report1 - Reading
The Report
The primary purpose of the paper is to provide an opportunity to document a personal connection with the concepts in the texts. This means it is not simply a report of what you see there, but how it affects you and your understanding of the content of the class.
Content:
Begin the paper with a brief description of the location you visited. This should be no more than one or two short expository paragraphs.
The bulk of the paper should explain how the experience relates to the course materials. Do not regurgitate what the signs and pamphlets or websites have said about the location.
This paper is not about the destination, it is about your experience and what you are learning in this class. Make declarative statements about the experience and back them up with examples - specific citations from your class texts and visual presentations. Use the names/authors of the texts, chapter titles where appropriate, titles for class discussions and subjects in the visual presentations. Utilize quotes, citations and paraphrasing of the course materials with appropriate citation format. Make these connections frequently throughout your report but do not be repetitive. A good paper will make several references/citations on each page.
In some cases, the relationship to completed readings may not be immediately obvious. In this case, think about how the experience impacted your view of the Sonoran region or changed your expectations for the class and compare this to how the readings and discussions have changed your expectations.
Each report should contain 1 “selfie” (or picture with you in it) and two additional photos that capture highlights of your experience.
End your paper with a summary paragraph. This may repeat some of the ideas stated earlier, but in a more general way. Typically, summary paragraphs do not introduce new ideas but bring together arguments made previously in the paper.
other course material than the attached reading guide:
READINGS:
A Natural History of the Sonoran Desert – 2nd Edition Pages: 1-26; 45-156; 181-192; 244-268
“Arizona Native Plants and the Urban Challenge” – Katherine Crewe
MEDIA:
Arizona Illustrated Episode – La Vaquita: https://www.pbs.org/video/february-16-2020-lzdemi/
ARC160D SONORA
FIELD VISIT REPORT PREP WORKSHEET
P REP ARE FOR WRI T I N G FI EL D VI S IT REP ORT S
The most important aspect of the papers is connecting your experience during the field visit to the topics covered in class readings
and discussions. They should also address your growing understanding of the Sonoran Desert as well as the way that people and
ecology interact to create a sense of place.
To help prepare yourself for writing the Field Visit Report, take some time to write down answers to the following questions. You do
not need to use complete sentences or paragraph form – but this can be a place to organize your notes prior to writing your paper.
Note: You may not have an easy answer for each of these questions – however, you should think about each one and make notes
about your experience related to that as part of you learning and analysis process. Use extra pages if needed.
I N T R O U D CT O R Y M A T E R I A L ( N O M O R E T HA N 1 - 2 S H O R T P A R A G R A P HS )
1. What location did you visit and why did you choose this trip for your first self-guided field visit?
2. What did you expect to experience here?
B O D Y M A T E R I A L ( I N CL U D E C I T A T I O N S I N Y O U R T E X T )
3. Does the location relate to the readings and discussions we’ve done so far in class? How so?
a. Things I saw or experienced which might be examples of concepts discussed in the texts or discussions:
i. Text, Author/Chapter, Lecture Number or Discussion for each concept I connected with:
ARC160D SONORA
B O D Y M A T E R I A L ( I N CL U D E C I T A T I O N S I N Y O U R T E X T ) - C O N T I N U E D
b. I learned something more about a topic covered in texts or discussions or went beyond what we’ve covered in class.
i. Text, Author/Chapter, Lecture Number or Discussion which connects with these concepts:
c. Saw or experienced something which I now understand differently than I might have prior to the readings and
discussions in class (perspective taking):
i. Text, Author/Chapter, Lecture Number or Discussion which introduced this new perspective:
If you feel the location did not relate to the readings and discussions, try going back and
looking at the larger concepts listed in the Unit Goals on D2L. Remember that you can
refer to any units that we’ve covered to date.
4. Did your experience impact your perspective of the Sonoran region as a whole? Did it change what you want to learn in the
class?
S U M M A R Y M A T E R I A L ( N O M O R E T HA N 1 -2 P A R A G R A P HS )
Note: A summary is not a repetition of your earlier ideas, but an opportunity to draw larger conclusions or make broad statements
which are supported by the material that comes before.
5. What else about your experience on the field visit was unique? Tell us what you took away from the trip beyond just a list of
things you saw or facts that you read.
Prepare for Writing Field Visit Reports
Introudctory material (no more than 1 -2 short paragraphs)
BODY Material (include citations in your text)
BODY Material (include citations in your text) - continued
Summary material (no more than 1-2 paragraphs)
1: For this field visit, I went to our farm. It is located in the desert of Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates. I chose this place as I honestly had no other option for now because things are a bit strict because of the pandemic.
2: I was expecting to experience what I usually experience here like an extemely hot weather, dry air, and sandy way. I did more than I usually do here this time as I did a bit of an activity by watering and feeding our camels. I also watered some indoor plants.
a: Yes, the location does relate to what we read and discussed so far in class. For example, we defined in class what endemic species are species are found in a particular georgraphic area or biome. I can see that I have seen camels, rabbits, Rupell’s foxes, barbary falcon, and lizards. In addition, antelopes are found here and plants like Ghaf tree and Arabian Gum tree. This makes me connect in that each region has its own species that its known for but that does not mean that an animal taken from our desert cannot survive in the Sonoran region as I believe it can because of similar conditions in both regions.
i: Unit 1-1 lecture and page 6 of the book.
b: I have actually learned that deserts may share similar species, not exactly the same but similar. I know that the sonoran region unique for its Saguaros and our desert is know for Ghaf trees, Arabian Gum trees, and desert shrubs. I believe that it there is desert shrubs as well in the Sonoran region.
i_2: Unit 1-1 lecture.
discussions in class perspective taking: I thought that by looking around I might find some cactus or saguaros because its a desert but I was surprised I did not find and this makes me understand why saguaros now are considerd endemic to the Sonoran region.
undefined: Unit 1-1 lecture.
class: I believe that there is more about the Sonoran region as a whole than simply the place I have visited and that is because I have came across species that from what I know do not live in the Sonoran region, like camels but I believe that they are well-suited to live in it.
things you saw or facts that you read: The Abudhabi desert is the largest sand desert and it takes 80\% of UAE’s land mass. In addition, I noticed that we have a large number of antelopes and foxes. Although the Abu Dhabi desert is different than the Sonoran region but it is possible for other species to live in one another region because they share the latitude and have similar weather conditions.
ARC160D: SONORA
READING GUIDE – UNIT 1
NATURAL H ISTORY OF T HE SONORA N D ESERT
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 2
Author:
Define: biome
What components are used to classify them and why?
Define: endemic
Connect: Choose one of the Biomes presented in this chapter that describes the landscape you are most familiar with (your home,
your favorite place, your family’s home).
Name 3 of its characteristics and what class of plant life is found there.
1.
2.
3.
Define: riparian
Describe: two measures of the aridity of a desert
1.
2.
Describe: three global climate factors that go into the formation of deserts.
1.
2.
3.
Name: four North American Deserts (Don’t forget to look at the color plates that reference each desert (Plate 10-13) and a plant
species associated with each.
1. 2.
3. 4.
Name: three features that distinguish the Sonoran Desert from other North American deserts.
1.
2.
3.
Define: equipatas
Define: las aguas
(as described in text, not a literal translation from Spanish)
Connect: Read the text in the box on page 17. In which season described here did you first encounter the Sonoran desert? (If you
were born here – what is your favorite season?)
What is/was your impression of the character of the desert at that time?
Describe: one of the subdivisions of the Sonoran Desert in your own words. Use the Color plates to help you.
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 3
Author:
Define: Sky Islands
How do these mountains affect water across the region?
Examine: Color plate 32. Describe this graphic and what it is trying to communicate in your own words.
P A R T 1 C H A P TE R 4
Author:
Describe: Why is the Sea of Cortez considered one of the most productive fisheries on the planet?
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 7
Author:
Connect: Read the text in the box on page 47. If the ground water table in Tucson fell 3’ per year for the last 60-80 years, how much
deeper is the water table today? Why is this important for people who live in Tucson today?
Define: Monsoon
What is the most distinctive feature of the Sonoran monsoon?
Define: virga
Recall: What were the 2 names for the summer and winter rains from the earlier chapter? How does this chapter help you explain
these terms?
1. 2.
How does this chapter help you explain these terms?
Define: chubasco
What was the result of Tropical Storm Octave in 1983?
Define: drought
What is the alternate “ecological” definition given in the text?
Connect: How is the way the Tohono O’odham experience desert rain differ from your own experiences? How is it the same?
Define: arroyo
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 8
Author:
Define: mirage
Define: dust devil
Name: three visual effects that result from clear, dry air (lack of large aerosols) in the desert.
1.
2.
3.
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 9
Author:
Identify: which plant does the author say arrived in North America from Argentina sometime in the Pleistocene? (we will discuss this
plant more in future units)
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 1 0
Author:
Define: Basin and Range
Define: alluvial fan
How is an alluvial fan related to a bajada?
Recall: Which chapter also discussed the way that arroyos figure in the Sonoran landscape? What common message did both
authors have about them?
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 1 1
Author:
Define: caliche
How is the presence of caliche related to alkalinity of soils?
Define: desert pavement
What happens when desert pavements and microphytic crusts are disturbed by human activity?
Define: drought dormancy
Connect: How does the soil described in the chapter compare with soils that you are familiar with at your own home?
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 1 2
Author:
Note – many of the themes in this chapter will re-occur in our future readings.
Name: 3 examples of humans impacting the environment given in the “Native Americans” portion of this chapter.
1.
2.
3.
Name: 3 elements of the Columbian Exchange
1.
2.
3.
Define: Mestizaje
Name: 3 extractive industries described in the chapter
1.
2.
3.
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 1 3
Author:
Define: Invasive species
Name 3 invasive species listed in the text.
1.
2.
3.
Connect: Select one of the “Direct Human Impacts” described by the author in the chapter. Briefly describe your own role in this
impact and how you might be able to reduce it in the future.
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 1 4
Author:
Define: Pollinator
What are the greatest threats to native pollinators in the Sonoran Desert?
P A R T 1 : C H A P TE R 1 5
Author:
Define: Biodiversity
How is biodiversity different from species richness?
Describe: Why does the Sonoran desert have such a high level of biodiversity?
Recall: What term does this author use to refer to the “Invasive Species” we discussed in an earlier chapter?
P A R T 2 : C H A P TE R 1 6
Author:
Define: Convergent evolution
Name: 3 parts of the anatomy of a flower
1.
2.
3.
Identify: What element of the human diet is the direct result of photosynthesis?
Define: Succulence
Define: Drought Tolerance
Name 3 strategies for increasing drought tolerance in plants.
1.
2.
3.
Define: Drought Evasion
P A R T 2 : C H A P TE R 1 7
Author:
Name: 4 Giant Columnar Cacti
1. 2.
3. 4.
Describe: the root system of a mature saguaro
Define: symbiosis
Define: nurse plant
Define: cohort
Name: 2 differences between the saguaro and the organ pipe cactus (use at least 3 words for each)
1.
2.
P A R T 3 : C H A P TE R 2 0
Author:
Define: crepuscular
Define: microclimate
Define: water expense
O V E R A L L
Write: 3 “detail” questions to put on a test (include the answers)
1.
2.
3.
Write: 3 “concept” questions to put on a test (include the answers)
1.
2.
3.
Connect: Select quote from this book that felt significant to you.
Explain what it means:
Explain why it matters:
Conclusion: give a 2-3 sentence summary of your big take-aways from this text.
ARIZON A NATI VE P L AN TS AND THE URBA N CH AL L ENGE
Create: A bibliography entry for this article. (Use the library as a resource)
Recall: In the section “Native Plants and Cities: A Literature Review” Crewe discusses the use of exotics in designed landscapes. How
does this connect with the discussion of invasives from the Natural History text.
Define: Desert vernacular
https://libguides.library.arizona.edu/syeyuma/mla
Name: 3 garden design strategies employed by Ten Eyck and Martino to make native plants more appealing to the public.
1.
2.
3.
Explain: The role of hard surfaces like paving, walls and sculpture in Arizona garden design according to Crewe.
Describe: the landscape in the photograph labeled Figure 7. Write as though you are describing it to a friend.
Define: “Faux desert” design
Connect: Which space on the UofA campus is mentioned in the text? Have you visited this location?
Write: 2 questions to put on a test (include the answers)
1.
2.
Connect: Select quote from the rest of the article that felt significant to you.
Explain what it means.
Conclusion: give a 2-3 sentence summary of your big take-aways from this text
ARIZON A IL L USTRATED – L A VAQUITA
Create: A bibliography entry for this video. (Use the library as a resource)
Recall: The video states that the vaquita is found only in the waters of the northern portion of the Sea of Cortez. What term defined
in the Natural History text describes this? Why is this important?
Define: Why are gillnets banned in the Sea of Cortez?
https://libguides.library.arizona.edu/syeyuma/mla
Connect: This is a relatively new story though the plight of the vaquita has been dire for some time. How does the study of the
vaquita and its decline relate to your own timeline?
Connect: Select quote from this video that you feel connects to the content of the course.
Explain what it means to you.
-End-
NATURAL HISTORY OF THE SONORAN DESERT
Part 1: Chapter 2
Part 1: Chapter 3
Part 1 Chapter 4
Part 1: Chapter 7
Part 1: Chapter 8
Part 1: Chapter 9
Part 1: Chapter 10
Part 1: Chapter 11
Part 1: Chapter 12
Part 1: Chapter 13
Part 1: Chapter 14
Part 1: Chapter 15
Part 2: Chapter 16
Part 2: Chapter 17
Part 3: Chapter 20
OVERALL
ARIZONA NATIVE PLANTS AND THE URBAN CHALLENGE
ARIZONA ILLUSTRATED – LA VAQUITA
Author: Mark A. Dimmitt
Define biome: a habitat that is easily identified by its dominant life-forms.
What components are used to classify them and why: climate, habitat, and most importantly vegetation becuse plants are immobile,
rooted in place, and are easily recognized .
Define endemic: occuring only to a named area/biome or smaller community.
1: I chose the desert as my biome as I live in a desert biome
2: Plants are wide spread and has little to no leaves, the driest biome, and temperature and rainfall season determine vegetation
3: Herbaceous perennial, woody shrubs, subshrubs
Define riparian: a unique habitat type that occur in any biome where there is perennial water near the surface
1_2: Amount of rainfall (abbreviated p for precipitation)
2_2: Potetntial water loss through evapotranspiration (abbreviated PET)
1_3: Hot air rises and cool air sinks
2_3: Rising air expands and cools while snking ar compresses and becomes warmer
3_2: Warmer air can hold more water vapor than cooler air
1_4: The Great Basin
2_4: Chihuahuan
3_3: Mojave
4: Sonoran Deserts
1_5: Legume trees
2_5: Large columnar cacti
3_4: Very rich because it has large number of species, 2000, and 550 vertebrates, and thousands unknown
(it also has mild winters)
Define equipatas: winter rains (term used by Sonoran residents, means rain)
Define las aguas: Summer rains (term used by Sonoran residents, means the waters)
What iswas your impression of the character of the desert at that time: Summer monsoon, I was shocked by how hot and dry it is and how it felt hotter than my hometown.
hotter than back home but I understood why because where I come from ts more dry. I was impressed to find a place on earth that was hotter than where I came from
Describe one of the subdivisions of the Sonoran Desert in your own words Use the Color plates to help you: Magdalena is known for its summer rains, rich in trees, different looking cactus, and has shrubs.
Author_2: Wendy Moore
Define Sky Islands: layers of high isolated mountain ranges on the horizon that create a dynamic landscape in southeastern AZ
How do these mountains affect water across the region: it recharges aquifers
Examine Color plate 32 Describe this graphic and what it is trying to communicate in your own words: Thesre are biotic communities in high sky islands. That elevation and latitude play a strong role in determinng a biome as well as its vegetation.
Author_3: Richard C. Brusca
Describe Why is the Sea of Cortez considered one of the most productive fisheries on the planet: Its diversity, warm, and subtropical waters bring deep-sea nutrients and oxygen to the surface
deep sea nutrients and oxygen.plf
Author_4: Mrill Ingram and Richard C. Brusca
deeper is the water table today Why is this important for people who live in Tucson today: It would be at least 120’ deeper. Its important because there is not enough water going around.
Define Monsoon: system of winds that changes seasonally bringing wet and dry periods to a region.
What is the most distinctive feature of the Sonoran monsoon: They are moisture.
Define virga: trailing vaporous streams of rain that hang down from a thunderhead-frayed ends drying in the layer of hot air over the deserts surface.
1_6: equipatas
2_6: las aguas
How does this chapter help you explain these terms: It differentiates these two by identifying how each one results and happens in the region.
Define chubasco: an extremely violent storm.
What was the result of Tropical Storm Octave in 1983: a chubasco of an exceptional strength
Define drought: an extended period of below-average precpitation.
What is the alternate ecological definition given in the text: a long period of diminished water availability for plants.
Connect How is the way the Tohono Oodham experience desert rain differ from your own experiences How is it the same: No difference. It is the same in that we both do not make any assumptions about the rain.
Define arroyo: dry bed/creek
Author_5: David Wentworth Lazaroff
Define mirage: bending light rays via refraction that result in an image of bright sky and upside down cacti or cars
Define dust devil: miniature tornado and a special kind of thermal where hot air moves upward in a circle.
1_7: Very blue skies because little aerosel present due to dryness.
2_7: Aerial perspective.
3_5: Earth’s shadow
Author_6: Thomas R. Van Devender and Richard C. Brusca
Author_7: Robert Scarborough and Richard C. Brusca
Define Basin and Range: highlands that confine the Sonoran Desert and the largest canyon systems of the region.
Define alluvial fan: rocky mud masses that spread out in front of the mountains in gently sloping cones
How is an alluvial fan related to a bajada: when nearby alluvial fans coalesce along a mountain front, the result is a broad sloping plain around the base of range.
authors have about them: Chapter 7. That both contribute to changes due to channel enlargement.
Author_8: Joseph R. McAuliffe
Define caliche: impenetrable, cemented layers, or petrocalcic horizons.
How is the presence of caliche related to alkalinity of soils: They are rich in calcium carbonate.
Define desert pavement: large, flat areas devoid of vegetation and covered by a layer of tightly packed stones
What happens when desert pavements and microphytic crusts are disturbed by human activity: It can be damaged where recovery needs decades to recover.
Define drought dormancy: a condition where triangleleaf bursage survives during long dry periods by shedding its leaves and becoming dormant
Connect How does the soil described in the chapter compare with soils that you are familiar with at your own home: We have areas similar to the soil described in this chapter, especially when a drough hits.
Author_9: Thomas E. Sheridan
1_8: The overhunt of mammals
2_8: hybrid chuckwallas and iguanas interbred
3_6: Agriculture like growing corn
1_9: crops
2_9: tools
3_7: animals
Define Mestizaje: racial mixture
1_10: stock raising
2_10: copper mining
3_8: agriculture
Author_10: Mark A. Dimmitt and Margaret H. Fusari
Define Invasive species: exotic nonnatice species whose introduction is likely to cause economic or environmental harm or harm to human health.
1_11: red brome
2_11: Arabian grass
3_9: cheatgrass
impact and how you might be able to reduce it in the future: vehicles & foot traffic: Ride a bike or walk on foot when going to short destinations.
Author_11: Stephen Buchmann
Define Pollinator: wind or something else that carries the pollen of a male flower to another
What are the greatest threats to native pollinators in the Sonoran Desert:
Author_12:
Define Biodiversity:
How is biodiversity different from species richness:
Describe Why does the Sonoran desert have such a high level of biodiversity:
Recall What term does this author use to refer to the Invasive Species we discussed in an earlier chapter:
Author_13:
Define Convergent evolution:
1_12:
2_12:
3_10:
Identify What element of the human diet is the direct result of photosynthesis:
Define Succulence:
Define Drought Tolerance:
1_13:
2_13:
3_11:
Define Drought Evasion:
Author_14:
1_14:
2_14:
3_12:
4_2:
Describe the root system of a mature saguaro:
Define symbiosis:
Define nurse plant:
Define cohort:
1_15:
2_15:
Author_15:
Define crepuscular:
Define microclimate:
Define water expense:
2_17:
3_14:
Connect Select quote from this book that felt significant to you:
Explain what it means:
Explain why it matters:
Define Desert vernacular:
Name 3 garden design strategies employed by Ten Eyck and Martino to make native plants more appealing to the public:
2_18:
3_15:
Explain The role of hard surfaces like paving walls and sculpture in Arizona garden design according to Crewe:
Describe the landscape in the photograph labeled Figure 7 Write as though you are describing it to a friend:
Define Faux desert design:
Connect Which space on the UofA campus is mentioned in the text Have you visited this location:
Write 2 questions to put on a test include the answers:
2_19:
Connect Select quote from the rest of the article that felt significant to you:
Explain what it means_2:
Conclusion give a 23 sentence summary of your big takeaways from this text_2:
ARIZONA ILLUSTRATED LA VAQUITA:
Create A bibliography entry for this video Use the library as a resource:
in the Natural History text describes this Why is this important:
Define Why are gillnets banned in the Sea of Cortez:
vaquita and its decline relate to your own timeline:
Connect Select quote from this video that you feel connects to the content of the course:
Explain what it means to you:
Pleistocene plant: Creosotebush
1_16:
2_16:
3_13:
1_17:
Conclusion give a 23 sentence summary of your big takeaways from this text:
Create A bibliography entry for this article Use the library as a resource:
does this connect with the discussion of invasives from the Natural History text:
Arizona Native Plants and the Urban Challenge
Katherine Crewe
Landscape Journal: design, planning, and management of the land, Volume
32, Number 2, 2013, pp. 215-229 (Article)
Published by University of Wisconsin Press
For additional information about this article
Access provided by University of Arizona (6 Jul 2017 02:18 GMT)
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/538785
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/538785
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Arizona Native Plants and the Urban Challenge
Katherine Crewe
ABSTRACT This paper explores how Arizona landscape
architects have promoted the use of Sonoran native plants
in Phoenix, Tucson, and surrounding desert cities and
examines their strategies to create ecologically minded
communities in challenging surroundings. In promoting
native plants, landscape architects have not only cre-
ated a vernacular landscape for Arizona’s cities, but have
helped find solutions to rising summer temperatures and
excessive use of borrowed water. In their planning and
design for native plants, they have integrated native plants
into the diverse functions of cities, both societal and eco-
logical, creating multifunctional landscapes. While these
endeavors have widely entrenched native plant design as
part of major urban initiatives in Arizona’s desert cities,
they have also revealed radical obstacles for native plant
designs. Landscape architects have had to find a place
for native plant systems amidst the diverse sets of needs
of arid cities, from city- wide infrastructure systems to
commercial interests and popular preferences, and in
light of an overall energy balance within a desert region.
This encounter marks yet another chapter in the history of
landscape architects’ work with native plants.
KEYWORDS native plants, urban ecosystems, multi-
functional landscapes
Arizona’s landscape architects have been applauded in
recent years for embracing a design vernacular rooted
in the Sonoran desert ecology. In 1994, Mac Griswold
and William Thompson noted the local native plants
movement had “changed the way Phoenix looked at
itself” (Griswold and Thompson 1994, 54), and in 1996
Frederick Steiner claimed professional leaders such as
Christine Ten Eyck, Steve Martino, and Carol Shuler
had “essentially redirected the profession” in Ari-
zona (Leccese 1996, 81). The architectural critic John
Meunier has since described a new Arizona “school of
thought” that has enabled the City of Phoenix to fi nd
its voice “after too many years of pretending to be the
Mediterranean or California” (Meunier 2000, 32). In
promoting native plants, landscape architects have
not only created a vernacular landscape for Arizona’s
cities, but have helped fi nd solutions to rising sum-
mer temperatures and excessive use of borrowed water
(Figures 1–4). Phoenix’s landscape irrigation costs
alone account for an estimated 45 to 75 precent of the
city’s total water consumption (Gober et al. 2010).
The problems have been daunting. From 2000
to 2010 the city of Phoenix grew by 28.9 precent and
was rated among the nation’s top ten cities for growth
(2010 Census). The Phoenix metropolitan area, which
includes Mesa, Glendale, Chandler, and other highly
populated cities, ranks as the 13th largest in the nation
at 4,192,887. Tucson has 547,224. Fast growth is signi-
fi ed by development patterns that are familiar to the
Southwest but unfriendly to native ecosystems, such
as major freeways, wide streets, and large parking lots.
Heat island eff ects are high from expansive paving and
ranch- style homes. As the Arizona landscape architect
Steve Martino observed: “Even a native plant shrivels
on a rooftop” (Leccese 1996, 85).
This paper explores how Arizona landscape
architects have promoted the use of Sonoran native
216 Landscape Journal 32:2
Figure 1
Arizona desert landscape,
Superstition Wilderness.
Figure 2
Maricopa County Courthouse,
Phoenix.
Figure 3
Entrance, Phoenix Desert Gardens,
2012.
Crewe 217
plants in Phoenix, Tucson, and surrounding cities. I
begin with a literature review on the wealth of land-
scape architects’ discourse on the use of native plants
in cities, which I see as an important background to
present- day endeavors. In the following two sections, I
look at their strategies to inspire a public love for the
desert in challenging environments. In the fi rst section
on “functional desert landscapes,” I explore their inte-
gration of desert ecologies into the functional work-
ings of a city, thus creating multifunctional landscapes
which serve practical and social needs (Millenium Eco-
system Assessment 2005). These have included physi-
cal processes such as the frugal use of water, public
canals, trails, and private home building, but also
public social needs through a multitude of recreational
areas (Fish Ewan 2001a). For all their success, how-
ever, their eff orts have led to mixed encounters with
prevailing jurisdictional systems and societal demands.
I argue that the Arizona experience demonstrates a
new kind of battleground for landscape architects as
they promote ecologically enriching native landscapes
in pressured city environments. On the one hand,
native landscapes are increasingly viewed as pivotal
to sustainable urban living, given concerns about the
unsustainability of conventional landscape practices.
Yet they can at times evoke formidable opposition. In
the fi nal section on collaborations for multifunctional
landscapes, I consider the role of native landscapes
as part of a total urban energy balance. In their study
of landscape architects’ use of native plants in Utah,
Hooper et al. identify the profession’s focus on eco-
logical issues in recent decades, commenting that the
fi eld has “emerged from a period of introspection to
reformulate its understanding of the place of humans
in nature” (2008, 127).
Historically, landscape architects in the United
States have always been concerned about native plants
and ecosystems. This has been part of their commit-
ment to environmental stewardship since the 1880s
(Newton 1971). However, their work has most readily
focused on wilderness planning, highway remedia-
tion, and various other kinds of ecosystem restora-
tion. Nevertheless, key examples stand out in the
profession’s history where native plants have inspired
novel approaches to city design and function. Jen-
sen’s prairie landscapes for the Chicago park system
Figure 4
Entrance, Phoenix Art Museum, 2012.
218 Landscape Journal 32:2
in the early 1900s are probably the best documented
(Christy 1976; Grese 1992; Griswold and Thompson
1994). Scattered examples may also be found in Texas
and California cities (Smooty 2004; Byrd 1999), or
in the work of Ralph Cornell in California from the
1930s. Since the 1970s there has been an explosion of
design projects integrating native plantings with urban
design. This urban shift is increasingly relevant as we
address the need for multifunctional landscapes which
combine human and natural ecosystems (Millenium
Ecosystem Assessment 2005).
This study draws on a range of sources. Land-
scape Architecture magazine has proved an important
resource for this study, chronicling professionals’ work
on native plants since the 1920s. The journal refl ects
shifting priorities over time, revealing for instance
a scarcity of articles on desert landscapes from the
early decades, a growth of habitat restoration from the
1930s, and a wealth of urban projects since the 1970s.
The Landscape Journal off ers theoretical and histori-
cal perspectives on native plants, while scholarly works
by historians such as Robert Grese (1992) and Judith
Major (1998) provide depth. Finally, I also turn to the
growing literature on urban and landscape ecology,
which has increasingly included work by landscape
architects (for example Nassauer 1994, 1998; Gobster
1999; Musacchio 2009) and today assumes pressing
relevance for desert cities (see also Martin 2008; Miller
2009; Grimm and Redman 2004).
NATIVE PLANTS AND CITIES: A
LITERATURE REVIEW
The broad range of discussion among landscape archi-
tects about native plant design provides a background
for today’s work in urban native landscapes. For the
most part, early landscape architects in the United
States believed native plants in cities had power to
inspire. From the 1800s, the pioneer Andrew Jackson
Downing advocated American natives for people’s
homes, claiming they brought patriotic pride in the
new land (Grese 1992; Major 1998). Since the 1850s,
Frederick Law Olmsted Sr. created essentially “North
American” forests to bring health and psychological
wellbeing to tired city dwellers (Grese 1992, 87), while
in Chicago Jensen wrote that his adaptations of prairie
forests and clearings would nurture self- knowledge
and enrichment (Christy 1976; Grese 1992).
Discourse on native landscapes has broadened
in scope and application over time. In the 1970s, Ian
McHarg and Jonathan Sutton argued that settlement
amidst piney native wetlands in The Woodlands,
Texas, could involve the public in an ecological experi-
ment about their environment (McHarg and Sutton
1975), while John Binckerhoff Jackson (1961) advo-
cated that Southwesterners use sparse native plant-
ings along with fruit trees to recall earlier Spanish
and Native American lifestyles. In Israel in the 1950s
(referred to in Landscape Architecture magazine),
native plants were prized as a link with biblical his-
tory (Miller 1958; Halprin et al. 1962), while Roberto
Burle Marx’s indigenous gardens in Rio would conjure
a lost prehistoric world (Marx 1954). Then again, we
fi nd many discussions about urban planting design
that integrate a surrounding region, for example the
campus designs of Ralph Cornell and Theodore Payne
in Los Angeles (Pessman 1961; Cornell 1961; Morrison
1975). Perhaps following the earlier work of Jensen,
Miller, and Simonds, others have created urban forms
that mimic native surroundings (Grese 1992). One
notes Halprin’s compositions of mountain spruce and
boulders for Seattle’s Freeway Park, or Hargreaves
Associates’s convoluted grass- covered landforms at
Crissy Field which integrate urban recreation with
San Francisco’s windy Presidio. A comparable example
might be Seattle’s Olympic Sculpture Park, by Charles
Anderson/Weiss Manfredi.
Knowledge of native plants has not always meant
fi delity to pristine ecosystems. In fact, earlier landscape
architects had a history of waiving concerns about spe-
cies purity. While Olmsted stipulated “American” trees
of stately character for urban parks, he distinguished
little between natives and adaptable exotics when it
came to plant survival (Grese 1992). For all his knowl-
edge of prairie habitats, Jensen paid little attention to
plant succession, was known to combine ecosystems
and promote non- natives to survive urban stress (Grese
1992). More recently, Michael Van Valkenburgh has
admitted to compromising his short- grass prairie design
for the General Mills Headquarters in Minneapolis,
given stress from concrete and pollution: “We become
‘very impure’” (Griswold and Thompson 1994, 48).
Groening and Wolschke- Bulmahn’s attack on the
“fascistic” exclusivity of the native plants movement
(1992) gave rise to vigorous debate among landscape
architects on species purity. While some defended the
Crewe 219
need to protect ecosystems from exotics (Sorvig 1994;
Stein and Mox 1992), others have criticized eff orts
to maintain species purity as unrealistic, futile and
at times inappropriate (for example, Tradici 2005;
Miller 2009).
William Byrd (1999) and Darrel Morrison (1999)
trace a rejection of the horticultural arts (and native
plantings) during the early 20th Century when land-
scape architects pursued Beaux Arts styles and profes-
sional status. The authors trace subsequent decades of
sporadic interest among individual practitioners, and
consider the “surge” of horticultural interest since the
1970s as being relatively novel. Examples of what they
call an “explosion of plant power” to reshape cities:
include Oehme van Sweden Associates’s plant massings
in Washington DC (Golwitzer 1985; Sherp 1993; Brady
and Delplace 2003), praire restorations in the Midwest
(Brady and Delplace 2003; Martin 2009), and a range
of ambitious horticultural projects throughout the US.
Since the 1980s the landscape urbanism movement has
featured native plantings for regenerating urban indus-
trial sites, notably in the Highline in New York City,
Freshkills in Staten Island, and the competition win-
ning design scheme for Downsview Park in Toronto
(Mostafavi and Najle 2003; Bouras 2010).
Much discussion has evolved around public mis-
givings over the appearance of native plants, often
considered to look weedy and unkempt. The cultural
commentator Michael Pollan, for instance, complains
of native plant projects that resemble vacant lots
(1994); Hooper, Endter- Wada, and Johnson raise con-
cerns among professionals about the capacity of native
plants to serve the urban functions expected of widely
used exotics (2008). This issue of public acceptance has
drawn its own range of discussions over the years. Ann
Whiston Spirn’s Granite Garden (1985) pioneered the
idea that city infrastructures depend on both natural
and engineered wildlife habitats for drainage systems
and air quality (see also Hough 1995). Robert Thayer
has advocated the importance of designed wilder-
ness landscapes for educating the public as to “a new
aesthetic of shagginess and seasonality” that accom-
modates ecological diversity (1998, 121). Joan Nas-
sauer has stressed the need for designers to recognize
public tastes since these aff ect lifestyle choices which
may determine the success of ecological projects; she
recommends manicuring, or “cues of care” around
wilderness plantings in suburban settings (Nassauer
1995, 167). Paul Gobster draws attention to the mul-
tiple local perspectives over wilderness areas, often
emanating from deep economic, personal, and political
concerns (Gobster 1999; Gobster and Hull 2000).
These discources about native plants contribute
to a professional body of knowledge, whether they
concern practical matters of plant selection, plant
adaptation and species purity, or about broader consid-
erations as to their potential value and impact in cities.
SUBJUGATING THE DESERT
Of all the unfamiliar environments confronting North
European pioneers in the US, the Sonoran Desert must
have appeared the most threatening. Historical reports
from army expeditions, miners, and stray travelers
since the 1840s reveal acute fear and discomfort with
the desert. All felt threatened by the heat, snakes, and
cactus, most found it barren and hostile. Even though
lone explorers praised the scenic beauty of the rocks
and mountains, as did a landscape painter traveling
with the army in 1846, few wished to live there (Gold-
smith 2006). Reluctant to annex the so- called Arizona
Territory, the US government considered it more
trouble than it was worth. In 1852 the statesman Dan-
iel Webster asked Congress: “What do we want with
this vast worthless area—this region of savages and
wild beasts, of shifting sands and whirlwinds of dust,
of cactus and prairie dogs?” (Goldsmith 2006, 53)
For the US government in the mid- 19th Century,
annexation would depend on Anglo- style settlement to
support schools, administration, roads, and irrigated
farming. Moreover, a solid white presence would help
settle Arizona’s Indian reservations such as the Salt
River and Gila River Indian Communities. After the
Gadsden Purchase of 1853, mining and cattle ranching
fl ourished, and boomtowns followed the emerging rail-
roads. The Desert Land Act of 1877 and the National
Reclamation Act of 1902 helped irrigate extensive areas
throughout Arizona, and after 1911 the Roosevelt Dam
provided for the growth of oranges, cotton, dates, and
other exotics in Phoenix’s Valley of the Sun (Bender-
Lamb 1983). Phoenix rapidly matured as a commercial
and administrative center, following older US city mod-
els (Luckingham 1984, 1989), while competition with
California encouraged oasis- style tropical resorts and
hotels around Phoenix and Tucson (Goldstein 1989).
Pioneering attitudes towards the Sonoran des-
ert landscape have all arguably contributed to its
220 Landscape Journal 32:2
Figure 5
Outdoor Theatre by Ten Eyck
Associates, Phoenix Desert Botanical
Gardens, 2012
Figure 6
Sculpture, Phoenix Art Museum,
2012.
Figure 7
View of Papago Peak, Phoenix Desert
Botanical Gardens, 2012.
Crewe 221
degradation. Whether settlers believed the land was
barren waste to be mined, farmed, or urbanized,
or whether they valued desert scenery as a tourist
amenity, they showed little regard for its preservation
(Goldsmith 2005; Grimm and Redman 2004). Urban
settlement in Arizona has followed standard US pat-
terns, often in defi ance of local water supplies and
natural desert drainage patterns. Business- friendly
growth policies have encouraged lifestyles familiar to
the wetter parts of the US, including large residential
lots, lawns, and extravagant water use (Ewan, Fish
Ewan, and Burke 2004).
Like many Southwestern states, Arizona is noted
for impressive wilderness protection coupled with
rampant urban development. Arizona can claim
its share of signifi cant national parks and national
monuments, some specifi cally aimed to protect native
vegetation, such as the Organ Pipe Cactus National
Monument, Saguaro National Park, or the Chirica-
hua National Monument. The state has a record of
protecting disturbed desert along highways (Wright
2007), while the cities of Phoenix and Tucson are well
served by adjacent preserves such as the Tres Rios
Wetlands, South Mountain Park, Papago Park, and the
Sonoran Preserve (Ewan, Fish Ewan, and Burke 2004;
Wright 2007; Ingley 1999).
POPULARIZING A DESERT VERNACULAR
Establishing a desert plant vernacular for Arizona
cities has involved a number of distinct endeavors.
This has meant identifying and propagating Sonoran
plants that could survive in urban conditions, a mis-
sion undertaken by active nurserymen and horticultur-
alists from the early 1940s (Ewan and Fish Ewan 2002).
Finding suitable plants often necessitated ventures into
remote parts of the Sonoran Desert ecosystem, while
propagation of native species could involve experimen-
tal simulations of extreme desert conditions. Com-
mercial trade marking brought its own woes, given
the need to accommodate public tastes while protect-
ing native species (Ewan and Fish Ewan 2002). Pio-
neer planters were apparently motivated by the belief
that native species would survive the heat better than
exotics. Many were frustrated at public ignorance
of the local ecosystem, and perceptions of the desert
as a wasteland “where anything that replaces it is an
improvement” (Griswold and Thompson 1994, 48).
Making the urban public love desert native plants
has long been a major challenge. This is a common
experience for landscape architects, apparently. From
a Cyprus military base in 1961, the landscape archi-
tect Cliff ord Tandy described the “peculiar habits” of
desert vegetation in the struggle for survival:
. . . among these are the reduction of transpiration
area by dropping, rolling or folding leaves, or by
reducing them in size, number, or by dissection,
even by the reduction of leaves to minute scales. . . .
Then there is the formation of leathery or hairy
surfaces and succulent thickening of leaf and stem;
the loss of color and the formation of waxy layers
on stems and leaves. All these tricks of course
make the plants less visually attractive and less
suitable for cultivated planting (1961, 32).
As if in anticipation of public tastes, Arizona’s
landscape architects have highlighted these very “pecu-
liarities” of desert plants in their designs. Many have
found opportunity in secluded settings such as walled
private gardens, hospitals, or campus nooks and walk-
ways, which may alleviate the physical stress while
allowing a striking visual focus on plants. Through
a host of familiar garden design strategies, landscape
architects such as Ten Eyck and Martino have used
lighting, sun patterns, and shade to accentuate plants
against walls, capture the texture of desert trees, and
to display the fi ligreed desert light. Widely publicized
in design magazines and journals, these memorable
walled gardens have intrigued the Southwestern public,
creating a popular style of sheltered arid landscape
around hotels, resorts and other public places (for ex-
ample Latane 2007; Sorvig 2010).
Arizona’s designed gardens typically contain a
high proportion of hard surfaces such as paving, walls
and sculpture (Figures 5 and 6). Not only do these
provide an architectural framework for informal
clusters of plants, but they also evoke images of past
settlement that are forgotten in today’s Arizona cities,
thereby grounding residents in the richness of their
environment. Some recall native Sonoran pueblo set-
tings, others Spanish adobe, yet others the modernism
of Frank Lloyd Wright entrenched in Scottsdale history
since the 1930s (Leccese 1996). Associations with tra-
ditional desert architecture are often novel for current
city dwellers more familiar with tract development.
222 Landscape Journal 32:2
Landscape architects in the Phoenix and Tucson
areas have been notably concerned to connect their
designs with the Sonoran Desert ecosystems. Many
projects take advantage of the stunning mountain
views on the city’s edge. Employing familiar strate-
gies such as the Japanese shakkei or the framed views
of Chinese Scholar gardens, designers have engaged
borrowed views of desert hills which allow the viewer
to “leap the fence” and see all of nature as a garden.
Larger and more ambitious projects have again
allowed for borrowed views, also including elaborately
staged transitions of ecosystems or landforms. Phoe-
nix’s Desert Botanical Garden is set against the Papago
Buttes but large enough to contain desert wash and
canyon settings (Figure 7), while the grounds of Tuc-
son’s Arizona Cancer Center by Ten Eyck Associates
allow for visual connections between a creek and the
nearby Santa Catalina Mountains (Lenart 2009). This
“grounding” has been similarly achieved through more
concentrated landscape transitions in confi ned spaces
such as the Healing Gardens at the Desert Samaritan
Hospital in Phoenix, and the Thompson Peak Hospital,
both by Ten Eyck Associates.
Over time, a range of desert landscape elements
has evolved throughout Arizona cities, including famil-
iar plantings of Mesquite, Palo Brea, and Palo Verde to
shade parking lots and cycle paths; ubiquitous com-
positions of cactus, agaves, and trees along sidewalks
and traffi c islands. A signifi cant proportion of private
houses feature desert xeriscapes.
While the proliferation of desert plants in Ari-
zona’s cities has helped conferr a regional identity, it
has also been criticized for its indiscriminate use. Fish
Ewan and Ewan, for instance, deplore the proliferation
of “faux desert” designs of scattered shrubs “in a sea of
gravel,” which bear scant resemblance to surrounding
ecosystems and few functional benefi ts. Instead they
encourage further degradation. “Too often, water-
conserving landscapes are visual blights that exacerbate
the urban- heat island eff ect and off er no value what-
soever in terms of human outdoor space” (2004, 54).
More alarming perhaps, water- conserving landscapes
are used to justify regional sprawl with all its attendant
impacts. Quoting landscape architect Michael Dol-
lin, the authors note: “We’re taking out real Sonoran
Desert to build subdivisions, and then plant drought-
tolerant plants along their fairways” (55).
FUNCTIONAL NATIVE LANDSCAPES
In Arizona cities, demonstration or “showcase” proj-
ects have commonly addressed urban functions such
as water use, drainage and conservation, and water
recharge. A few have looked at low- impact technology
in answer to the area’s building boom, again using
desert landscapes that evoke frugal lifestyles, while
others look at cycle trails along wildlife corridors.
Throughout Landscape Architecture magazine one
fi nds examples of demonstration projects that explore
alternatives to harmful urban practices. Many of
these include native plants, as designers have valued a
pristine setting to exemplify an ecological or regional
Figure 8
Tempe Town Lake, 2012.
Crewe 223
process. Examples have included unpaved storm water
channels in San Francisco and Pasadena (Viani 2010),
low impact golf courses substituting turf with natives
(Enlow 2008), or low water use in California parks
(Contreras 2008). More ambitious projects are fre-
quently greenway systems and wildlife corridors func-
tioning as public recreation, such as Knoxville’s Toby
Creek or Charlotte’s Mallard and Clark’s Creek.
Not surprisingly, Arizona’s smaller and more
discrete pilot projects have been less controversial
than the ambitious ones. The low- water use plan for
the Sonoran Landscape Laboratory at the University
of Arizona in Tucson, for instance, has received much
public support, with well- wishers contributing money,
time, and other donations. Designed by Ten Eyck
Associates, the project demonstrates water harvesting
from buildings using a three- story tank that collects
water from roofs and air conditioners to irrigate new
wetlands and Sonoran mesquite bosques; performance
is measured through a controller linked to the univer-
sity’s weather station. “Buildings,” as Christine Ten
Eyck comments, “are the new aquifers” (Sorvig 2010,
26). Designers hope this relatively cheap system will
be scalable to homes and businesses in the area. These
hopes seem realistic since water shortages are more
publicly acknowledged in Tucson than in Phoenix
(Ewan, Fish Ewan, and Burke 2004).
In North Phoenix, the Arizona Falls Water Works
off ers similar lessons for the public in water conserva-
tion, featuring a power- generating facility amidst a
Figure 9
Desert shade trees under palms,
Phoenix 2012.
224 Landscape Journal 32:2
rocky landscape of desert trees and grasses (Fish Ewan
2005, 92). Also in Phoenix, a riparian landscape around
a constructed seasonal storm channel in Chaparral Park
demonstrates careful conservation of water (Hill, 2009),
while a rooftop garden atop the Tempe Transportation
Center explores the cooling powers of arid plantings for
buildings (Lenart 2009). Art projects along Phoenix’s
131- mile metropolitan canal system have aimed to edu-
cate the public about its irrigation history and encour-
age outdoor use (Fish Ewan 2002). All the above have
drawn visitors or attracted hikers, and all have been
well received in spite of a few concerns, such as the
feasibility of rooftop cooling from plants needing heavy
irrigation (Lenart 2009), and mixed messages from arid
landscape designs set in an environment of green front
lawns and golf courses (Hill 2009).
On the other hand a number of large- scale city
projects advocating native plants have encountered
opposition from public opinion, city jurisdictions, and
economic development interests, revealing underlying
misgivings about native plants. Plans for an avenue of
native trees along the 134- mile Phoenix canal system
(put forward by the landscape architect Steve Martino
in 1998) were thwarted because of infrastructure and
maintenance concerns (Fish Ewan 2002), with future
canal plans showing no mention of native plants (see for
example Freeman, 2003). In 2002, plans for a riparian
system of native mesquites and wetlands along Tempe’s
Salt River banks were overturned (Fish Ewan 2002).
The more ambitious expansion of the Tempe Town
Lake project has included a heavily paved riverside
landscape for high volumes of pedestrians and cyclists,
waterfront commercial and apartment buildings, a boat
launch, and the Tempe Center for the Arts. Advocates
have argued the need for paved riverside space to sup-
port heavy town and student uses (Figure 8 and 9).
Tucson’s model community project of Civano
has demonstrated comparable drawbacks for native
landscapes, this time as a setting for housing commer-
cial activity. Fourteen miles southeast of Tucson, this
2,600 home village settlement off ers energy- effi cient
living in a native setting. House designs save energy
through structurally insulated walls, solar technology
and plumbing for grey water. The entire settlement is
nested in a landscape design of native mesquites and
desert shrubs to create what a resident has called “one-
ness with the desert” (Buntin 2005, …
Arizona Native Plants and the Urban Challenge
Katherine Crewe
Landscape Journal: design, planning, and management of the land, Volume
32, Number 2, 2013, pp. 215-229 (Article)
Published by University of Wisconsin Press
For additional information about this article
Access provided by University of Arizona (6 Jul 2017 02:18 GMT)
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/538785
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/538785
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Arizona Native Plants and the Urban Challenge
Katherine Crewe
ABSTRACT This paper explores how Arizona landscape
architects have promoted the use of Sonoran native plants
in Phoenix, Tucson, and surrounding desert cities and
examines their strategies to create ecologically minded
communities in challenging surroundings. In promoting
native plants, landscape architects have not only cre-
ated a vernacular landscape for Arizona’s cities, but have
helped find solutions to rising summer temperatures and
excessive use of borrowed water. In their planning and
design for native plants, they have integrated native plants
into the diverse functions of cities, both societal and eco-
logical, creating multifunctional landscapes. While these
endeavors have widely entrenched native plant design as
part of major urban initiatives in Arizona’s desert cities,
they have also revealed radical obstacles for native plant
designs. Landscape architects have had to find a place
for native plant systems amidst the diverse sets of needs
of arid cities, from city- wide infrastructure systems to
commercial interests and popular preferences, and in
light of an overall energy balance within a desert region.
This encounter marks yet another chapter in the history of
landscape architects’ work with native plants.
KEYWORDS native plants, urban ecosystems, multi-
functional landscapes
Arizona’s landscape architects have been applauded in
recent years for embracing a design vernacular rooted
in the Sonoran desert ecology. In 1994, Mac Griswold
and William Thompson noted the local native plants
movement had “changed the way Phoenix looked at
itself” (Griswold and Thompson 1994, 54), and in 1996
Frederick Steiner claimed professional leaders such as
Christine Ten Eyck, Steve Martino, and Carol Shuler
had “essentially redirected the profession” in Ari-
zona (Leccese 1996, 81). The architectural critic John
Meunier has since described a new Arizona “school of
thought” that has enabled the City of Phoenix to fi nd
its voice “after too many years of pretending to be the
Mediterranean or California” (Meunier 2000, 32). In
promoting native plants, landscape architects have
not only created a vernacular landscape for Arizona’s
cities, but have helped fi nd solutions to rising sum-
mer temperatures and excessive use of borrowed water
(Figures 1–4). Phoenix’s landscape irrigation costs
alone account for an estimated 45 to 75 precent of the
city’s total water consumption (Gober et al. 2010).
The problems have been daunting. From 2000
to 2010 the city of Phoenix grew by 28.9 precent and
was rated among the nation’s top ten cities for growth
(2010 Census). The Phoenix metropolitan area, which
includes Mesa, Glendale, Chandler, and other highly
populated cities, ranks as the 13th largest in the nation
at 4,192,887. Tucson has 547,224. Fast growth is signi-
fi ed by development patterns that are familiar to the
Southwest but unfriendly to native ecosystems, such
as major freeways, wide streets, and large parking lots.
Heat island eff ects are high from expansive paving and
ranch- style homes. As the Arizona landscape architect
Steve Martino observed: “Even a native plant shrivels
on a rooftop” (Leccese 1996, 85).
This paper explores how Arizona landscape
architects have promoted the use of Sonoran native
216 Landscape Journal 32:2
Figure 1
Arizona desert landscape,
Superstition Wilderness.
Figure 2
Maricopa County Courthouse,
Phoenix.
Figure 3
Entrance, Phoenix Desert Gardens,
2012.
Crewe 217
plants in Phoenix, Tucson, and surrounding cities. I
begin with a literature review on the wealth of land-
scape architects’ discourse on the use of native plants
in cities, which I see as an important background to
present- day endeavors. In the following two sections, I
look at their strategies to inspire a public love for the
desert in challenging environments. In the fi rst section
on “functional desert landscapes,” I explore their inte-
gration of desert ecologies into the functional work-
ings of a city, thus creating multifunctional landscapes
which serve practical and social needs (Millenium Eco-
system Assessment 2005). These have included physi-
cal processes such as the frugal use of water, public
canals, trails, and private home building, but also
public social needs through a multitude of recreational
areas (Fish Ewan 2001a). For all their success, how-
ever, their eff orts have led to mixed encounters with
prevailing jurisdictional systems and societal demands.
I argue that the Arizona experience demonstrates a
new kind of battleground for landscape architects as
they promote ecologically enriching native landscapes
in pressured city environments. On the one hand,
native landscapes are increasingly viewed as pivotal
to sustainable urban living, given concerns about the
unsustainability of conventional landscape practices.
Yet they can at times evoke formidable opposition. In
the fi nal section on collaborations for multifunctional
landscapes, I consider the role of native landscapes
as part of a total urban energy balance. In their study
of landscape architects’ use of native plants in Utah,
Hooper et al. identify the profession’s focus on eco-
logical issues in recent decades, commenting that the
fi eld has “emerged from a period of introspection to
reformulate its understanding of the place of humans
in nature” (2008, 127).
Historically, landscape architects in the United
States have always been concerned about native plants
and ecosystems. This has been part of their commit-
ment to environmental stewardship since the 1880s
(Newton 1971). However, their work has most readily
focused on wilderness planning, highway remedia-
tion, and various other kinds of ecosystem restora-
tion. Nevertheless, key examples stand out in the
profession’s history where native plants have inspired
novel approaches to city design and function. Jen-
sen’s prairie landscapes for the Chicago park system
Figure 4
Entrance, Phoenix Art Museum, 2012.
218 Landscape Journal 32:2
in the early 1900s are probably the best documented
(Christy 1976; Grese 1992; Griswold and Thompson
1994). Scattered examples may also be found in Texas
and California cities (Smooty 2004; Byrd 1999), or
in the work of Ralph Cornell in California from the
1930s. Since the 1970s there has been an explosion of
design projects integrating native plantings with urban
design. This urban shift is increasingly relevant as we
address the need for multifunctional landscapes which
combine human and natural ecosystems (Millenium
Ecosystem Assessment 2005).
This study draws on a range of sources. Land-
scape Architecture magazine has proved an important
resource for this study, chronicling professionals’ work
on native plants since the 1920s. The journal refl ects
shifting priorities over time, revealing for instance
a scarcity of articles on desert landscapes from the
early decades, a growth of habitat restoration from the
1930s, and a wealth of urban projects since the 1970s.
The Landscape Journal off ers theoretical and histori-
cal perspectives on native plants, while scholarly works
by historians such as Robert Grese (1992) and Judith
Major (1998) provide depth. Finally, I also turn to the
growing literature on urban and landscape ecology,
which has increasingly included work by landscape
architects (for example Nassauer 1994, 1998; Gobster
1999; Musacchio 2009) and today assumes pressing
relevance for desert cities (see also Martin 2008; Miller
2009; Grimm and Redman 2004).
NATIVE PLANTS AND CITIES: A
LITERATURE REVIEW
The broad range of discussion among landscape archi-
tects about native plant design provides a background
for today’s work in urban native landscapes. For the
most part, early landscape architects in the United
States believed native plants in cities had power to
inspire. From the 1800s, the pioneer Andrew Jackson
Downing advocated American natives for people’s
homes, claiming they brought patriotic pride in the
new land (Grese 1992; Major 1998). Since the 1850s,
Frederick Law Olmsted Sr. created essentially “North
American” forests to bring health and psychological
wellbeing to tired city dwellers (Grese 1992, 87), while
in Chicago Jensen wrote that his adaptations of prairie
forests and clearings would nurture self- knowledge
and enrichment (Christy 1976; Grese 1992).
Discourse on native landscapes has broadened
in scope and application over time. In the 1970s, Ian
McHarg and Jonathan Sutton argued that settlement
amidst piney native wetlands in The Woodlands,
Texas, could involve the public in an ecological experi-
ment about their environment (McHarg and Sutton
1975), while John Binckerhoff Jackson (1961) advo-
cated that Southwesterners use sparse native plant-
ings along with fruit trees to recall earlier Spanish
and Native American lifestyles. In Israel in the 1950s
(referred to in Landscape Architecture magazine),
native plants were prized as a link with biblical his-
tory (Miller 1958; Halprin et al. 1962), while Roberto
Burle Marx’s indigenous gardens in Rio would conjure
a lost prehistoric world (Marx 1954). Then again, we
fi nd many discussions about urban planting design
that integrate a surrounding region, for example the
campus designs of Ralph Cornell and Theodore Payne
in Los Angeles (Pessman 1961; Cornell 1961; Morrison
1975). Perhaps following the earlier work of Jensen,
Miller, and Simonds, others have created urban forms
that mimic native surroundings (Grese 1992). One
notes Halprin’s compositions of mountain spruce and
boulders for Seattle’s Freeway Park, or Hargreaves
Associates’s convoluted grass- covered landforms at
Crissy Field which integrate urban recreation with
San Francisco’s windy Presidio. A comparable example
might be Seattle’s Olympic Sculpture Park, by Charles
Anderson/Weiss Manfredi.
Knowledge of native plants has not always meant
fi delity to pristine ecosystems. In fact, earlier landscape
architects had a history of waiving concerns about spe-
cies purity. While Olmsted stipulated “American” trees
of stately character for urban parks, he distinguished
little between natives and adaptable exotics when it
came to plant survival (Grese 1992). For all his knowl-
edge of prairie habitats, Jensen paid little attention to
plant succession, was known to combine ecosystems
and promote non- natives to survive urban stress (Grese
1992). More recently, Michael Van Valkenburgh has
admitted to compromising his short- grass prairie design
for the General Mills Headquarters in Minneapolis,
given stress from concrete and pollution: “We become
‘very impure’” (Griswold and Thompson 1994, 48).
Groening and Wolschke- Bulmahn’s attack on the
“fascistic” exclusivity of the native plants movement
(1992) gave rise to vigorous debate among landscape
architects on species purity. While some defended the
Crewe 219
need to protect ecosystems from exotics (Sorvig 1994;
Stein and Mox 1992), others have criticized eff orts
to maintain species purity as unrealistic, futile and
at times inappropriate (for example, Tradici 2005;
Miller 2009).
William Byrd (1999) and Darrel Morrison (1999)
trace a rejection of the horticultural arts (and native
plantings) during the early 20th Century when land-
scape architects pursued Beaux Arts styles and profes-
sional status. The authors trace subsequent decades of
sporadic interest among individual practitioners, and
consider the “surge” of horticultural interest since the
1970s as being relatively novel. Examples of what they
call an “explosion of plant power” to reshape cities:
include Oehme van Sweden Associates’s plant massings
in Washington DC (Golwitzer 1985; Sherp 1993; Brady
and Delplace 2003), praire restorations in the Midwest
(Brady and Delplace 2003; Martin 2009), and a range
of ambitious horticultural projects throughout the US.
Since the 1980s the landscape urbanism movement has
featured native plantings for regenerating urban indus-
trial sites, notably in the Highline in New York City,
Freshkills in Staten Island, and the competition win-
ning design scheme for Downsview Park in Toronto
(Mostafavi and Najle 2003; Bouras 2010).
Much discussion has evolved around public mis-
givings over the appearance of native plants, often
considered to look weedy and unkempt. The cultural
commentator Michael Pollan, for instance, complains
of native plant projects that resemble vacant lots
(1994); Hooper, Endter- Wada, and Johnson raise con-
cerns among professionals about the capacity of native
plants to serve the urban functions expected of widely
used exotics (2008). This issue of public acceptance has
drawn its own range of discussions over the years. Ann
Whiston Spirn’s Granite Garden (1985) pioneered the
idea that city infrastructures depend on both natural
and engineered wildlife habitats for drainage systems
and air quality (see also Hough 1995). Robert Thayer
has advocated the importance of designed wilder-
ness landscapes for educating the public as to “a new
aesthetic of shagginess and seasonality” that accom-
modates ecological diversity (1998, 121). Joan Nas-
sauer has stressed the need for designers to recognize
public tastes since these aff ect lifestyle choices which
may determine the success of ecological projects; she
recommends manicuring, or “cues of care” around
wilderness plantings in suburban settings (Nassauer
1995, 167). Paul Gobster draws attention to the mul-
tiple local perspectives over wilderness areas, often
emanating from deep economic, personal, and political
concerns (Gobster 1999; Gobster and Hull 2000).
These discources about native plants contribute
to a professional body of knowledge, whether they
concern practical matters of plant selection, plant
adaptation and species purity, or about broader consid-
erations as to their potential value and impact in cities.
SUBJUGATING THE DESERT
Of all the unfamiliar environments confronting North
European pioneers in the US, the Sonoran Desert must
have appeared the most threatening. Historical reports
from army expeditions, miners, and stray travelers
since the 1840s reveal acute fear and discomfort with
the desert. All felt threatened by the heat, snakes, and
cactus, most found it barren and hostile. Even though
lone explorers praised the scenic beauty of the rocks
and mountains, as did a landscape painter traveling
with the army in 1846, few wished to live there (Gold-
smith 2006). Reluctant to annex the so- called Arizona
Territory, the US government considered it more
trouble than it was worth. In 1852 the statesman Dan-
iel Webster asked Congress: “What do we want with
this vast worthless area—this region of savages and
wild beasts, of shifting sands and whirlwinds of dust,
of cactus and prairie dogs?” (Goldsmith 2006, 53)
For the US government in the mid- 19th Century,
annexation would depend on Anglo- style settlement to
support schools, administration, roads, and irrigated
farming. Moreover, a solid white presence would help
settle Arizona’s Indian reservations such as the Salt
River and Gila River Indian Communities. After the
Gadsden Purchase of 1853, mining and cattle ranching
fl ourished, and boomtowns followed the emerging rail-
roads. The Desert Land Act of 1877 and the National
Reclamation Act of 1902 helped irrigate extensive areas
throughout Arizona, and after 1911 the Roosevelt Dam
provided for the growth of oranges, cotton, dates, and
other exotics in Phoenix’s Valley of the Sun (Bender-
Lamb 1983). Phoenix rapidly matured as a commercial
and administrative center, following older US city mod-
els (Luckingham 1984, 1989), while competition with
California encouraged oasis- style tropical resorts and
hotels around Phoenix and Tucson (Goldstein 1989).
Pioneering attitudes towards the Sonoran des-
ert landscape have all arguably contributed to its
220 Landscape Journal 32:2
Figure 5
Outdoor Theatre by Ten Eyck
Associates, Phoenix Desert Botanical
Gardens, 2012
Figure 6
Sculpture, Phoenix Art Museum,
2012.
Figure 7
View of Papago Peak, Phoenix Desert
Botanical Gardens, 2012.
Crewe 221
degradation. Whether settlers believed the land was
barren waste to be mined, farmed, or urbanized,
or whether they valued desert scenery as a tourist
amenity, they showed little regard for its preservation
(Goldsmith 2005; Grimm and Redman 2004). Urban
settlement in Arizona has followed standard US pat-
terns, often in defi ance of local water supplies and
natural desert drainage patterns. Business- friendly
growth policies have encouraged lifestyles familiar to
the wetter parts of the US, including large residential
lots, lawns, and extravagant water use (Ewan, Fish
Ewan, and Burke 2004).
Like many Southwestern states, Arizona is noted
for impressive wilderness protection coupled with
rampant urban development. Arizona can claim
its share of signifi cant national parks and national
monuments, some specifi cally aimed to protect native
vegetation, such as the Organ Pipe Cactus National
Monument, Saguaro National Park, or the Chirica-
hua National Monument. The state has a record of
protecting disturbed desert along highways (Wright
2007), while the cities of Phoenix and Tucson are well
served by adjacent preserves such as the Tres Rios
Wetlands, South Mountain Park, Papago Park, and the
Sonoran Preserve (Ewan, Fish Ewan, and Burke 2004;
Wright 2007; Ingley 1999).
POPULARIZING A DESERT VERNACULAR
Establishing a desert plant vernacular for Arizona
cities has involved a number of distinct endeavors.
This has meant identifying and propagating Sonoran
plants that could survive in urban conditions, a mis-
sion undertaken by active nurserymen and horticultur-
alists from the early 1940s (Ewan and Fish Ewan 2002).
Finding suitable plants often necessitated ventures into
remote parts of the Sonoran Desert ecosystem, while
propagation of native species could involve experimen-
tal simulations of extreme desert conditions. Com-
mercial trade marking brought its own woes, given
the need to accommodate public tastes while protect-
ing native species (Ewan and Fish Ewan 2002). Pio-
neer planters were apparently motivated by the belief
that native species would survive the heat better than
exotics. Many were frustrated at public ignorance
of the local ecosystem, and perceptions of the desert
as a wasteland “where anything that replaces it is an
improvement” (Griswold and Thompson 1994, 48).
Making the urban public love desert native plants
has long been a major challenge. This is a common
experience for landscape architects, apparently. From
a Cyprus military base in 1961, the landscape archi-
tect Cliff ord Tandy described the “peculiar habits” of
desert vegetation in the struggle for survival:
. . . among these are the reduction of transpiration
area by dropping, rolling or folding leaves, or by
reducing them in size, number, or by dissection,
even by the reduction of leaves to minute scales. . . .
Then there is the formation of leathery or hairy
surfaces and succulent thickening of leaf and stem;
the loss of color and the formation of waxy layers
on stems and leaves. All these tricks of course
make the plants less visually attractive and less
suitable for cultivated planting (1961, 32).
As if in anticipation of public tastes, Arizona’s
landscape architects have highlighted these very “pecu-
liarities” of desert plants in their designs. Many have
found opportunity in secluded settings such as walled
private gardens, hospitals, or campus nooks and walk-
ways, which may alleviate the physical stress while
allowing a striking visual focus on plants. Through
a host of familiar garden design strategies, landscape
architects such as Ten Eyck and Martino have used
lighting, sun patterns, and shade to accentuate plants
against walls, capture the texture of desert trees, and
to display the fi ligreed desert light. Widely publicized
in design magazines and journals, these memorable
walled gardens have intrigued the Southwestern public,
creating a popular style of sheltered arid landscape
around hotels, resorts and other public places (for ex-
ample Latane 2007; Sorvig 2010).
Arizona’s designed gardens typically contain a
high proportion of hard surfaces such as paving, walls
and sculpture (Figures 5 and 6). Not only do these
provide an architectural framework for informal
clusters of plants, but they also evoke images of past
settlement that are forgotten in today’s Arizona cities,
thereby grounding residents in the richness of their
environment. Some recall native Sonoran pueblo set-
tings, others Spanish adobe, yet others the modernism
of Frank Lloyd Wright entrenched in Scottsdale history
since the 1930s (Leccese 1996). Associations with tra-
ditional desert architecture are often novel for current
city dwellers more familiar with tract development.
222 Landscape Journal 32:2
Landscape architects in the Phoenix and Tucson
areas have been notably concerned to connect their
designs with the Sonoran Desert ecosystems. Many
projects take advantage of the stunning mountain
views on the city’s edge. Employing familiar strate-
gies such as the Japanese shakkei or the framed views
of Chinese Scholar gardens, designers have engaged
borrowed views of desert hills which allow the viewer
to “leap the fence” and see all of nature as a garden.
Larger and more ambitious projects have again
allowed for borrowed views, also including elaborately
staged transitions of ecosystems or landforms. Phoe-
nix’s Desert Botanical Garden is set against the Papago
Buttes but large enough to contain desert wash and
canyon settings (Figure 7), while the grounds of Tuc-
son’s Arizona Cancer Center by Ten Eyck Associates
allow for visual connections between a creek and the
nearby Santa Catalina Mountains (Lenart 2009). This
“grounding” has been similarly achieved through more
concentrated landscape transitions in confi ned spaces
such as the Healing Gardens at the Desert Samaritan
Hospital in Phoenix, and the Thompson Peak Hospital,
both by Ten Eyck Associates.
Over time, a range of desert landscape elements
has evolved throughout Arizona cities, including famil-
iar plantings of Mesquite, Palo Brea, and Palo Verde to
shade parking lots and cycle paths; ubiquitous com-
positions of cactus, agaves, and trees along sidewalks
and traffi c islands. A signifi cant proportion of private
houses feature desert xeriscapes.
While the proliferation of desert plants in Ari-
zona’s cities has helped conferr a regional identity, it
has also been criticized for its indiscriminate use. Fish
Ewan and Ewan, for instance, deplore the proliferation
of “faux desert” designs of scattered shrubs “in a sea of
gravel,” which bear scant resemblance to surrounding
ecosystems and few functional benefi ts. Instead they
encourage further degradation. “Too often, water-
conserving landscapes are visual blights that exacerbate
the urban- heat island eff ect and off er no value what-
soever in terms of human outdoor space” (2004, 54).
More alarming perhaps, water- conserving landscapes
are used to justify regional sprawl with all its attendant
impacts. Quoting landscape architect Michael Dol-
lin, the authors note: “We’re taking out real Sonoran
Desert to build subdivisions, and then plant drought-
tolerant plants along their fairways” (55).
FUNCTIONAL NATIVE LANDSCAPES
In Arizona cities, demonstration or “showcase” proj-
ects have commonly addressed urban functions such
as water use, drainage and conservation, and water
recharge. A few have looked at low- impact technology
in answer to the area’s building boom, again using
desert landscapes that evoke frugal lifestyles, while
others look at cycle trails along wildlife corridors.
Throughout Landscape Architecture magazine one
fi nds examples of demonstration projects that explore
alternatives to harmful urban practices. Many of
these include native plants, as designers have valued a
pristine setting to exemplify an ecological or regional
Figure 8
Tempe Town Lake, 2012.
Crewe 223
process. Examples have included unpaved storm water
channels in San Francisco and Pasadena (Viani 2010),
low impact golf courses substituting turf with natives
(Enlow 2008), or low water use in California parks
(Contreras 2008). More ambitious projects are fre-
quently greenway systems and wildlife corridors func-
tioning as public recreation, such as Knoxville’s Toby
Creek or Charlotte’s Mallard and Clark’s Creek.
Not surprisingly, Arizona’s smaller and more
discrete pilot projects have been less controversial
than the ambitious ones. The low- water use plan for
the Sonoran Landscape Laboratory at the University
of Arizona in Tucson, for instance, has received much
public support, with well- wishers contributing money,
time, and other donations. Designed by Ten Eyck
Associates, the project demonstrates water harvesting
from buildings using a three- story tank that collects
water from roofs and air conditioners to irrigate new
wetlands and Sonoran mesquite bosques; performance
is measured through a controller linked to the univer-
sity’s weather station. “Buildings,” as Christine Ten
Eyck comments, “are the new aquifers” (Sorvig 2010,
26). Designers hope this relatively cheap system will
be scalable to homes and businesses in the area. These
hopes seem realistic since water shortages are more
publicly acknowledged in Tucson than in Phoenix
(Ewan, Fish Ewan, and Burke 2004).
In North Phoenix, the Arizona Falls Water Works
off ers similar lessons for the public in water conserva-
tion, featuring a power- generating facility amidst a
Figure 9
Desert shade trees under palms,
Phoenix 2012.
224 Landscape Journal 32:2
rocky landscape of desert trees and grasses (Fish Ewan
2005, 92). Also in Phoenix, a riparian landscape around
a constructed seasonal storm channel in Chaparral Park
demonstrates careful conservation of water (Hill, 2009),
while a rooftop garden atop the Tempe Transportation
Center explores the cooling powers of arid plantings for
buildings (Lenart 2009). Art projects along Phoenix’s
131- mile metropolitan canal system have aimed to edu-
cate the public about its irrigation history and encour-
age outdoor use (Fish Ewan 2002). All the above have
drawn visitors or attracted hikers, and all have been
well received in spite of a few concerns, such as the
feasibility of rooftop cooling from plants needing heavy
irrigation (Lenart 2009), and mixed messages from arid
landscape designs set in an environment of green front
lawns and golf courses (Hill 2009).
On the other hand a number of large- scale city
projects advocating native plants have encountered
opposition from public opinion, city jurisdictions, and
economic development interests, revealing underlying
misgivings about native plants. Plans for an avenue of
native trees along the 134- mile Phoenix canal system
(put forward by the landscape architect Steve Martino
in 1998) were thwarted because of infrastructure and
maintenance concerns (Fish Ewan 2002), with future
canal plans showing no mention of native plants (see for
example Freeman, 2003). In 2002, plans for a riparian
system of native mesquites and wetlands along Tempe’s
Salt River banks were overturned (Fish Ewan 2002).
The more ambitious expansion of the Tempe Town
Lake project has included a heavily paved riverside
landscape for high volumes of pedestrians and cyclists,
waterfront commercial and apartment buildings, a boat
launch, and the Tempe Center for the Arts. Advocates
have argued the need for paved riverside space to sup-
port heavy town and student uses (Figure 8 and 9).
Tucson’s model community project of Civano
has demonstrated comparable drawbacks for native
landscapes, this time as a setting for housing commer-
cial activity. Fourteen miles southeast of Tucson, this
2,600 home village settlement off ers energy- effi cient
living in a native setting. House designs save energy
through structurally insulated walls, solar technology
and plumbing for grey water. The entire settlement is
nested in a landscape design of native mesquites and
desert shrubs to create what a resident has called “one-
ness with the desert” (Buntin 2005, …
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Communication on Customer Relations. Discuss how two-way communication on social media channels impacts businesses both positively and negatively. Provide any personal examples from your experience
od pressure and hypertension via a community-wide intervention that targets the problem across the lifespan (i.e. includes all ages).
Develop a community-wide intervention to reduce elevated blood pressure and hypertension in the State of Alabama that in
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e a 1 to 2 slide Microsoft PowerPoint presentation on the different models of case management. Include speaker notes... .....Describe three different models of case management.
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making the appropriate buying decisions in an ethical and professional manner.
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I think knowing more about you will allow you to be able to choose the right resources
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One thing you will need to do in college is learn how to find and use references. References support your ideas. College-level work must be supported by research. You are expected to do that for this paper. You will research
Elaborate on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study 20.0\% Elaboration on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study is missing. Elaboration on any potenti
3 The first thing I would do in the family’s first session is develop a genogram of the family to get an idea of all the individuals who play a major role in Linda’s life. After establishing where each member is in relation to the family
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Note: The requirements outlined below correspond to the grading criteria in the scoring guide. At a minimum
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Read Connecting Communities and Complexity: A Case Study in Creating the Conditions for Transformational Change
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Use the bolded black section and sub-section titles below to organize your paper. For each section
Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott
Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident