Fluent Essays

here is zip file that has all the readings that you have to include in the essay, you are not allowed to use any sources from outside . also you have to use the links that i provide you in the duc .  I WANT TO HAVE 11-12 PAGES TO BE WRITTIN  DONT USE OTHER SOURCES THAN THE ONE BEEN PROVIDED IN THE ZIP FILE1. POLITICAL THEORY – Friedrich Hayek https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SHsCkinrCPE&feature=emb_logo FAST WORKERS COMPILATION #2 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GuYeWPe4w-Q&feature=emb_logo POLITICAL THEORY - Adam Smith https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ejJRhn53X2M&feature=emb_imp_woyt POLITICAL THEORY - John Maynard Keynes https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qtAeINU3FKM&feature=emb_imp_woyt ife POLITICAL THEORY - Karl Marx https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fSQgCy_iIcc&feature=emb_imp_woyt Richard Posner, “How I Became a Keynesian” https://newrepublic.com/article/69601/how-i-became-keynesian Course Overview This course examines questions of international political economy. The focus of the course is on the political struggles of economic life – including points of contention related to resource extraction, production/manufacture, distribution, and consumption. We will study the history of international political economic processes, the historical development of global inequality, political economic theories, and we will apply those theories to the problem of homelessness. We also read original texts like Karl Marxs Communist Manifesto and parts of texts like Adam Smiths The Wealth of Nations, as well as learn about key theories of international political economy: liberalism, Marxism, Keynesianism, and anarcho-communism.   Learning Outcomes Students who successfully complete this course should be able to: · Recognize and define basic concepts appropriate to international political economy, such as class politics, exploitation, unregulated market, liberalism, division of labor, reciprocity, and so on. · Explain the basic history of the development of the world economy over the past 400 years that constitute the peripheral and core economies and their relationships of inequality that we observe today. · Identify and describe key theories of international political economy: liberalism, Marxism, Keynesianism, and anarcho-communism.  · Apply the four key theories to a real-world problem (homelessness) in order to demonstrate your knowledge.  · Analyze the four theories by comparing and contrasting how they read the problem of homelessness differently.   Module 4: Using International Political Economic Theory to Explain the Homeless in front of Whole Foods Top of Form   Bottom of Form Introduction We have read about four theories of international political economy. We have learned the history of the development of the world economy that manifests in global inequality. Weve paid special attention to the ethical difficulties of living in the core of the world economy with economic margins all around us. Each theory covered in class allows us to see the inequality from different angles. Each theory offers different readings of the problems of inequality, like homelessness. The theories also offer different possible solutions or responses to the problem of homelessness. For example, Marx had very different ideas about how socManifesto of the Communist Party by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels February 1848 Written: Late 1847; First Published: February 1848; Source: Marx/Engels Selected Works, Vol. One, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1969, pp. 98-137; Translated: Samuel Moore in cooperation with Frederick Engels, 1888; Transcribed: by Zodiac and Brian Baggins; Proofed: and corrected against 1888 English Edition by Andy Blunden 2004; Copyleft: Marxists Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1987, 2000, 2010. Permission is granted to distribute this document under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Share-Alike License. Table of Contents Editorial Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 2 Preface to The 1872 German Edition .............................................................................................. 4 Preface to The 1882 Russian Edition .............................................................................................. 5 Preface to The 1883 German Edition .............................................................................................. 6 Preface to The 1888 English Edition............................................................................................... 7 Preface to The 1890 German Edition ............................................................................................ 10 Preface to The 1892 Polish Edition ............................................................................................... 12 Preface to The 1893 Italian Edition............................................................................................... 13 Manifesto of the Communist Party................................................................................................ 14 I. Bourgeois and Proletarians ........................................................................................................ 14 II. Proletarians and Communists ................................................................................................... 22 III. Socialist and Communist Literature ........................................................................................ 28 1. Reactionary Socialism ....................................................................................................... 28 A. Feudal Socialism ...................................................................................................... 28 B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism ....................................................................................... 29 C. German or “True” Socialism .................................................................................... 29 2. Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism ............................................................................... 31 3. Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism.................................................................... 32 The Gift ‘The teaching of Marcel Mauss was one to which few can be compared. No acknowledgment of him can be proportionate to our debt.’ Claude Lévi-Strauss ‘Marcel Mauss’s famous Essay on the Gift becomes his own gift to the ages. Apparently completely lucid, with no secrets even for the novice, it remains a source of an unending ponderation…’ Marshall Sahlins, Stone Age Economics ‘One could go so far as to say that a work as monumental as Marcel Mauss’s The Gift speaks of everything but the gift: It deals with economy, exchange, contract (do et des), it speaks of raising the stakes, sacrifice, gift and countergift—in short, everything that in the thing itself impels the gift and the annulment of the gift.’ Jacques Derrida, Given Time Marcel Mauss The Gift The form and reason for exchange in archaic societies With a foreword by Mary Douglas London and New York Essai sur le don first published 1950 by Presses Universitaires de France in Sociologie et Anthropologie English edition first published 1954 by Cohen & West This translation first published 1990 by Routledge First published in Routledge Classics 2002 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. Translation © 1990 W.D.Halls Foreword © 1990 Mary Douglas All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0-203-40744-X Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-71568-3 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0–415–26748–X (hbk) ISBN 0–415–26749–8 (pbk) CONTENTS EDITORIAL NOTE vii FOREWORD BY MARY DOUGLAS ix Introduction 1 1 The Exchange of Gifts and the Obligation to Reciprocate (Polynesia) 10 2 The Extension of this System Liberality, Honour, Money 24 3 Survivals of these Principles in Ancient Systems of Law and Ancient Economies 60 4 Conclusion 83 NOTES 108 NAME INDEX 192 SUBJECT INDEX 196 EDITORIAL NOTE The North Amer ican Indian ter m ‘potlatc h’ has been retained in the translation. Various definitions of it are given in the text: ‘system for the exchange of gifts’, (as a verb) ‘to feed, to consume’, ‘place of being satiated’ [Boas]. As elaborated by Mauss, it consists of a festival where goods and services of all kinds are exchanged. Gifts are made and reciprocated with interest. There is a dominant idea of r i va l r y a n d c o m p e t i t i o n b e t we e n t h e t r i b e o r t r i b e s assembled for the festival, coupled occasionally with conspicuous consumption. The French terms ‘prINTRODUCTION AND PLAN OF THE WORK G.ed. p10 THE annual labour of every nation is the fund which originally supplies3 [ 1 ] it with all the necessaries and conveniences of life which it annually con- sumes, and which consist always either in the immediate produce of that labour, or in what is purchased with that produce from other nations. According therefore, as this produce, or what is purchased with it, bears4 [ 2 ] a greater or smaller proportion to the number of those who are to consume it, the nation will be better or worse supplied with all the necessaries and conveniences for which it has occasion. But this proportion must in every nation be regulated by two different5 [ 3 ] circumstances; first, by the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which its labour is generally applied; and, secondly, by the proportion between the number of those who are employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. Whatever be the soil, climate, or extent of territory of any particular nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must, in that particular situation, depend upon those two circumstances. The abundance or scantiness of this supply, too, seems to depend more6 [ 4 ] upon the former of those two circumstances than upon the latter. Among the savage nations of hunters and fishers, every individual who is able to work, is more or less employed in useful labour, and endeavours to provide, as well as he can, the necessaries and conveniences of life, for himself, or such of his family or tribe as are either too old, or too young, or too infirm to go a hunting and fishing. Such nations, however, are so miserably poor that, from mere want, they are frequently reduced, or, at least, think themselves reduced, to the necessity sometimes of directly destroying, and sometimes of abandoning their infants, their old people, and those afflicted with lingering diseases, to perish with hunger, or to be devoured by wild beasts. Among civilised and thriving nations, on the contrary, though a great number of people do not labour at all, many of whom consume the produce of ten times, frequently of a hundred times more labour than the greater part of those who work; yet the produce of the whole labour of the society is so great that all are often abundantly supplied, and a workman, even of the lowest and poorest order, if he is frugal and industrious, may enjoy a greater share of the necessaries and conveniences of life than it is possible for any savage to acquire. The causes of this improvement, in the productive powers of labour, and7 [ 5 ] G.ed. p11 the order, according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the First Book of this Inquiry. The Wealth of Nations Adam Smith Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with8 [ 6 ] which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply musFirst published by Verso 2013 Text © Dan Hancox Photographs © Dave Stelfox 2013 All rights reserved The moral rights of the author have been asserted Verso UK: 6 Meard Street, London W1F 0EG US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 1010, Brooklyn, NY 11201 www.versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New Left Books ISBN-13: 978-1-78168-130-5 eISBN (US): 978-1-78168-188-6 eISBN (UK): 978-1-78168-499-3 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. v3.1 http://www.versobooks.com To Javi. Seriously, let me get the next round. No one can stop us. There is not enough blood, nor enough walls, to prevent that one day, land, rights, and, of course, liberty will be achieved by everyone. Marinaleda: Andaluces, levantaos, Juan Manuel Sánchez Gordillo, 1980 Contents Cover Title Page Copyright Dedication Epigraph Map 1. Meet the Village 2. The Story in the Soil 3. La Lucha 4. The Land Belongs to Those Who Work It 5. Bread and Roses 6. Opposition in Utopia 7. The Village Against the Crisis 8. The End of Utopia? Acknowledgements 1 Meet the Village For as long as human beings have dreamed, they have dreamed of creating a better world. The year 2016 will mark the 500th anniversary of Thomas More’s Utopia, his short book describing the fictional island of Utopia, a regimented but model community, whose name in Greek means ‘no place’. In the contemporary imagination, utopia has usually meant exactly this – no place real at any rate; nowhere actually existing. A utopia is a projection of our disappointment with the real world around us, a photo-negative of its manifold injustices, and our weaknesses as a species. We are always disappointed, so we dream of better. We are used to the idea of utopia as an imagined place. It’s often a community located in an alternative, fictional reality; on earth, or in another universe. A made-up world, where the plot twist is often that although this place seems like paradise, it is really built on lies and horror. The stories we tell ourselves are full of cautionary tales that not only is building paradise an impossibility – even attempting to build it is dangerous and hubristic. Aim high, and you will fall further. If it’s not a projection into a made-up world, utopia is an idealised vision of the future, a manifestation of a political or religious project, a blueprint for how we should all live our lives – and one day, if you would only join the party, or the church, perhaps we all will. These, like the literary utopias, are usually abstract intellectual exercises, rather than concrete attempts to forge a new community. But what if you actually tried to build utopia? How do you go from a fevered dream, an aspirational blueprint, to concrete reality? In 2004, I was leafing through a travel guidBraudel 1 Braudel 2 Braudel 3Political economy has been the term used for nearly three hundred years to express the interrelationship between the political and the economic affairs of the state. In Theories of Political Economy, James A. Caporaso and David P. Levine explore some of the more important frameworks for understanding the relation between politics and economics, including the classical, Marx- ian, Keynesian, neoclassical, state-centered, power-centered, and justice- centered. The book emphasizes understanding both the differences among these frameworks and the issues common to them. Discussion is organized around two main themes: The first is that the competing theories use sig- nificantly different criteria for determining how society should assign tasks to market and government. The second is that the growing interest in political economy poses a challenge to the traditional idea that economics and politics deal with separable concerns and terrains or may even employ different methods. The authors examine the implications of weakening the lines that traditionally distinguished between what was political and what was eco- nomic. In the last chapter, they consider an alternative framework for political economy that is more sensitive to the integrity and distinctiveness of economic and political processes without ignoring or underemphasizing the relations between them. Theories of political economy Theories of political economy JAMES A. CAPORASO University of Washington DAVID P. LEVINE University of Denver CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA www.cambridge.org Information on this title:www.cambridge.org/9780521415613 © Cambridge University Press 1992 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1992 13th printing 2005 Printed in the United States of America A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN-13 978-0-521-41561-3 hardback ISBN-1 0 0-521-41561-6 hardback ISBN-13 978-0-521-42578-0 paperback ISBN-10 0-521-42578-6 paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents Preface Introduction 1 Politics and economics 2 The classical approach 3 Marxian political economy 4 Neoclassical political economy 5 Keynesian political economy 6 Economic approaches to politics 7 Power-centered approaches to political economy 8 State-centered approaches toSTONE AGE ECONOMICS BY MARSHALL SAHLINS �� W III�III ALDINE· ATHERTON, INC. CHICAGO .s NEW YORK The Author Marshall Sahlins is Professor of Anthropology at the Un iversity of Michigan. He received his Ph.D. from Columbia University in 1 954 and has taught there and at the University of Paris at Nanterre. Professor Sahlins was a fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Sciences in 1 963-64 and in 1 967-68 he held a Guggenheim Fel lowship . His many contributions to the literature include Social Stratification in Polynesia, Moala: Culture and Nature on a Fijian Island. Tribesmen, and many articles in professional journals. Copyright © 1 972 by Marshall Sahlins All rights reserved. No part of this pUblication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. First published 1972 by Aldine· Atherton, Inc. 529 South Wabash Avenue Chicago, Illinois 60605 ISBN 0-202-01098-8 Library of Congress Catalog Number 75-1 69506 Printed in the United States of America FOR JULIA, PETER, AND ELAINE Acknowledgments I thank especially two institutions, and the excellent statT associated with them, for the aid and facilities provided during critical periods of my research and writing. In 1 963-64 I held a fellowship at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (Palo Alto), in 1 967-69 an office and the run of the Laboratoire dAnthropologie Sociale du College de France (Paris). Although I had no official position in the Laboratoire, M. Claude Levi-Strauss, the director, received me with a courtesy and generosity I should have difficulty reciprocating, were he ever in turn to visit my village. A John Simon Guggenheim fellowship during my first year in Paris ( 1 967-68) and a Social Science Research Council Faculty Research Fellowship ( 1 9 5 8-6 1) also contributed important support during the gestation period of these essays. That period has been so long and so full of beneficial intellectual encounters that it would be impossible to list all the colleagues and students who have, in one way or another, influenced the course of the work. Out of long years of friendship and discussion, however, I make three exceptions: Remo Guidieri, Elman Service, and Eric Wolf. Their ideas and criticisms, always accompanied by encouragement, have been of inestimable value to me and to my work. Several of the essays have been published in whole, in part, or in translation during the past several years. The Original Affiuent Soci­ ety appeared in abbreviated form as La premiere societe dabon­ dance in Les Temps Modernes (No. 268, Oct. 1 968, 64 1-80). The vii viii Stone Age Economics first part of Chapter 4 was originally published as The Spirit of the Gift in Echanges et comm unications (JeaPRAISE FOR FRESH FRUIT, BROKEN BODIES “In Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies, Seth Holmes offers up an important and captivating new ethnography, linking the structural violence inherent in the migrant labor system in the United States to the social processes by which it becomes normalized. Drawing on five years of fieldwork among the Triqui people from Oaxaca, Mexico, Holmes investigates local understandings of suffering and illness, casting into relief stereotypes and prejudices that he ties to the transnational labor that puts cheap food on American tables. Throughout this compelling volume, Holmes considers ways of engaging migrant farmworkers and allies who might help disrupt the exploitation that reaches across national boundaries and can too often be hidden away. This book is a gripping read not only for cultural and medical anthropologists, students in immigration and ethnic studies as well as labor and agriculture, and physicians and public health professionals, but also for anyone interested in the lives and well-being of the people who provide them cheap, fresh fruit.” Paul Farmer, Cofounder of Partners in Health and Chair of the Department of Global Health and Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School “This book takes concepts from the world of scholarship to enrich the understanding of people’s lives, while its vivid detail and empathetic portrait of the reality of people’s lives enrich scholarship. Holmes leaves the reader in no doubt that economic arrangements, social hierarchies, discrimination, and poor living and working conditions have profound effects on the health of marginalized people, and he does so with the touch of a gifted writer. The reader lives the detail and is much moved.” Professor Sir Michael Marmot, Director, UCL Institute of Health Equity “A tour de force ethnography. Holmes gives us the rare combination of medical, anthropological, and humanitarian gazes into the lives of Oaxacan migrant farmworkers in the United States. Their agricultural field work and his anthropological fieldwork intersect to produce a book full of insights into the pathos, inequalities, frustrations, and dreams punctuating the farmworkers’ daily lives. Through Holmes’s vivid prose, and the words of the workers themselves, we feel with the workers as they strain their bodies picking fruit and pruning vines; we sense their fear as they cross the U.S.-Mexico border; we understand their frustrations as they are chased and detained by immigration authorities; and we cheer at their perseverance when faced with bureaucrats and medical personnel who treat them as if they were to blame for their own impoverished condition. A must-read for anyone interested in the often invisible lives and suffering of those whose labor provides for our very sustenance.” Leo R. Chavez, Professor of Anthropology, University of California, Irvine “In his first book, anthropologist and doctor Seth M. Holmes gives us an intimate look into the lives of migrant farmworkers. Thro[California Series in Public Anthropology] Seth Holmes, Philippe Bourgois - Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies_ Migrant Farmworkers in the United States (2013, University of California Press).epub PRAISE FOR FRESH FRUIT, BROKEN BODIES “In Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies, Seth Holmes offers up an important and captivating new ethnography, linking the structural violence inherent in the migrant labor system in the United States to the social processes by which it becomes normalized. Drawing on five years of fieldwork among the Triqui people from Oaxaca, Mexico, Holmes investigates local understandings of suffering and illness, casting into relief stereotypes and prejudices that he ties to the transnational labor that puts cheap food on American tables. Throughout this compelling volume, Holmes considers ways of engaging migrant farmworkers and allies who might help disrupt the exploitation that reaches across national boundaries and can too often be hidden away. This book is a gripping read not only for cultural and medical anthropologists, students in immigration and ethnic studies as well as labor and agriculture, and physicians and public health professionals, but also for anyone interested in the lives and well-being of the people who provide them cheap, fresh fruit.” Paul Farmer, Cofounder of Partners in Health and Chair of the Department of Global Health and Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School “This book takes concepts from the world of scholarship to enrich the understanding of people’s lives, while its vivid detail and empathetic portrait of the reality of people’s lives enrich scholarship. Holmes leaves the reader in no doubt that economic arrangements, social hierarchies, discrimination, and poor living and working conditions have profound effects on the health of marginalized people, and he does so with the touch of a gifted writer. The reader lives the detail and is much moved.” Professor Sir Michael Marmot, Director, UCL Institute of Health Equity “A tour de force ethnography. Holmes gives us the rare combination of medical, anthropological, and humanitarian gazes into the lives of Oaxacan migrant farmworkers in the United States. Their agricultural field work and his anthropological fieldwork intersect to produce a book full of insights into the pathos, inequalities, frustrations, and dreams punctuating the farmworkers’ daily lives. Through Holmes’s vivid prose, and the words of the workers themselves, we feel with the workers as they strain their bodies picking fruit and pruning vines; we sense their fear as they cross the U.S.-Mexico border; we understand their frustrations as they are chased and detained by immigration authorities; and we cheer at their perseverance when faced with bureaucrats and medical personnel who treat them as if they were to blame for their own impoverished condition. A must-read for anyone interested in the often invisible lives and suffering of those whose labor provides for our very sustenance.” Leo R. Chave