right to struggle for
a place among the peoples that shape the destiny of mankind.
In the West Indies and the Philippines alike we are confronted by most difficult problems. It
is cowardly to shrink from solving them in the proper way; for solved they must be, if not by us,
then by some stronger and more manful race. If we are too weak, too selfish, or too foolish to
solve them, some bolder and abler people must undertake the solution. Personally, I am far too
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9
firm a believer in the greatness of my country and the power of my countrymen to admit for one
moment that we shall ever be driven to the ignoble alternative.
The problems are different for the different islands. Porto Rico is not large enough to stand
alone. We must govern it wisely and well, primarily in the interest of its own people. Cuba is, in
my judgment, entitled ultimately to settle for itself whether it shall be an independent state or an
integral portion of the mightiest of republics. But until order and stable liberty are secured, we
must remain in the island to insure them, and infinite tact, judgment, moderation, and courage
must be shown by our military and civil representatives in keeping the island pacified, in
relentlessly stamping out brigandage, in protecting all alike, and yet in showing proper
recognition to the men who have fought for Cuban liberty. The Philippines offer a yet graver
problem. Their population includes half-caste and native Christians, warlike Moslems, and wild
pagans. Many of their people are utterly unfit for self-government, and show no signs of
becoming fit. Others may in time become fit but at present can only take part in self-government
under a wise supervision, at once firm and beneficent. We have driven Spanish tyranny from the
islands. If we now let it be replaced by savage anarchy, our work has been for harm and not for
good. I have scant patience with those who fear to undertake the task of governing the
Philippines, and who openly avow that they do fear to undertake it, or that they shrink from it
because of the expense and trouble; but I have even scanter patience with those who make a
pretense of humanitarianism to hide and cover their timidity, and who cant about “liberty” and
the “consent of the governed,” in order to excuse themselves for their unwillingness to play the
part of men. Their doctrines, if carried out, would make it incumbent upon us to leave the
Apaches of Arizona to work out their own salvation, and to decline to interfere in a single Indian
reservation. Their doctrines condemn your forefathers and mine for ever having settled in these
United States.
England’s rule in India and Egypt has been of great benefit to England, for it has trained up
generations of men accustomed to look at the larger and loftier side of public life. It has been of
even greater benefit to India and Egypt. And finally, and most of all, it has advanced the cause of
civilization. So, if we do our duty aright in the Philippines, we will add to that national renown
which is the highest and finest part of national life, will greatly benefit the people of the
Philippine Islands, and, above all, we will play our part well in the great work of uplifting
History 21C: Topic 2 Readings
10
mankind. But to do this work, keep ever in mind that we must show in a high degree the qualities
of courage, of honesty, and of good judgment. Resistance must be stamped out. The first and all-
important work to be done is to establish the supremacy of our flag. We must put down armed
resistance before we can accomplish anything else, and there should be no parleying, no
faltering, in dealing with our foe. As for those in our own country who encourage the foe, we can
afford contemptuously to disregard them; but it must be remembered that their utterances are not
saved from being treasonable merely by the fact that they are despicable.
When once we have put down armed resistance, when once our rule is acknowledged, then
an even more difficult task will begin, for then we must see to it that the islands are administered
with absolute honesty and with good judgment. If we let the public service of the islands be
turned into the prey of the spoils politician, we shall have begun to tread the path which Spain
trod to her own destruction. We must send out there only good and able men, chosen for their
fitness, and not because of their partisan service, and these men must not only administer
impartial justice to the natives and serve their own government with honesty and fidelity, but
must show the utmost tact and firmness, remembering that, with such people as those with whom
we are to deal, weakness is the greatest of crimes, and that next to weakness comes lack of
consideration for their principles and prejudices.
I preach to you, then, my countrymen, that our country calls not for the life of ease but for
the life of strenuous endeavor. The twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many
nations. If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease and ignoble peace, if we
shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all
they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by, and will win for themselves
the domination of the world. Let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty
well and manfully; resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word; resolute to be both
honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods. Above all, let us shrink from
no strife, moral or physical, within or without the nation, provided we are certain that the strife is
justified, for it is only through strife, through hard and dangerous endeavor, that we shall
ultimately win the goal of true national greatness.
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11
RUDYARD KIPLING, “THE WHITE MAN’S BURDEN” (1899)
“Born in British India in 1865, Rudyard Kipling was educated in England before returning to
India in 1882, where his father was a museum director and authority on Indian arts and crafts.
Thus Kipling was thoroughly immersed in Indian culture: by 1890 he had published in English
about 80 stories and ballads previously unknown outside India. As a result of financial
misfortune, from 1892-96 he and his wife, the daughter of an American publisher, lived in
Vermont, where he wrote the two Jungle Books. After returning to England, he published ‘The
White Man’s Burden’ in 1899, an appeal to the United States to assume the task of developing
the Philippines, recently [acquired] in the Spanish-American War. As a writer, Kipling perhaps
lived too long: by the time of death in 1936, he had come to be reviled as the poet …
The Freedom Charter
Adopted at the Congress of the People, Kliptown, on 26 June 1955
We, the People of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know:
that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government
can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people;
that our people have been robbed of their birthright to land, liberty and peace by a
form of government founded on injustice and inequality;
that our country will never be prosperous or free until all our people live in brotherhood,
enjoying equal rights and opportunities;
that only a democratic state, based on the will of all the people, can secure to all their
birthright without distinction of colour, race, sex or belief;
And therefore, we, the people of South Africa, black and white together equals,
countrymen and brothers adopt this Freedom Charter;
And we pledge ourselves to strive together, sparing neither strength nor courage, until
the democratic changes here set out have been won.
The People Shall Govern!
Every man and woman shall have the right to vote for and to stand as a candidate for
all bodies which make laws;
All people shall be entitled to take part in the administration of the country;
The rights of the people shall be the same, regardless of race, colour or sex;
All bodies of minority rule, advisory boards, councils and authorities shall be replaced
by democratic organs of self-government .
All National Groups Shall have Equal Rights!
There shall be equal status in the bodies of state, in the courts and in the schools for all
national groups and races;
All people shall have equal right to use their own languages, and to develop their own
folk culture and customs;
All national groups shall be protected by law against insults to their race and national
pride;
The preaching and practice of national, race or colour discrimination and contempt
shall be a punishable crime;
All apartheid laws and practices shall be set aside.
The People Shall Share in the Country's Wealth!
The national wealth of our country, the heritage of South Africans, shall be restored to
the people;
The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the Banks and monopoly industry shall be
transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole;
All other industry and trade shall be controlled to assist the wellbeing of the people;
All people shall have equal rights to trade where they choose, to manufacture and to
enter all trades, crafts and professions.
The Land Shall be Shared Among Those Who Work It!
Restrictions of land ownership on a racial basis shall be ended, and all the land re-
divided amongst those who work it to banish famine and land hunger;
The state shall help the peasants with implements, seed, tractors and dams to save the
soil and assist the tillers;
Freedom of movement shall be guaranteed to all who work on the land;
All shall have the right to occupy land wherever they choose;
People shall not be robbed of their cattle, and forced labour and farm prisons shall be
abolished.
All Shall be Equal Before the Law!
No-one shall be imprisoned, deported or restricted without a fair trial; No-one shall be
condemned by the order of any Government official;
The courts shall be representative of all the people;
Imprisonment shall be only for serious crimes against the people, and shall aim at re-
education, not vengeance;
The police force and army shall be open to all on an equal basis and shall be the
helpers and protectors of the people;
All laws which discriminate on grounds of race, colour or belief shall be repealed.
All Shall Enjoy Equal Human Rights!
The law shall guarantee to all their right to speak, to organise, to meet together, to
publish, to preach, to worship and to educate their children;
The privacy of the house from police raids shall be protected by law;
All shall be free to travel without restriction from countryside to town, from province to
province, and from South Africa abroad;
Pass Laws, permits and all other laws restricting these freedoms shall be abolished.
There Shall be Work and Security!
All who work shall be free to form trade unions, to elect their officers and to make wage
agreements with their employers;
The state shall recognise the right and duty of all to work, and to draw full
unemployment benefits;
Men and women of all races shall receive equal pay for equal work;
There shall be a forty-hour working week, a national minimum wage, paid annual leave,
and sick leave for all workers, and maternity leave on full pay for all working mothers;
Miners, domestic workers, farm workers and civil servants shall have the same rights
as all others who work;
Child labour, compound labour, the tot system and contract labour shall be abolished.
The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall be Opened!
The government shall discover, develop and encourage national talent for the
enhancement of our cultural life;
All the cultural treasures of mankind shall be open to all, by free exchange of books,
ideas and contact with other lands;
The aim of education shall be to teach the youth to love their people and their culture,
to honour human brotherhood, liberty and peace;
Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children; Higher
education and technical training shall be opened to all by means of state allowances
and scholarships awarded on the basis of merit;
Adult illiteracy shall be ended by a mass state education plan;
Teachers shall have all the rights of other citizens;
The colour bar in cultural life, in sport and in education shall be abolished.
There Shall be Houses, Security and Comfort!
All people shall have the right to live where they choose, be decently housed, and to
bring up their families in comfort and security;
Unused housing space to be made available to the people;
Rent and prices shall be lowered, food plentiful and no-one shall go hungry;
A preventive health scheme shall be run by the state;
Free medical care and hospitalisation shall be provided for all, with special care for
mothers and young children;
Slums shall be demolished, and new suburbs built where all have transport, roads,
lighting, playing fields, creches and social centres;
The aged, the orphans, the disabled and the sick shall be cared for by the state;
Rest, leisure and recreation shall be the right of all:
Fenced locations and ghettoes shall be abolished, and laws which break up families
shall be repealed.
There Shall be Peace and Friendship!
South Africa shall be a fully independent state which respects the rights and
sovereignty of all nations;
South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of all international
disputes by negotiation - not war;
Peace and friendship amongst all our people shall be secured by upholding the equal
rights, opportunities and status of all;
The people of the protectorates Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland shall be free
to decide for themselves their own future;
The right of all peoples of Africa to independence and self-government shall be
recognised, and shall be the basis of close co-operation.
Let all people who love their people and their country no say, as we say here:
THESE FREEDOMS WE WILL FIGHT FOR, SIDE BY SIDE, THROUGHOUT OUR
LIVES, UNTIL WE HAVE WON OUR LIBERTY
“I am prepared to die”
Nelson
Mandela
(1918-‐2013)
was
born
the
son
of
a
Tembu
tribal
chieftain
at
Qunu,
near
Umtata,
in
South
Africa.
He
renounced
his
right
to
succeed
his
father
and
instead
chose
a
political
career.
He
attended
college,
became
a
lawyer,
joined
the
African
National
Congress
(ANC)
in
1944
and
helped
found
its
powerful
Youth
League.
In
1962,
he
was
arrested
by
South
African
security
police
for
his
opposition
to
the
white
government
and
its
apartheid
("separateness")
policies
of
racial,
political,
and
economic
discrimination
against
the
nonwhite
majority.
In
1964,
the
government
brought
further
charges
including
sabotage,
high
treason
and
conspiracy
to
overthrow
the
government.
This
is
Mandela's
statement
from
the
dock
at
the
opening
of
his
defense
in
the
1964
trial.
I
am
the
First
Accused.
I
hold
a
Bachelor's
Degree
in
Arts
and
practised
as
an
attorney
in
Johannesburg
for
a
number
of
years
in
partnership
with
Oliver
Tambo.
I
am
a
convicted
prisoner
serving
five
years
for
leaving
the
country
without
a
permit
and
for
inciting
people
to
go
on
strike
at
the
end
of
May
1961.
At
the
outset,
I
want
to
say
that
the
suggestion
made
by
the
State
in
its
opening
that
the
struggle
in
South
Africa
is
under
the
influence
of
foreigners
or
communists
is
wholly
incorrect.
I
have
done
whatever
I
did,
both
as
an
individual
and
as
a
leader
of
my
people,
because
of
my
experience
in
South
Africa
and
my
own
proudly
felt
African
background,
and
not
because
of
what
any
outsider
might
have
said.
In
my
youth
in
the
Transkei
I
listened
to
the
elders
of
my
tribe
telling
stories
of
the
old
days.
Amongst
the
tales
they
related
to
me
were
those
of
wars
fought
by
our
ancestors
in
defence
of
the
fatherland.
The
names
of
Dingane
and
Bambata,
Hintsa
and
Makana,
Squngthi
and
Dalasile,
Moshoeshoe
and
Sekhukhuni,
were
praised
as
the
glory
of
the
entire
African
nation.
I
hoped
then
that
life
might
offer
me
the
opportunity
to
serve
my
people
and
make
my
own
humble
contribution
to
their
freedom
struggle.
This
is
what
has
motivated
me
in
all
that
I
have
done
in
relation
to
the
charges
made
against
me
in
this
case.
Having
said
this,
I
must
deal
immediately
and
at
some
length
with
the
question
of
violence.
Some
of
the
things
so
far
told
to
the
Court
are
true
and
some
are
untrue.
I
do
not,
however,
deny
that
I
planned
sabotage.
I
did
not
plan
it
in
a
spirit
of
recklessness,
nor
because
I
have
any
love
of
violence.
I
planned
it
as
a
result
of
a
calm
and
sober
assessment
of
the
political
situation
that
had
arisen
after
many
years
of
tyranny,
exploitation,
and
oppression
of
my
people
by
the
Whites.
I
admit
immediately
that
I
was
one
of
the
persons
who
helped
to
form
Umkhonto
we
Sizwe,
and
that
I
played
a
prominent
role
in
its
affairs
until
I
was
arrested
in
August
1962.
In
the
statement
which
I
am
about
to
make
I
shall
correct
certain
false
impressions
which
have
been
created
by
State
witnesses.
Amongst
other
things,
I
will
demonstrate
that
certain
of
the
acts
referred
to
in
the
evidence
were
not
and
could
not
have
been
committed
by
Umkhonto.
I
will
also
deal
with
the
relationship
between
the
African
National
Congress
and
Umkhonto,
and
with
the
part
which
I
personally
have
played
in
the
affairs
of
both
organizations.
I
shall
deal
also
with
the
part
played
by
the
Communist
Party.
In
order
to
explain
these
matters
properly,
I
will
have
to
explain
what
Umkhonto
set
out
to
achieve;
what
methods
it
prescribed
for
the
achievement
of
these
objects,
and
why
these
methods
were
chosen.
I
will
also
have
to
explain
how
I
became
involved
in
the
activities
of
these
organizations.
I
deny
that
Umkhonto
was
responsible
for
a
number
of
acts
which
clearly
fell
outside
the
policy
of
the
organization,
and
which
have
been
charged
in
the
indictment
against
us.
I
do
not
know
what
justification
there
was
for
these
acts,
but
to
demonstrate
that
they
could
not
have
been
authorized
by
Umkhonto,
I
want
to
refer
briefly
to
the
roots
and
policy
of
the
organization.
I
have
already
mentioned
that
I
was
one
of
the
persons
who
helped
to
form
Umkhonto.
I,
and
the
others
who
started
the
organization,
did
so
for
two
reasons.
Firstly,
we
believed
that
as
a
result
of
Government
policy,
violence
by
the
African
people
had
become
inevitable,
and
that
unless
responsible
leadership
was
given
to
canalize
and
control
the
feelings
of
our
people,
there
would
be
outbreaks
of
terrorism
which
would
produce
an
intensity
of
bitterness
and
hostility
between
the
various
races
of
this
country
which
is
not
produced
even
by
war.
Secondly,
we
felt
that
without
violence
there
would
be
no
way
open
to
the
African
people
to
succeed
in
their
struggle
against
the
principle
of
white
supremacy.
All
lawful
modes
of
expressing
opposition
to
this
principle
had
been
closed
by
legislation,
and
we
were
placed
in
a
position
in
which
we
had
either
to
accept
a
permanent
state
of
inferiority,
or
to
defy
the
Government.
We
chose
to
defy
the
law.
We
first
broke
the
law
in
a
way
which
avoided
any
recourse
to
violence;
when
this
form
was
legislated
against,
and
then
the
Government
resorted
to
a
show
of
force
to
crush
opposition
to
its
policies,
only
then
did
we
decide
to
answer
violence
with
violence.
But
the
violence
which
we
chose
to
adopt
was
not
terrorism.
We
who
formed
Umkhonto
were
all
members
of
the
African
National
Congress,
and
had
behind
us
the
ANC
tradition
of
non-‐violence
and
negotiation
as
a
means
of
solving
political
disputes.
We
believe
that
South
Africa
belongs
to
all
the
people
who
live
in
it,
and
not
to
one
group,
be
it
black
or
white.
We
did
not
want
an
interracial
war,
and
tried
to
avoid
it
to
the
last
minute.
If
the
Court
is
in
doubt
about
this,
it
will
be
seen
that
the
whole
history
of
our
organization
bears
out
what
I
have
said,
and
what
I
will
subsequently
say,
when
I
describe
the
tactics
which
Umkhonto
decided
to
adopt.
I
want,
therefore,
to
say
something
about
the
African
National
Congress.
The
African
National
Congress
was
formed
in
1912
to
defend
the
rights
of
the
African
people
which
had
been
seriously
curtailed
by
the
South
Africa
Act,
and
which
were
then
being
threatened
by
the
Native
Land
Act.
For
thirty-‐seven
years
-‐
that
is
until
1949
-‐
it
adhered
strictly
to
a
constitutional
struggle.
It
put
forward
demands
and
resolutions;
it
sent
delegations
to
the
Government
in
the
belief
that
African
grievances
could
be
settled
through
peaceful
discussion
and
that
Africans
could
advance
gradually
to
full
political
rights.
But
White
Governments
remained
unmoved,
and
the
rights
of
Africans
became
less
instead
of
becoming
greater.
In
the
words
of
my
leader,
Chief
Lutuli,
who
became
President
of
the
ANC
in
1952,
and
who
was
later
awarded
the
Nobel
Peace
Prize:
"Who
will
deny
that
thirty
years
of
my
life
have
been
spent
knocking
in
vain,
patiently,
moderately,
and
modestly
at
a
closed
and
barred
door?
What
have
been
the
fruits
of
moderation?
The
past
thirty
years
have
seen
the
greatest
number
of
laws
restricting
our
rights
and
progress,
until
today
we
have
reached
a
stage
where
we
have
almost
no
rights
at
all."
Even
after
1949,
the
ANC
remained
determined
to
avoid
violence.
At
this
time,
however,
there
was
a
change
from
the
strictly
constitutional
means
of
protest
which
had
been
employed
in
the
past.
The
change
was
embodied
in
a
decision
which
was
taken
to
protest
against
apartheid
legislation
by
peaceful,
but
unlawful,
demonstrations
against
certain
laws.
Pursuant
to
this
policy
the
ANC
launched
the
Defiance
Campaign,
in
which
I
was
placed
in
charge
of
volunteers.
This
campaign
was
based
on
the
principles
of
passive
resistance.
More
than
8,500
people
defied
apartheid
laws
and
went
to
jail.
Yet
there
was
not
a
single
instance
of
violence
in
the
course
of
this
campaign
on
the
part
of
any
defier.
I
and
nineteen
colleagues
were
convicted
for
the
role
which
we
played
in
organizing
the
campaign,
but
our
sentences
were
suspended
mainly
because
the
Judge
found
that
discipline
and
non-‐violence
had
been
stressed
throughout.
This
was
the
time
when
the
volunteer
section
of
the
ANC
was
established,
and
when
the
word
'Amadelakufa'
was
first
used:
this
was
the
time
when
the
volunteers
were
asked
to
take
a
pledge
to
uphold
certain
principles.
Evidence
dealing
with
volunteers
and
their
pledges
has
been
introduced
into
this
case,
but
completely
out
of
context.
The
volunteers
were
not,
and
are
not,
the
soldiers
of
a
black
army
pledged
to
fight
a
civil
war
against
the
whites.
They
were,
and
are,
dedicated
workers
who
are
prepared
to
lead
campaigns
initiated
by
the
ANC
to
distribute
leaflets,
to
organize
strikes,
or
do
whatever
the
particular
campaign
required.
They
are
called
volunteers
because
they
volunteer
to
face
the
penalties
of
imprisonment
and
whipping
which
are
now
prescribed
by
the
legislature
for
such
acts.
During
the
Defiance
Campaign,
the
Public
Safety
Act
and
the
Criminal
Law
Amendment
Act
were
passed.
These
Statutes
provided
harsher
penalties
for
offences
committed
by
way
of
protests
against
laws.
Despite
this,
the
protests
continued
and
the
ANC
adhered
to
its
policy
of
non-‐violence.
In
1956,
156
leading
members
of
the
Congress
Alliance,
including
myself,
were
arrested
on
a
charge
of
high
treason
and
charges
under
the
Suppression
…
THE
AGRARIAN REFORM LAW
OF
THE PEOPIJ'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
***+f(
FOREIGN IANGUAGES PRESS, PEIflNG
I
THE
AGMRIAN REFORM LAW
OF THE
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CH tNA
TOGETHER )IVITH
OTHER RELEVANT DOCUMENTS
FonrrcN L,u,lcuaops Pnnss
Prxwe ,rg5q
,{
l
$ -,(l
CONTENTS
PAGE
THs .q,cnanrau Rrronu Law or urc Pnopr,n's Rnrusuc or
Currva 1
DEcrsroNs CoNcsnNrNc firE DTFTERENmATToN oF CLAss
Srerus rN TrrE Couwrnysrpn .,.............. lg
GnrtsnRr. Rrcur,arrors Govrnrvruo rrm OncewrsarroN oF
Peesexrs'Assocrerrors ...,,. 6T
Or ure AcRARTAN REFoRtvr LAw (BU Liu Sloq,o-ctlil ........, 7d
f
t\
associations shal1 enjoy the same treatmeut as accorded
the People's Government organs of the corresponding
level.
Articl,e 18
A statement of the income and expenditure of the
funds of the peasants' associations shall be submitted at
fixed intervals to tire peasant corgress, and shall be
made public to the peasants after being audited and
approved by the congress.
CEAPTER V
Bv-Lews
'Article l9
All provincial peasants' associations sha1l draw up,
in accordance with these General Regulations, their
respective unified rules which shall be promulgated and
put into efiect after ratification by the provincial peasant
congress. Regulations which were drawn up prior to
the promulgation of these General Regulations, if found
to be in conflict with these General Regulations, sha1l
be modified accordingly.
'Arti,cla 20
These General Regulations shal1 be prornulgated
and put into effect following their adoption by the Gov-
ernment Administrative Council of the Central People's
Government.
74
ON THE AGRARiAN
Liu Shao-chi
Fellow members, comrades :
The Comrnon Programme of the People's Political
Consultative Conference stipulates that the People's
Republic of China "ml1st systematically transform the
feu.dal and semi-feudal land ownership system into a
system of peasant land ownership." Last winter, the
People'.s Government carried out and cornpleted, or in
the main completed, agrarian reform in the suburbs of
the cities and in a number of, other areas in North China
and in half the area of IIonan Province involving a total
rural population of z6 million.
Generally speaking, no serious deviations occurred.
in the course of carrSring out the agrarian reform last
winter. It was carried out quite srnoothly and very few
disruptive incidents took place. The people, especially
the peasants who have been given land and other means
of production, are satisfi.ed with this agrarian reform.
In addition, in the extensive newly-liberated areas,
the People's Government and the People's Liberation
R,EFORM LAW
'Liu Sha6-chi, Vice-Chairman ol the Cenfiol People's Gooernment, maile
tf,is report on luna 14, 1950, at the Seconil Session of lhe National' Committee o! the Chinese People's Polillcal Consultotioc Conlercacc
helil in Pefting.
i.
75
Army carried out campaigns to wipe out bandits, oppose
local despots and reduce land rent, and have ""1 oppeasants' associations in many areas. According to re-
ports from East China and Central-South China, the
peasants' associations in these two areas have a com-
bined membership of about z4 millions and there are
also about one million people's militia there. In areas
where these campaigns developed, people's representative
conf,erences at county, district and hsiang levels and
peasant's representative conferences have generally been
held. Active peasant elements have emerged in large
numbers, the adminisrtration,s in more than 38,ooo hsiang
have been reconstructed and the level of consciousness
of the masses of the peasants has been r,apidly raised.
About r8o,ooo cadres will be trained in East China
and Central-South China before the winter of this 1,ear
to carry out agrarian reform. Therefore, we consider
that in these areas, where the peasant movement has
developed and where preparations have been made, a
start can be made to put the agrarian reform into opera-
tion this winter.
At present, agrarian reform in China has been
completed, or in the main completed, in an area. with a
rural population of about r45 million (total population
of the area is about 16o million. There is still an area
with a rural population of about 264 rnillion (total
population of the area about 3ro million) where agrarian
reform has not been carried out. Requests for permission
to proceed with agrarian reform in the winter of this
year have been made by various areas with a total rural
population of about roo million-3,5oo,ooo in North
China, 8,ooo,ooo in Northwest China, 35,ooo,ooo to
4o,ooo,ooo in East China and 47,ooo,ooo to 56,ooo,oo0
L6
in Central-South China----covering more than 3oo counties
in all. Action on such requests have to be discussed
by the National Committee o{ the People's Political
Consultative Conference and a decision to carry it out
has to be made try the Central People's Government.
Besides, there is still an area with a rural population
of about 164 millioas where it is not planned to carry
out agrarian reform this winter. In the greater part of
this area, agrarian reform may be carried out after the
autumn of r95r. In a smaller part of the area, it may
be carried out after the autumn of rg5z. As for the
remaining smal1 part of the 21s6-\Mhg1e national
minorities are concentrated-agrarian reform will be put
off to some firture date. Agrarian reform has been
carried out in areas inhabitecl by Koreans and Mon-
golians in Northeast China and it may be carried out
in other areas where the majority of the masses among
the national minorities demand it.
But it is still impossible to decide today when
agrarian reform will be carried out in other areas in-
habited by a population of about zo million national
minorities. That wiil have to be decided on the basis
of work within the national minorities and the level of
political consciousness of the rnasses of the people. We
should give the national rninorities r5rore time to consider
and prepare for reform among themselves and we must
not be impetuous. The Draft Agrarian Reform Lar+'
we Dropose also stipulates that it shall not applv to
areas inhabited bv national minorities. This means that
we plan to complete agrarian reform throughout China
in the main, but not entirely, in two and a half to three
years, beginning from this winter. This is only an
77
approximate plan. If this plan is realised, it will be
an extremely great historic victory for the Chinese
people. And it will be a very rapid, and not slow,
fulfilment of one of the basic historic tasks of the Chinese
revolution.
It is necessary to work out such an approximate
plan. This will enable the People's Government and
people's organisations in the various newly-liberated
areas to prepare and to carry out their work according
to this plan. We request that, in those areas where it
is decided not to carry out agrarian reform this year,
it shall not be carried out. Even if the peasants should
spontaneously go ahead with agrarian reform, they
should be dissuacled from doing so. In those areas where
it is decided to carry out agrarian reform this winter,
efforts should be concentrated on making preparations
in the summer and autumn in order that agrarian reform
can start immediately after the autumn harvest and the
speedy completion of the public grain collection. A1l
possible efforts should be made to complete agrarian
reform in the main in a correct way in an area with a
rural population of roo millions within the winter of
this year. If deviations should occur in some areas
after agrarian reform starts and give rise to certain
chaotic conditions which cannot be remedied quickly,
agrarian ref,orm should be held up in these areas in
order that the deviations may be corrected and further
prepar,ations made to carry out agrarian tetrorm next
year.
To sum up, chaotic conditions must not be al1owet1
to occur and no deviation or confusion may be allowed
to remain uncofrected fo1 long iu our agrarian reform
78
WITY AGRAR,IAN REFORM SHOI]LD BE
CARR,IED OUT?
The essential conterrt of agrari,an reform is the con_
fiscation of the land of the landlord class for distribution
to the landless or land-poor peasants. Thus the iandlorcls
as a class in society are abolished and the land owner_
79
ship system of feudal exploitation isaransformed into
, .yst"- of peasant iand ownership' This is indeed the
;;;;".t and'most thorough reform in thousands of vears
of Chinese historY.
Why should su.ch a reform be m'ade? In a nutshell'
it is beciuse the original land ownership system in China
i, .*tr.*"fy irratilnal. In general the land situation
in o1d China is roughlY as follows:
Landlords and rich peasants, who constitute less
than ro per cent of the rural population, possess ap-
proximatily from 7o to 8o per cent of the land and
ir..t"ffy exploit the peasants by means of their land'
per cent of the land'
lows :
BO
Land owned by landlords and public land constitute
3o to 5o per cent; rich peasants possess ro to 15 per cent
of the land; rniddle peasants, poor peasants and farm
Iabourers possess 3o to 4o per cent of the land and per-
sons renting out small parcels of land possess 3 to 5 per
cent of the land.
The total area of land retted out in the rural areas
constitutes about 6o to 7o per cent of the land. Land
rented out by rich peasants represer:.ts about 3 to 5 per
cent, r,vhile land cultivated by rich peasants themselves
constitutes about ro per cent.
In other rvords 90 per cent of the rural land is
cultivated by rniddle peasants, poor peasants and a sec-
tion of the farm labourers, who own merely a part of
the land, ancl the greater part does not belong to them.
Such a situation is still very serious.
I{erein lies the basic reason why our nation has
become the object of aggression and oppression and has
becorne impoverishecl and backward. This also con-
stitutes the principal obstacle to our nation's democra-
tisation, industrialisation, indepenclence, unification and
prosperity. Unless rve change this situation, tire victory
of the Chinese people's revolution cannot be consolidated,
the productive forces irr the rural areas caunot be set
flee, the industrialisation of New China canuot be
realised and the people cannot enjoy the fundamental
gains of the victory of the revolution.
But to change the situation, rve must, as stipulated
in Article r of the Draft Agrarian Reform Law, ,'abolish
the land or'vnership svstem of feudal exploitation by the
landlord class and introcluce the system of peasant land
BI
ownership in order to set free the productive forces in
the rural areas, develop agricultural production and thus
pave the way for New China's industrialisation." It is
for this basic reason, and with this basic aim that we
must institute agrarian reform.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen long ago put forward the slogan
of "equalisation of lanil ownership" and, later, the
slogan of "land to the tillers." The industriatrisation of
China must rely on the vast rural markets at home.
Without a thorough agrarian reform, it would be im-
possible to realise the industrialisation of New China..
'I'his reason is too obvious to require much explanation..
Ilowever, it is still necessary at the present time
to explaiu clearly the basic reason for and the aim of
agrarian re{orm, because they expose the fallacy of the
various reasons advanced for opposing agrarian reform,
for expressing doubts about it and for justifying the
landlord class. At present, in fact, opposition to and
doubts about agrarian reform still remain.
We can see from the basic reason for aud the aim
of agrariau reform that the historicai crimes committed
by lbe landlord class in the past are rooted in the o1d
social system. Landlords in general will only be de-
prived of their feudal landholdings and abolished as a
social class, but they will not be physicaily eliminated.
A sma1l number of them on whom the people's courts
should pass sentences of death or imprisonment, co n-
prises certain landlords guilty of heinous crirnes-rural
clespots whose crimes are gross and whose iniquities
are extreme, and those criminal elements who persis-
tently resist agrarian reform. Therefore, it is stipulated
in the Draft Agrarian Reform Law that after their land
82
and other lneans of production have been con6.scated,
the landlords will still be given shares of land and otheit"ff. el:Hfl
labour.labour, #'tr"-"l
have always been different from those of the philan_
thropists. The results of agrarian reform are beneficial
to the thepeasant But
the bas e of
relievin free
the rural productive forces from the shackles of the
feudal land ownership system of the landlord clais in
try can be raised and if China finaliy embark upon the
road to Socialism. 'lhe mere carrying out of agrarian
reform can only sol.ve part, but not the whole, of the
problem of the peasants' poverty.
"l-he basic reason for and the basic aim of agrarian
reform are intended for production. Hence, every step
in agrarian reform should iu a practical way take into
83
consideration and be closely co-ordinated with th-e deve-
lopment of rural production. Precisely because of this
basi,c reason and aim, the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China has proposed that rich
peasant economy be preserved and protected fro,m in-
fringement in future agrarian reform. This is because
the existence of a rich peasant economy and its develop-
ment r,vithin certain limits is advantageous to the
development of the people's economy in our country.
It is, therefore, also beneficial to the broad peasant
ulasses.
This, in brief, is my explanation of wh5r agrarian
reform should be carried out.
CONFISCATION AND REQUISITIONING OF LANI)
The Draft Agrarian Reform Law stipulates that
the follor,ving lands should be confi.scated or requisition-
ed: (r) Landiords' land; (z) The rural land belonging
to ancestral shrines, ternples, monasteries, churches,
schoois and organisations and other land owned by
pubiic bodies; (3) The rural land of industrialists and
merchants; (4) The land of those people who, because
they have other occupations or lack labour power, rent
out land amounting to inore than twice the average
landholding in that locality and the land rented out by
rich peasants of a semi-landlord type. Except in such
instances, the land and other properties of rich peasants
should not in general be touched. Land and other pro-
perties owned by middle peasants, poor peasants, trarm
labourers, and other rural people should not be touched.
64
Ifere we tolerate the renting out of small plots of
land and do not requisition them. 'lhis will have some
unfavourable effects upon rural production but such
possible ,efiects cannot be great, because in our estiniate,
the total amount of land thus rented out in sma1l plots
do not exceed 3 to 5 per cent of the tothl acreage of arable
lancl. And it is necessary to show consideration for
revolutionar-v soldiers, for the dependents of martyrs,
aud for lvorkers, employees, professional and other
people who rent out sma1l plots of land be,cause they
have other occupations or lack labour power.
1'his is because China does not yet have social in-
surance for unemployed persons or those who have lost
their labour power. Moreover, much of such land has
been bought with the hard-earned proceeds of the un-
remitting toil of individuals. IIence there are some
advantages in allowing such persons to retain this part
of their land and continue to rent it or to cultivate it
themselves.
Regarding the land and other property of the rich
peasants, Article 6 of the Draft Agrarian Reform Law
clearly stipulates:
Firstly, land owned by rich peasants and cultivated
by themselves or by hired labour and their other pro-
perties shail be protected from infringement because a
rich peasant economy can onl,y be preserved in this way.
Secondly, small plots of land rented out by rich
peasants shall remain untou.ched. But in certain special
areas, the land rented out by rich peasants mav be
requisitioned in part or in u,ho1e with the approval of the
People's Government at provincial leve1 or above. Be-
cause, in general, the amount of land reuted out in small
85
plots by rich peasants is not great. In order to neutralise
the rich peasants effectively and to protect the middie
peasants and smal1 land lessors it is also necessary to
allow the rich peasants to retain this portion of the
rented-out land.
But in certain special areas the situation is different,
the land rented out by rich peasants is of considerable
size and, if it were not requisitioned, the poor peasants
would be unable to get an appropriate amount of land.
Theref,ore, in these areas, the land rented out by rich
peasants may be requisitioned in part or in whole to
solve the problem, if this is ratified by the people's
government at provincial level or above.
1l'hirdly, the large amounts of land rented out by
a srnall number of rich peasants should be requisitioned
in part or in whole. ' For instance, if a rich peasant rents
out more land than the land he cultivates by himself
and by hired labour, then he is no mere rich peasant;
he is a rich peasaut of a semi-landlord type. Therefore,
the Draft Agrarian Retrorm Law stipulates that where
iarge tracts of land are rented out by a rich peasants
of a semi-landlord type, exceeding in area the land
cultivated by him or by hired labour, the rented-out
portion should be requisitioned.
Then there are also members in a landlord family
who throughout the year are engaged in the main agri-
cuLtural work, cultivating part of their land but renting
out the major part of it. Such persons in a landlord
family should be given consideration. Land which they
cultivate themselves should be basically retained after
adequate readjustment has been made, but the rest
should be confrscated.
86
Landlords' draught animals, farm implements, and
thoir surplus grain and surpius houses in the country-
side should be confiscated at the sarne time as their land.
Ifouse furnishings should be confiscated and distributed
rvith the houses, but for convenience they may be re-
arranged. J3y surplus grain is meant the grain retained
by landiords in excess of their own food requirements
atter rent reduction and deliver5r of public grain. By
surplus houses are naeant houses in excess of those
needed by the landlords and their families. It is neces-
as the sur-
and farm
o distribute
be retained
for or distributed to the landiord. The reason is that -
these are the essential means of agricultural production.
After the peasants have been allotted land, they must
have such means of production bef,ore they can produce.
Of course, it is f,ar fro'm enough for the peasants
rnerely to divide up the landlords' means of production',
ln order to solve the problem of production the peasants
themselves must work hard and help each other, together
with the Government's assistance.
Except for the above cases, other properties of the
landiords including their industrial and comntercial
enterprises must not be confiscated. Of course, owing
to long years of exploitation most landlords have a great
deal of other properties. According to past experience,
iI these properties of the landlords are to be conii-scated
aud distributed, the landlords wili hide and disperse
them, while the peasants will search for them. 'Iirus
chaotic conditions wil] easiiy arise, and wastage and
0/
destruction of great quantities of social wealth will also
occur. lt is therefoie better to allow the land'lords to
keep these properties. Thus they can earn a living
fr"i, th"." froperties, or they can invest them in pro-
duction. Tfrit-is also beneficial to society' This wa-v
J a.aling with landlords in future agratiqt reform is
far more lenient than it was in the past'
Ilowever, many landlorcls may still stubbornly
oppor. and sabotage agrurian reform, and may still
,iriUforrrty oppose and sabotage the Peop1e's Govern-
ment. \Me must resolutely punish such obstinately
,-u"tio"uty landlords and should not be lenient or 1et
them have their waY.
Certain elements in the landlord class will coniluct
sabotage during and before agrariat reform, such as the
,luogni.tl"c ;d killing of ,draught animals and the
alestiuction of trees, farm implements, water conservancy
pir:"",t, buildings; crops and furniture' The people's
!"J.r"*."ts at i1i leveL throughout the country should
iork out detailed measures to strictly prohibit such
aJrriti... Landlords should be held responsible for
tatirrg good care of the properties which are still in
tt .ir "liat, and should n< t destroy, hide, disperse or
r"lf tfr"*. they should pay compensation or be punish-
; f* aoy "iolatiorrs. Other
persons than landlords'
,"tto a"tttoy such property, should also be punished'
PEESERVE RICH PEASANT ECONOMY
'I-he various provisions in 'the Draft Agrarian
Reform Law regariing land and' other properties of the
B8
rich peasants are aimed at preserving the rich peasant
."oooioy and, in the course of land reform, at neutralis-
ing the rich peasants politically and rendering better
prlotection to middle peasants and persons renting out^smail parcels of land in order to isolate the landlord
.1".. "od
unite all the people to carry out agrarian reform
and eliminate the feudal system in an orderly manner'
Why, in the past, did we allow the peasants to
requisition the surplus land and property of rich peas-
an[s during the agrarian reform and why now do u'<'
advocate thi preservation of the rich peasant economy in
the coming igrarian reform ? It is mainly trecause the
present political-military situation is basically different'
Formerly, only two years ago, the ::evolutionary
forces of the people and the counter-revolutionar5' forces
were engaged in a grirn war. The people's forces were
still in a relatively inferior position, and the ott'tcome
of the war was not yet decided.
On the one hand, the rich peasants sti11 did not
believe that the people could win the war and they still
leaned to the side of the landlords and Chiang Kai-shek
to oppose the agrari,an ref,orm alld the people's revolu-
tionary war. On the other hand, the people's
revolutionary war also required that the peasants make
great sacrifices in fighters, public grain and labour ser-
vice to suppott the war and strive for victory. To strive
for victory in the war was in the greatest interests of
the Chinese people and everything had to be subordin-
ated to this need.
It was only at such a time that rve allowed the
peasants to requisitiou the surplus land and property
of tn. rich peasants and also to confiscate all the pro-
89
perty of tlie landlords so as fo satisfy to a greater ext-ent
tlie demands of the impoverished peasanis, rc.use the
peasants' revolutionary enthusiasm to a high clegree
in order to participate in and support the people,s re-
volutionary y/ar, and overthror,v Chiang Kai-shekrs
regime which was supported by American imper-ialism.
This was both necessary ancl correct at that time,
when, if there had been no extremely thorough agrarian
reform in the Liberated Areas and if the demands of
the impoverished peasants h,ad not been fully satisfied,
it would have been hard to overcome the difficulties t[at
were encountered.
The present situation is already essentially different
from that of the past. The people's revolutionary war
on the mainland has been in the main completed, and
the Chiang Kai-shek gang oI brigands are undoubtedly
doomed to ultimate Eestruction. The two great tasks
required of the peasants-militar5r service and labour
service-have entirely come to an enil and the burden
of public grain delivery has also been comparatively
lightened.
The present basic task Ior The people throughout the
country is to undertake economic construction on a
nation-wide scale. The fight for Taiwan remains a
huge tas1i, but the People's Liberation Army has
adequate strength to shoulder it. The dificulties we
are meeting with are different in character from what
we encountered in the war of the past.
Our present difficulties are mainly financial anrl
economic rlifficulties arisigg in the course of the restora-
tion, reform and development. of the economy.
90
At the same time, the great revolutionary uhity of
all nationalities, all democratic classes, all democratic
parties and groups and people's organisations throughout
the country has already been established politically and
organisationally and the political attitude of the rich
peasarr-ts, in general, has also'unilergone a change.
If the People's Government pursues a policy of
preserving the rich peasant ecouomy, the rich peasants
can be won over to a neutral attitude in general and
better protection can then be given to the middle peas-
ants, thus dispelling certain unnecessary misgivings of
the peasants during the development of productiou.
'Iherefore, in the present situation, the adoption of a
policy to preserve the rich peasant economy in the com-
ing agrarian reform is necessary both politically and
economically. It will help to overcome the current finan-
cial and economic difficulties and thus benefit our country
and our people.
During the period between luJy ry46 and October
rg47, fhe masses of peasants and our rural cailres in
many areas of North China, Shantung and Northeast
China, in carrl.ing out agrarian reform, failed to follow
the directive issued by the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China on May 4, 1946, which
stressed that the rich peasants' land and property should
be substantially left untouched.
Ins,tead, they arbitrarily confiscated the land and
property of rich peasants as well as those of the land-
lords. This is understandable. trt is because this was
a period of the rnost heated and bitter struggle between
the Chinese people and the. KMT reactionaries. It
was cluring this periocl that most of the deviations in
9l
some places.
1'hes,e things happened mainl1, because of the
serious political and military situation at that time. It
was also because most of our rural cadres had no experi_
ence in carrying out agrarian reform, did not know how
to define class status correctly in the rural areas, and
in a number of cases mistook rich peasan,ts for landlords
and middle peasants for rich peasants.
In view of this situation, the Central Cornrnitteeof the Communist Party of China made public the
Outline of Agrarian Laou on October ro, rg47, under
which the class status of the rich peasants and landlords
was distinguished but the surplus land and propertl.
of the rich peasants were allowed to be requisitioned.
In the winter of Central Com_
mittee of the Commun issued a direc-
tive on the differentiat n the countrv_
side. Chairman UIao staternent on
the "Present Situation and Our Tasks,, and Comrade
Jen Pi-shih also made a speech on problems of agrarian
reform.
Since then, certain chaotic phenornena in the rural
areas have ceased and agrarian reform has followed the
right path.
.
- It is necessarv to draw attention to the experienceof the past so that our comrades may not ,"p"ui former
-mistakes
in carrying out. agrarian reform in the newly-
liberated areas.
e2
Now we are in entirely new conditions and it is
absolutely necessary to adopt in our proposed agrariar
reform law the policy of eliminating the feudal system
and preserving a rich peasant economy.
'I'he policy adopted by us of preserving a rich
peasant economy is of course not a temporary but a
long-term policy. That is to say, a rich peasant economv
r,vill be preserved throughout the whole stage of New'
Democracy. Only when the conditions are rnature for
the extensive application of mechanised farming, for the
organisation of collective farms and for the Socialist
reform of the rural areas, will the need for a rich peasant
economy cease, and this will take a somewhat long time
to achieve.
This is why we advocate the preservation of a rich
peasant economy at Present.
Of course, in the areas where agrarian reform has
been completed, the rich peasants are not permitted to
take advantage of this to regain land from the peasants
and, if such cases occur, they should be strictly pro-
hibited.
SOME PROBLEMS CONCERNING LAND
DISTB,IBUIIION
On the question of how to distribute land, it
must first be made clear that this is a question of dis-
tribution by subtraction, supplementation and adjus,t-
rnent based on the holdings of the present tillers and
properly taking into accouut the interests of the present
tillers of the 1and.
93
Latd distribtrtion on this basis will avoid excessive
and unneeessary land changes and will benefit produc-
tion. \A/hen rented land is drawn on for distribution
to others, proper care rnust be taken of the original
tillers.
'ivould cause them to sufier some loss but to give thern
this consideration will mean that they suffer litt1e or
no loss. This is necessarlr.
After agrarian reform, there still remains a por-
tion of land that has to be rented out' This land can
be rented out to tillers who have had their land too much
clrawn upon, as an adjustment and compeusation'
The the land of t
not be d or should be
slightly. ows that the
satisfied consideration
-I-he tillers will be hrppy because the l'and which
they rented from others nolv bocomes …
Ernesto Che Guevara
GUERRILLA WARFARE:
A METHOD
. '"
FOR EIGN LANGUAGES PRESS
PEK I NG
Ernesto ehe Guevara
GUERRILLA WARP ARE:
A METHOD
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS
PEKING 1964
r'
PUBLISHER'S NOTE
This article by Ernesto CM Gueva: a, I fdinister of
Industry of Cuba, was published in the September 1963
issue (No. 25) of the journal Cuba socialista, and re-
published in Chinese in Renmin Ribao (People's DailY},
Peking. This English translation has been made direct
from the original Spanish.
Printed in the People's Republic of China
GUERRILLA warfare has been employed on innumer-
able occasions throughout history in different
circumstances, to achieve different aims. Of late it has
been used in various people's wars of liberation when
the vanguard of the people chose the path of irregular
armed struggle against enemies of greater military
power. Asia, Africa and America have been the scene
of such actions when trying to attain power in .the
struggle against feudal, neo-colonial or colonial exploita-
tion . In Europe guerrilla warfare' was used as supple-
mentary to their own or allied regular armies.
Guerrilla warfare has been waged many times in
America. As a case in point closer to home the experience
of Cesar Augusto Dandino fighting against the Yankee
expeditionary force on the banks of the Segovia in
Nicaragua can be noted, and recently Cuba's revolu-
tionary war. Since then in America the problems of
guerrilla warfare have become a question for theoretical
discussions for the Continent's progressive parties, and
whether it is possible ' or expedient to use it, has become
the subject of head-on controversial discussions.
This article will try to present our views on guerrilla
warfare and how to use it correctly.
Above all, it must be made clear that this form of
struggle is means - means to an end. That end, essential
and inevitable for all revolutionaries, is the winning of
political power. Therefore, in analysing specific situa-
tions in different countries in America one must use
the concept of guerrilla warfare in the limited sense of
a method of struggle in order to gain that end.
Almost immediately the question arises: Is guerrilla
warfare the only formula for seizing power in the whole
of America? Or at least will it be the predominant
form? Or will it simply be one of many forms used in
the struggle? And in the final analysis it may be asked:
Will the example of Cuba be applicable to the actual
situation or other parts of the continent? In the course
of polemics those who advocate guerrilla warfare are
often accused of forgetting mass struggle, almost as if
guerrilla warfare and mass struggle were opposed to
each other. We reject this implication. Guerrilla war-
fare is a people's war, a mass struggle. To try to carry
out this type of war without the support of the popula-
tion is to court inevitable disaster. The guerrillas are
the fighting vanguard of the people, stationed in a
specified place in a certain area, armed and prepared
to carry out a series of warlike actions for the one
possible strategic end - the seizure of power. They have
the support of the worker and peasant masses of the
region and of the whole territory in which they operate.
Without these prerequisites no guerrilla warfare is
possible.
We consider that the Cuban Revolution made three
Iundamental contributions to the laws of the revolu-
tionary movement in the current situation in America.
They are: Firstly, people's forces can win a war
against the army. Secondly, we need not always wait
for all the revolutionary conditions to be present; the
insurrection itself can create them. Thirdly, in the
underdeveloped parts of America the battle-ground for
armed stcuggle should in the main be the c.ountryside.
("Guerrilla Warfare")
Such are the contributions to the development of the
revolutionary struggle in America, and they can be
applied to any of the countries on our continent where
guerrilla warfare may be developed.
The Second Declaration of Havana points out:
In our countries two circumstances are joined:
. underdeveloped industry and an agrarian regime of
, a feudal ~haracter. That is why no matter how hard
the living conditions of the urban workers are, the
rural population lives under even more horrible con-
ditions of oppression and exploitation. But, with few
exceptions, it also constitutes the absolute majority,
sometimes more .than 70 per cent of Latin American
populations.
Not counting the landlords who often live in the
cities, the rest of this great mass earns its livelihood
by working as peons on the plantations for the most
miserable wages, or they work the soil under con-
ditions of exploitation indistinguishable from those of
the Middle Ages.
These are the circumstances which determine that
the poor population of the countryside constitutes a
tremendous potential revolutionary force.
The armies are set up and equipped for conven-
tional warfare. They are the force whereby the power
of the exploiting classes is maintained. When they
are confronted with the irregular warfare of peasants
based on their own home-grounds, they become
absolutely powerless; they lose 10 men for every
revolutionary fighter who falls. Demoralization among
them mounts rapidly when they are beset by an
invisible and invincible army which provides them
no chance to display their military academy tactics
and their fanfare of war, of which they boast so much
to repress the city workers and students.
The initial struggle of small fighting units . is
constantly nurtured by new forces; the mass movement
begins to grow bold, the old order bit by bit breaks
up into a thousand pieces and that is when the working
class and the urban masses decide the battle.
What is it that from the very beginning of the
fight makes those units invincible, regardless of the
number, strength and resources of their enemies? It
is the people's support, and they can count on an
ever-increasing mass support.
But the peasantry is a class which, because of the
ignorance in which it has been kept and the isolation
in which it lives, requires the revolutionary and
political leadership of the working class and the
revolutionary intellectuals. Without that it cannot
alone launch the struggle and achieve victory.
In the present historical conditions of Latin America
the national bourgeoisie cannot lead the anti-feudal
and anti-imperialist struggle. Experience demonstrates
that in our nations this class - even when its in-
terests clash with those of Yankee imperialism - has
been incapable of confronting imperialism, paralyzed
by fear of social revolution and frightened by the
clamour of the exploited masses. ("Second Declaration
of Havana")
Supplementing these statements which constitute the
essence of the revolutionary declaration of America, the
Second Declaration of Havana in other paragraphs states
the following:
The subjective conditions in each country, the factors '
of consciousness, of organization, of leadership, can
accelerate or delay revolution, depending on the state
of their development. Sooner or later, in each historic
epoch, as objective conditions ripen, consciousness is
acquired, organization is achieved, leadership arises,
and revolution is produced.
Whether this takes place peacefully or comes to
the world after painful labour, does not depend on the
revolutionaries; it depends on the reactionary forces
of the old society; it depends on their resistance against
allowing the new society to be born, a society produced
by the contradictions of the old society. Revolution,
in history, is as the doctor who assists at the birth of
a new life: it does not use forceps unless it is
necessary, but it will unhesitatingly use them every
time labour requires them. A labour brings the hope
of a better life to the enslaved and exploited masses.
Revolution is inevitable in many countries of Latin
America. Nobody's will determines this fact. It is
determined by the frightful conditions of exploitation
which afflict mankind in America. It is determined
by the development of the revolutionary consciousness
of the masses, by the world crisis of imperialism and
by the universal movement of struggle of the world's
subjugated peoples. ("Second Declaration of Havana")
We shall start from this basis to analyse the whole
question of guerrilla warfare in America.
We have asserted that it is means of struggle to achieve
an end. Our first concern is to analyse the end and to
see whether the winning of power here in America can
be attained in any other way than by armed struggle.
,,, Peaceful struggle can be carried out through mass
movements -and can - in special situations of crisis-
compel governments to yield, so that the popular forces
eventually take power and establish a proletarian
dictatorship. Theoretically this is correct. When analys-
ing this on the American scene we must arrive at
the following conclusions: Generally speaking, on this
continent there exist objective conditions which impel
the masses to violent actions against the bourgeois and
landlord governments; in many other countries there
exist crises of power and some subjective conditions too.
Obviously, in the countries where all these conditions
are given, it would be criminal not to act to seize power.
In others where this situation does not occur, it is right
that different alternatives should emerge and that the
decision applicable to each country should come out of
theoretical discussion. The only thing history does not
permit is that the analysts and executors of pruletarian
policy should blunder. No one can claim the role of
vanguard party as if it were a university diploma. To
be a vanguard party means to stand in the forefront of
the working class in the struggle for the seizure of
power, to know how to guide this struggle to success
by short cuts. That is the mission of our revolutionary
parties, and the analysis should be profound and ex-
haustive in order that there will be no mistakes.
At present there is in America a state of unstable
balance between oligarchical dictatorship and popular
pressure. By "oligarchical" we mean the reactionary
alliance between the bourgeoisie and the landlord class
of each' country . with a greater or lesser preponderance
of feudalism . These dictatorships continue within
certain frameworks of legality which they set up for
themselves to facilitate their work during the whole
unrestricted period of their class domination, while we
are undergoing a stage in which the pressure of the
people is very strong and is knocking at the doors of
bourgeois legality which its own authors have to violate
in order to check the impetus of the masses . The
barefaced violations of all established legislation - or
of legislation especially instituted to sanction their
deeds - only heighten the tension of the people's forces.
The oligarchical dictatorship, therefore, endeavours to
use the old legal order to change constitutionality and
further suppress the proletariat, without a head-on clash.
Nevertheless, this is just where a contradiction arises.
The people now do not tolerate the old, still less the
new, coercive measures adopted by the dictatorship, and
try to smash them. We must never forget the authori-
tarian and restrictive class character of the bourgeois
state. Lenin refers to it thus:
The state is the product and the manifestation of
the irreconcilability of class antagonisms. The state
arises when , where, and to the extent that class
antagonisms objectively cannot be reconciled. And,
conversely, the existence of the state proves that the
class antagonisms are irreconcilable. ("State and
Revolution")
In other words, we must not allow the word democracy,
used in an apologetic manner to represent the dictator-
ship of the exploiting classes, to lose its deeper meaning
and acquire the meaning of giving the people certain
liberties , more or less good. To struggle only to restore
a certain degree of bourgeois legality , without at the
same time raising the question of revolutionary power,
is to struggle 'for the return of a certain dictatorial order,
established by the dominant social classes; it is only
a struggle for a lighter ball to be fixed to the convict's
chains.
In these conditions of conflict, the oligarchy breaks
its own contracts, its own mask of "democracy", and
attacks the people, although it always tries to make use
of the superstructure it has formed for oppression, At
that moment, the question again arises: What is to be
done? Our answer is: Violence is not only for the use
of the exploiters; the exploited can use it too, and what
is more, ought to use it at the opportune moment. Marti
said: "He who wages war in a country that can avoid
it is a criminal; so is he who fails to wage a war that
cannot be avoided."
And Lenin said:
Social-democracy has never taken a sentimental
view of war. It unreservedly condemns war as a
bestial means of settling conflicts in human society,
But Social-democracy knows that so long as society is
divided into classes, so long as there is exploitation
of man by man, wars are inevitable. This exploitation
cannot be destroyed without war, and war is always
and everywhere begun by the exploiters, by the ruling
and oppressing classes.
He said this in 1905. Later, in "The War Programme
of the Proletarian Revolution" in a profound analysis of
the nature of class struggle he affirmed:
Whoever recognizes the class struggle cannot fail
to recognize civil wars, which in every class society
are the natural, and under certain conditions, inevitab1.e
continuation, development and intensification of the
class struggle. All the great revolutions prove this.
To repudiate civil war, or to forget about it, would
mean sinking into extreme opportunism and re-
nouncing the socialist revolution.
That is to say, we should not be afraid of violence,
the midwife of new societies; only such violence should
be unleashed precisely at the moment when the people's
leaders find circumstances most favourable.
What will these be? Subjectively, they depend upon
two factors that are complementary and that in turn
deepen in the course of the struggle: the consciousness
of the necessity of change and the certainty of the
possibility of this revolutionary change. These two
factors, coupled with the objective conditions - which
in nearly all of America are highly favourable for the
development of struggle ~ with the firm will to attain
it as well as the new correlation of forces in the world ,
determine the form of action.
However far away the socialist countries may be, their
favourable influence will make itself felt among the
fighting peoples who will be given more strength by
their enlightening example. On the 26th of July this
year, Fidel Castro said:
And the duty of the revolutionaries, especially at
this moment, is to know how to recognize and how to
take advantage of the changes in the correlation of
forces which have taken place in the world, and to
understand that these changes facilitate the struggle
of the peoples. The duty of revolutionaries, of Latin-
American revolutionaries, is not to wait for the change
in the correlation of forces to produce a miracle of
social revolutions in Latin America, but to take full
advantage of everything in it that is favourable to the
revolutionary movement - and to make revolution!
There are people who say: "We admit that in certain
specific cases revolutionary war is the proper way to
attain political power; but where can we find those
great leaders, the Fidel Castros who will lead us to
victory?" Fidel Castro, like every human being, is a
product of history. The military and political leaders,
merged if possible into one man, who may lead risings
in America, will learn the art of war in the exercise of
war itself. There is no job or profession which can be
learned from text-books alone. In this case, struggle is
the great teacher.
Naturally the task is not simple, nor is it exempt from
serious threats all the way along.
During the development of the armed struggle there
appear two moments of extreme danger for the future
of the revolution. The first of these arises in the pre-
paratory stage and the way it is dealt with gives the
measure of the determination for struggle and clarity
of purpose of the people's forces. :when the bourgeois
state advances against the positions of the people,
obviously there must emerge a process of defence
against the enemy who attacks in this moment of
superiority. If the minimum subjective and objective
conditions have already been developed, the defence
must be armed but not in such a way that the people's
forces become mere recipients of the enemy's blows; nor
should the stage of armed defence be transformed into
nothing but a last refuge for the pursued. Guerrilla
10
fighting, though at a given moment it may be a defen-
sive movement of the people, carries within itself the
capacity to attack the enemy and must constantly develop
it. This capacity is what determines , as time goes on,
the cataclystic character of the people's forces. That is
to say, guerrilla fighting is not passive self-defence; it
is defence with attack, and from the moment it is
recognized as such, it has as a final perspective the
winning of political power.
This moment is important. In social processes the
difference between violence and non-violence cannot be
measured by the number of shots exchanged; it depends
on concrete and fluctuating situations. And one must
know how to recognize the exact moment when the pe0-
ple's forces , conscious of their relative weakness but at
the same time of their strategic strength, should take
the initiative so that the situation does not worsen. The
balance between the oligarchic dictatorship and the
pressure of the people must be upset. The dictatorship
constantly tries to function without resorting to force.
Being obliged to appear without disguise, that is to say,
in its true aspect as a violent dictatorship of the reac-
tionary classes, will contribute to its unmasking, and
this will deepen the struggle to such an extent that it
will not be .able to turn ·back. The resolute beginning
of long-range armed action depends on how the people's
forces fulfil their function , which amounts to the task
of forcing a decision on the dictatorship - to draw back
or to unleash the struggle.
The skilful avoidance of the other moment of danger
depends on the ability to develop the growth of the
people's forces. Marx always advised that once the
revolutionary process has begun, the proletariat must
Q
strike and strike without rest. A revolution that does
not constantly deepen is a revolution that goes back.
The combatants, once wearied, begin to lose faith, and
then some of the bourgeois manoeuvres to which we
have been so accustomed may bear fruit. These can be
the holding of elections to hand over the government
to some other gentleman with a more honeyed voice,
and a more angelic face than the outgoing dictator, or
the staging of a coup by reactionaries, generally headed
by the army and supported, directly or indirectly, by
progressive forces. There are others as well, but it is not
our intention to analyse such tactical stratagems.
Let us focus our main attention on the operation of
the military coup mentioned above. What can militarists
contribute to true democracy? What kind of loyalty
can be asked of them, if they are mere instruments of
domination by the reactionary classes and imperialist
monopolies and, as a caste whose worth rests only on
the weapons in their hands, they aspire only to maintain
their prerogatives?
When in situations difficult for the oppressors the
military men conspire to overthrow a dictator, who in
fact is finished , it Can be taken for granted that they
do so because they are unable to preserve their class
prerogatives without extreme violence, a procedure
which generally does not coincide with the interests of
the oligarchies at that moment.
This statement certainly does not mean rejecting the
services of military men as individual fighters who,
separated from the society they have served, have, in
fact , rebelled against it. And they should be made use
of in accordance with the revolutionary line they adopt
as fighters and not as representatives of a caste.
12.
1
1
T
1
1
1
Long ago, Engels, in the preface to the third edition
of "The Civil War in France", remarked:
The workers were armed after every revolution;
.. therefore the disarming of the workers was the
first commandment for the bourgeois at the helm of
the stage. Hence after every revolution won by the
workers, a new struggle, ending with the defeat of
the workers." (Quoted by Lenin, "The State and
Revolution")
This play of continuous struggles in which some
formal change is brought about and then strategically
withdrawn, has been repeated for decades in the capitalist
world. · But the continuous deception of the proletariat
along these lines has been practised periodically for more
than a century.
There is also a danger, that the leaders of the pro-
gressive parties, desiring to prolong conditions more
favourable for revolutionary action by using certain
aspects of bourgeois legality, lose sight of the goal ,
something that is very common in the course of action,
and forget the definite strategic objective: the seizure
of power.
These two difficult moments of the revolution which
we have briefly analysed can be surmounted when the
Marxist-Leninist party leaders are capable of clearly
seeing the implications of the moment and of mobilizing
the masses to the maximwn, leading them on to the
correct path of resolving fundamental contradictions.
In elaborating the thesis, we have assumed that
eventually the idea of armed struggle as well as the
formula of guerrilla warfare as a method of fighting
will be accepted. Why do we think that guerrilla
13
warfare is the correct way in the present situation in
America? There are fundamental arguments which in
our opinion determine the necessity of guerrilla action
as the central axis of the struggle in America.
First, accepting as true that the enemy will struggle
to maintain itself in power, it is necessary to consider
destroying the oppressor-army. To do this , it is neces-
sary to confront it with a people's army. This army is
not born spontaneously, it must be armed from the
enemy's arsenal and this demands a long hard struggle
in which the people's forces and their leaders will always
be exposed to attack by superior forces and be without
adequate conditions of defence and manoeuvrability.
On the other " hand, the guerrilla nucleus, established
in areas suitable for fighting, ensures the security and
continuity of the revolutionary command. The urban
forces commanded by the general staff of the people's
army can perform actions of the utmost importance.
But the eventual destruction of these groups would not
kill the soul of the revolution, its leadership. This would
continue to spark the revolutionary spirit of the masses
from its TUral stronghold, organizing new forces for
other battles.
Moreover, in this area begins the construction of the
future state apparatus entrusted with leading the class
dictatorship efficiently during the whole period of
transition. The longer the struggle, the greater and more
complicated the administrative problems, and to solve
them cadres will be trained for the difficult task of con-
solidating power and economic development at a later
stage.
Secondly, the general situation of the Latin American
peasantry and the increasingly explosive character of its
14
struggle against feudal rule in the framework of an
alliance between local and foreigner exploiters.
Returning to the Second Declaration of Havana:
At the outset of the past century, the peoples of
America freed themselves from Spanish colonialism,
but they did not free themselves from exploitation.
The feudal landlords assumed the authority of the
governing Spaniards, the Indians continued in their
painful serfdom, the Latin American man remained
a slave one way or another, and the minimum hopes
of the peoples died under the power of the oligarchies
and the tyranny of foreign capital. This is the truth
of America, to one or another degree of variation.
Latin America today is under a more ferocious im-
perialism, more powerful and ruthless than the Spanish
colonial empire.
What is Yankee imperialism's attitude confronting
the objective and historically inexorable reality of the
Latin American revolution? To prepare to fight a
colonial war against the peoples of Latin America; to
create an apparatus of force to establish the political
pretexts and the pseudo-legal instruments under-
written by the representatives of the reactionary
oligarchies, in order to curb, by blood and by iron ,
the struggle of the Latin American peoples.
This objective situation demonstrates the latent, un-
used strength in our peasants and the necessity to
utilize it for the liberation- of America.
Thirdly, the continental character of the struggle.
Could this new stage of the emancipation of America
be conceived as a confrontation of two local forces
struggling for power in a given territory? Hardly. The
~5
struggle between all the forces of · the people and all
the forces of repression will be a struggle to the death.
This too is forecast by the passages quoted above.
The Yankees will intervene because of solidarity of
interests and because the struggle in America is decisive.
In fact, they are already intervening in the preparation
of repressive forces and the organization of a continental
apparatus of struggle. But from now on they will do
so with all their energy; they will strike the people's
forces with all the destructive weapons at their disposal.
They will try to prevent the consolidation of revolu-
tionary power; and if it should be successful anywhere,
they will renew their attack. They will not recognize
it . They will try to divide the revolutionary forces.
They will introduce all types of saboteurs, create frontier .
problems, engage other reactionary states to oppose it ,
and will try to strangle the new state economically - in
a word, to annihilate it.
This being the picture in America , it is difficult to
achieve and consolidate victory in a country that is
isolated. The unity of the repressive forces must en-
counter the unity of the people's forces. In ' all the
countries in which oppression becomes unbearable, the
banner of rebellion must be raised, and this banner of
historical necessity will have a continental character.
As Fidel said, the Andes will be the Sierra Maestra of
America, and all the immense territories that make up
this Continent will become the scene of a life-and-
death struggle against the power of imperialism.
We cannot tell when this struggle will acquire a con-
tinental character nor how long it will last; but we can
predict its advent and its triumph, because it is the
inevitable result of historical, economic and political
16
conditions and its direction cannot be changed. It is
the task of the revolutionary force in each country to
initiate it when the conditions are present, regardless
of the situation in other countries. The general strat-
egy will emerge as the struggle develops. The pre-
diction of the continental character of the struggle is
borne out by analysis of the strength of each contender,
but this does not in the least exclude independent out-
breaks. Just as the beginning of the struggle in one
part of a country is bound to develop it throughout its
area , the beginning of a revolutionary war contributes
to the development of new conditions in the neighbour-
ing countries.
The development of revolution has normally produced
high and low tides in fuverse proportion; to the revolu-
tionary high tide corresponds the counter-revolutionary
low tide and conversely ; at moments of revolutionary
decline, there is a counter-revolutionary ascendency.
At such moments the situation of the people's forces
becomes difficult, and they should resort to the best
defense measures in order to suffer the least loss. The
enemy is extremely powerful, continental in stature.
Therefore the relative weaknesses of the local bour-
geoisie cannot be analysed with a view to making de-
cisions within restricted limits. Still less can one think
of an eventual alliance of these oligarchies with . an
armed people. Ti;le Cuban Revolution has sounded the
alarm. The polarization of forces is becoming complete:
exploiters on one side and exploited on the other. The
mass of the petty bourgeoisie will lean to one side or
the other according to their interests and the political
skill with which it is handled; neutrality will be an
exception. This is how revolutionary war will be.
17
Let us consider the way how a guerrilla centre can
start.
Nuclei of relatively few persons choose places fa-
vourable for guerrilla ' warfare, sometimes with the in-
tention of launching a counter-attack or …
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shoshanna lande
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Identify a specific consumer product that you or your family have used for quite some time. This might be a branded smartphone (if you have used several versions over the years)
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1. In 1972 the Furman v. Georgia case resulted in a decision that would put action into motion. Furman was originally sentenced to death because of a murder he committed in Georgia but the court debated whether or not this was a violation of his 8th amend
One of the first conflicts that would need to be investigated would be whether the human service professional followed the responsibility to client ethical standard. While developing a relationship with client it is important to clarify that if danger or
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Computers are being used to monitor the spread of outbreaks in different areas of the world and with this record
3. Furman v. Georgia is a U.S Supreme Court case that resolves around the Eighth Amendments ban on cruel and unsual punishment in death penalty cases. The Furman v. Georgia case was based on Furman being convicted of murder in Georgia. Furman was caught i
One major ethical conflict that may arise in my investigation is the Responsibility to Client in both Standard 3 and Standard 4 of the Ethical Standards for Human Service Professionals (2015). Making sure we do not disclose information without consent ev
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We can mention at least one example of how the violation of ethical standards can be prevented. Many organizations promote ethical self-regulation by creating moral codes to help direct their business activities
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The inbound logistics for William Instrument refer to purchase components from various electronic firms. During the purchase process William need to consider the quality and price of the components. In this case
4. A U.S. Supreme Court case known as Furman v. Georgia (1972) is a landmark case that involved Eighth Amendment’s ban of unusual and cruel punishment in death penalty cases (Furman v. Georgia (1972)
With covid coming into place
In my opinion
with
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The ability to view ourselves from an unbiased perspective allows us to critically assess our personal strengths and weaknesses. This is an important step in the process of finding the right resources for our personal learning style. Ego and pride can be
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4 In order to get the entire family to come back for another session I would suggest coming in on a day the restaurant is not open
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Your paper must be at least two pages in length (not counting the title and reference pages)
The word assimilate is negative to me. I believe everyone should learn about a country that they are going to live in. It doesnt mean that they have to believe that everything in America is better than where they came from. It means that they care enough
Data collection
Single Subject Chris is a social worker in a geriatric case management program located in a midsize Northeastern town. She has an MSW and is part of a team of case managers that likes to continuously improve on its practice. The team is currently using an
I would start off with Linda on repeating her options for the child and going over what she is feeling with each option. I would want to find out what she is afraid of. I would avoid asking her any “why” questions because I want her to be in the here an
Summarize the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psychological research (Comp 2.1) 25.0\% Summarization of the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psych
Identify the type of research used in a chosen study
Compose a 1
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effect relationship becomes more difficult—as the researcher cannot enact total control of another person even in an experimental environment. Social workers serve clients in highly complex real-world environments. Clients often implement recommended inte
I think knowing more about you will allow you to be able to choose the right resources
Be 4 pages in length
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One thing you will need to do in college is learn how to find and use references. References support your ideas. College-level work must be supported by research. You are expected to do that for this paper. You will research
Elaborate on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study 20.0\% Elaboration on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study is missing. Elaboration on any potenti
3 The first thing I would do in the family’s first session is develop a genogram of the family to get an idea of all the individuals who play a major role in Linda’s life. After establishing where each member is in relation to the family
A Health in All Policies approach
Note: The requirements outlined below correspond to the grading criteria in the scoring guide. At a minimum
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Read Connecting Communities and Complexity: A Case Study in Creating the Conditions for Transformational Change
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Read A Basic Guide to ABCD Community Organizing
Use the bolded black section and sub-section titles below to organize your paper. For each section
Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott
Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident