5 Week Journals. - Management
Due in 2 days.I need the Journals of 5 weeks. Week 2 to week 6. I have attached the Syllabus where you can see the Readings for that Particular week and see the Instructions in the syllabus of what you need to do in the Journals. Each week Journal should be at least 3 pages in length.
week 2 - classical foundations of org theory
week 3- neo classical perspectives of org theory
week 4 - human resource theory 1. additional reading - barnard, chester
week 5- human resource II
week 6- distinctive characteristics of public org. additional reading- wamsley, Gary , Rohr John A , Green Richard
Reconstituting a Profession for American Public Administration
Author(s): Richard T. Green, Gary L. Wamsley and Lawrence F. Keller
Source: Public Administration Review , Nov. - Dec., 1993, Vol. 53, No. 6 (Nov. - Dec.,
1993), pp. 516-524
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Society for Public Administration
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/977361
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Wiley and American Society for Public Administration are collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Public Administration Review
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https://www.jstor.org/stable/977361
Recons~tutng a Profession for
Amecnm Public Administration
Richard T. Green, University of Wyoming
Lawrence F. Keller, Cleveland State University
Gary L. Wamsley, Virginia Tech
Is public administration a profession? Richard Green,
Lawrence Keller, and Gary Wamsley approach this long
lasting debate from a new perspective. They argue that
the field assumes an impoverished definition of profes-
sion and thus has neglected important dimensions of
the practice that need examination in a more construc-
tive debate. By returning to the classical roots of the
word profession, the authors attempt to illuminate the
roles that public administrators have played, and must
play, if they are to govern effectively and professional-
ly. Drawing upon several works that develop the politi-
cal roles ofpublic administrators, they tie a conception
ofprofessionalism to constitutional politics rather than
specialized managerial knowledge, perceiving public
administration as a calling centered on democratic
governance rather than techniques ofpolicy implemen-
tation.
Confusion abounds over the definition and use of the
word profession. It seems many occupational groups
want to be considered a profession, and most individu-
als want to be regarded and paid as professionals. Yet
the relationship between the field of public administra-
tion and professionalism is troubled. Our field aspires
to be a profession as reflected in our professional asso-
ciations (ASPA, ICMA), a national academy (NAPA), an
educational accrediting body (NASPAA), and a code of
ethics. Ardent opposition also exists in literature and
practice that says we cannot or should not be a profes-
sion (Schott, 1976; Pugh, 1988). Some even assert that
the growth of professionalism in public administration
presents a serious threat to democratic governance (cf.
Mosher, 1968, 1978; Cooper, 1991).1
Although each perspective has merit, we think the
debate remains overly simplistic and turns on an
impoverished conception of profession-one that ulti-
mately undermines legitimate and effective governance.
In this article, we contrast this unexamined conception
with a very different notion of profession-one that
helps us address the concerns of all sides of the argu-
ment and illuminates a path for constructive debate and
change in public administration.
Impoverished Professionalism
Public servants typically train first in a technical, sci-
entific, medical, or legal profession. We will refer to all
these professions as technical professions. If they per-
form their specialized tasks meritoriously, they are often
promoted into the administrative ranks of an agency,
which extends their career path and often symbolizes
the pinnacle of professional life. However, shortly after
promotion, the new administrator soberly realizes the
inadequacy of his or her education and training. The
administrative initiate soon discovers a host of perplex-
ing challenges lumped under such rubrics as human
relations, labor relations, consensus building, conflict
management, strategic planning, decision making, net-
working, due process, legislative oversight, budgeting,
and bureaucratic politics. And then there are the meet-
ings-the interminable meetings! In short, the profes-
sional expert must become a skilled administrative
politician whose responsibilities demand a very differ-
ent brand of competence.
516 Public Ad~minitaton Review * November/Decenber 1993, Vol. 53, No. 6
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All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
The current conception ofprofessionproceedsfrom
a sociological model that evolved mainly out of
20th-century empirical studies of social organization.
An effective public administrative profession should guide
the administrative initiate in this new world. We argue that
this profession must be built upon formal institutional roles
and obligations that ground administrative practices in our
constitutions and charters. It is this political character that
distinguishes public administration from other professions and
forms of administration. Our current model of a profession,
through its emphases on management, science, and technolo-
gy, neglects its institutional foundations and thereby under-
mines the efficacy and legitimacy of our administrative prac-
tice.
Shortcomings of the Current Model
The current conception of profession proceeds from a soci-
ological model that evolved mainly out of 20th-century empiri-
cal studies of social organization. In this descriptive model,
professions coalesce around claims to expertise based upon
extended formal training in a scientific or technical discipline.
This claim to expert knowledge empowers professionals to
develop and implement criteria for distinctive occupational
identity. In the process, the specialized professions gain a
large degree of control over entrance, benefits, job content,
and evaluation of professional behavior.
Typically, a formal professional association develops to fos-
ter and protect professional interests and standards. In addi-
tion, professionals adopt esoteric language and rituals that
promote creation of specialized knowledge while enhancing
exclusivity. Some of these professions add a service ethic,
and some even have rudimentary notions of a social ideal, but
primary attention is devoted to distinctive, science-based
expertise and corporate identity. Sociologists emphasize edu-
cational levels and the higher socio-economic status of these
professions, and view them as functional for the increasing
differentiation of complex, modem societies (Larson, 1977).
Persistent adherence to this model has impaired public
administration. First, although the model is admittedly
descriptive, and originally tailored for sociological study, it has
been appropriated by occupational groups, including public
administrators, as a model to be emulated. Vollmer and Mills
(1966, p. 1) indicate that students of such descriptive studies
have unwittingly formulated an ideal type analogous to
Webers heuristic model of bureaucracy-and have misunder-
stood it in the same fashion. As an ideal type, the modem
sociological conception of profession diverts attention from
normative grounding, not only for justifying the existence of
professions, but also for identifying appropriate roles in demo-
cratic societies founded upon law. In fact, formulators of the
model eschew such a grounding as irrelevant given their
empirical emphasis. Subsequent emulators continued to stress
the need for an empirical body of knowledge, and addressed
neither the implicit norms embedded in that model nor any
others that would effectively ground professional practices.
Some professions, such as law and medicine, do have spe-
cialized ethics or normative emphases, but they focus mainly
on defining improper practices and seldom offer guidance
concerning the routine performance of professional responsi-
bilities over time. Modem professions largely neglect norma-
tive grounding.2
Second, the model generates an aura of neutrality and
thereby perpetuates a mistaken sense of a politics/profession
dichotomy. Professionals often view politics as antithetical to
legitimate uses of expertise. They hold this view without real-
izing that science and technology proceed from specific politi-
cal premises that call professions to address the problems of
organized societies. Indeed, science and technology them-
selves constitute distinctive forms of our political life. We
espouse their methods as central to proper living. As Richard
Bernstein (1983, p. 45) stated, Method is not innocent or neu-
tral. [The belief in neutrality of methods] not only presuppos-
es an understanding of what constitutes social and political
life, it has become a powerful factor in shaping (or misshap-
ing) human life in the modem world.
Third, the professions analytic and empirical methodolo-
gies draw attention away from political judgment. But it is the
necessity of routinely making political judgments that distin-
guishes public administration from other professions and
forms of administration. Competent political judgment
requires skill in a civic art; at the very least, an ability to per-
suasively apply ambiguous but enduring values to the contin-
gent world of public affairs. The discovery and application of
common premises and public values to changing circum-
stances provides a necessary check on the narrow partisanship
that characterizes modem politics, and on the mistaken view
of an all-knowing science that often curtails public discussion.
Political judgment is integrative or synthetic rather than analyt-
ic (Hummel, 1991), and it induces action. It is, therefore,
essentially rhetorical in character.3
Administrators with scientific and technical skills seek to
resolve ambiguity in favor of clear and definitive conceptions
of reality. Although these skills may be useful for technical
problems, they fail to deal with paradoxes and tradeoffs
among competing values and institutions typical of public life.
Administrators armed with political and rhetorical skills can
embrace a public life fraught with irresolvable but unifying
paradoxes (Rein, 1976; Tinder, 1986; Stone, 1988). It therefore
helps the administrator integrate conflicting expertise and
check the experts trained tendency to narrowly structure pub-
lic problems to fit a particular methodology or set of expedi-
ent decision premises.
We argue that the professional organization and education
of public administrators must give a central place to such com-
petence in order to provide legitimate and effective gover-
nance. This requires a very different model of professionalism
for public administration, one which builds upon political
rather than technical reason as the foundation of the practice.
In order to envisage such a foundation it will be helpful to
revisit the classical notion of profession.
Classical Professions
A classical normative conception of profession prevailed in
public life from at least the middle ages into the early 19th
Reconstituting a Profession for Public Administration 517
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century. It differed markedly from the modem conception
that emerged in the late 17th and early 18th centuries and
dominated thereafter (Holmes, 1982).
Classical professions were rooted in religious, philosophic,
and institutional learning. The word derives from publicly
professing a vocation or calling (Oxford English Dictionary, 2d
ed., p. 1427; Pei, 1962), which was shaped through learned
study, usually at universities. Such study compelled budding
professionals to persuasively integrate their subjects with their
society, and to understand that society in comparative con-
texts. Their evaluations centered around oratorical demonstra-
tions of judgment and persuasive skill. Furthermore, each
profession internally stratified its members, providing, in
essence, levels of apprenticeship for acquiring an understand-
ing of the institutional context and purposes of the practice in
public affairs. For example, in medicine there existed in
England the Royal College of Physicians, followed by sur-
geons and apothecaries. In law, barristers led the field, fol-
lowed by attorneys, solicitors, and proctors. Only the top
ranks of each vocation held professional status, with members
of the lower ranks seeking advancement to the top.
Classical professions focused upon unifying principles and
practices, on relations of parts to the whole. They fostered
institutional awareness-a sense of institutional role and bal-
ance in the broader society. This orientation formed the basis
for political reason and public service. Stephen K. Bailey
(1964, p. 235), echoing Paul Appleby, raised this point in
1964, arguing that public servants are obligated to relate the
specific to the general, the private to the public, the precise
interest to the inchoate moral judgment.
Elliot (1972) and Marshall (1939) describe these professions
as embodying a noble way of life. That life required classical
education, social and economic independence, high status,
and the ability to live a leisured and cultured life. Service to
society formed its ethos, with competition, advertising, and
profit proscribed. As Elliot (1972, p. 53) explained, for most
of those who went into politics or government service, the
ideology called on them to keep their distance from business.
Law, medicine, and the clergy are commonly cited exam-
ples of these old professions (Calhoun, 1965; Elliot, 1972;
Hargrove, 1972; Holmes, 1982; Reader, 1966). We tend to
think of them as distinct, specialized occupations. However,
that misconstrues the classical view of their nature and role in
public life. In contrast to current views of careers and work,
classically educated persons of means applied themselves with
a broader and more integrative view of competence, interest,
and aspiration. Many contributed to several vocations and
areas of study, avoiding rigorous specialization for the sake of
retaining their broad competencies. Their entire intellectual
orientation stood in opposition to specialization. They prized
noble vision and constitutive wisdom.
Classical professions also emphasized independence
through social status and wealth. They were populated main-
ly by men from the gentleman class and were considered
among the most important and prestigious roles in political
society. This status freed them, in principle, to pursue any
variety of service they desired. For many, wealth provided
independence from employers and clients, as well as from
partisan and economic pressures. This furnished essential sup-
ports for impartial judgment and decisive action, and accorded
substantial leisure time for service to the society. Leisure and
service, like property and virtue, were inseparable ideas. The
professional man does not work in order to be paid; he is
paid in order that he may work (Marshall, 1939, p. 325).
Contrary to current beliefs about self-interest in private and
public affairs, a general conviction existed that wealth provid-
ed inclinations to channel self-interest toward broader con-
cems, particularly toward national interests and noble living.
Private and public life were connected by communal concep-
tions of property and citizenship, and this helped many steer a
middle course between altruism and parochialism.
In sum, professionals held high status because they embod-
ied a way of life, not because they held a specific job or occu-
pation. A professional symbolized a person so thoroughly
schooled in his own political culture that he could both sus-
tain and enrich it through independent professional work
(Elliot, 1972, p. 32).
Highlighting the Contrasts
Today our faith in science, engendered by the enlighten-
ment, runs to its logical extreme. Theory and knowledge are
built upon disciplinary specialization, producing an explosion
of fractionated information and technological imperatives. We
lack concern for the embodiment of general political wisdom
in our professionals. Rather, we value training founded upon
instrumental rationality, empirical methods, and statistical esti-
mation-training that is also amenable to organizational rou-
tinization and control. As a result, professionals too easily for-
sake independence for organizational inducements, and fail to
maintain a sense of proportion, of limits, and of direction for
their roles in political society (Lowi, 1979; Wollan, 1978; Will,
1983; Bellah, et al., 1985; Sullivan, 1982; McSwain and White,
1990).
Higher salaries, benefits, career tracks, and economic
advantage become the principal drawing cards. In contrast to
property under the classical model, which freed the profes-
sional for more effective participation in public affairs, this
notion of property emphasizes personal gain through profes-
sional association. Strategies for economic advantage and
exclusive technical proficiency stifle attention to higher norma-
tive and constitutive aspects of the profession. Even long-
standing professions such as law and medicine strive to com-
plete this business-like transformation. They are now more
aptly described as businesses rather than public professions.4
Such a characterization would have been insulting to its mem-
bers even a short time ago. The ever-growing penchant for
entrepreneurialism in public administration suggests a similar
epithet.
Professionals today rely mainly upon scientific or technical
bases to justify their actions and status. Issues tend to revolve
around the appropriateness of methodology rather than
around sound judgments about differing interpretations and
application of values. This is politically convenient and self-
serving for professions because methodological controversies
are handled almost entirely in-house. Their knowledge
becomes a powerful form of property (Larson, 1977).
518 Public Adminisaon Review * November/December 1993, Vol. 53, No. 6
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I1 these components of ourpolitcs should mold the
normative language and structure the practices
of professionalpublkc administrators.
The only way for the public to scrutinize these issues is to
hire their own experts. Thus, much of modem politics and
administration now involves quarrels among analytical hired
guns over the validity and meaning of scientific evidence for
public policy. We see very little analysis and argument about
values or ways of living that underpin these disputes (Fisher,
1975). We mistakenly rely upon scientific methods to support
values that require political reflection and argument to assess
their moral propriety and implications (Rein, 1976; Stone,
1988).
The classical normative model of profession provides valu-
able contrast and insight for reconstituting the public adminis-
trative profession on political rather than scientific founda-
tions. The model attends to the institutional prerequisites-
reason, judgment, and decision-necessary for sustaining
effective leadership and professional practices that shape and
ennoble political society. In the following pages, we explore
our own political foundations for similar insight.
The Political Foundations of
American Public Administrative
Profession
The professions political foundations consist of normative
and constitutive dimensions that help define distinctive roles,
competencies, and structures. Each dimension is developed in
contemporary terms and settings.
The Normative Dimension
It may belabor the obvious to say that the public adminis-
trative profession is inherently normative. However, it is also
clear that we, as a profession, have not fully grasped the
implications. Because public administration formally partici-
pates in governance, it is an overtly political institution.
Accordingly, as Dwight Waldo (1948) indicated long ago, its
responsibilities focus more on the normative questions How
should we live? and What should be done? than on the
empirical question What is the case?. Nevertheless, the field
stubbornly relies upon instrumental and empirical orientations.
Definitions of politics are pertinent examples. The com-
monly used definitions (in literature and practice) are behav-
ioral, viz., Who gets what, when, how (Lasswell, 1936), The
socialization of conflict (Schattschneider, 1960), and the
authoritative allocation of values (Easton, 1965, p. 50).
Although these definitions certainly apply to public adminis-
tration, they fail to exhort or obligate public officials in very
meaningful ways.
Now consider a rarely used normative definition: The pro-
cess by which a civil society achieves its common good
through the agency of the state (Maritain, 1951, pp. 1-27;
Rohr, 1989, pp. 35-36). This definition invokes obligations to
an important end (common good), and a fundamental relation
among rulers and ruled (agency) through an institutional pres-
ence (the state). In our polity, the common good directs
attention to basic regime values (Rohr, 1989), public morality,
processes such as rule by law, political consensus, judgment,
responsiveness, agenda awareness, and their effects on society
(Goodsell, 1990). Agency focuses attention on authority, trust,
powers, participation, and subordination in an institutional set-
ting marked by shared powers and varying degrees of autono-
my from direct popular will.
These components of our politics should mold the norma-
tive language and structure the practices of professional public
administrators. Although many of these components are
abstract, complex, and ambiguous, they are still meaningful.
They enjoy a rich history of articulation and development
upon which the profession should base its education and
training. Normative or moral knowledge of this sort provides
essential direction and inherent obligations for the practice.
The Constitute Dimension
Common good, agency, and state form a constitutive
dimension of public administrations political foundations.
Following Brian Cooks work (1992a), we employ the term
constitutive in two senses. First, public administration forms
a constituent part of the government, and therefore should
exist legally and politically through our constitutional tradition.
It should serve as a constitutional agent. Second, knowingly
or not, public administration helps constitute political ways of
living that are unique to our society. Through its powers and
actions, public administration constantly presents people with
political and moral choices that define and redefine good liv-
ing. It contributes to the formation of habits and character. In
our political society, this on-going constitutive process is
founded, and should be sustained, in argument and common
deliberation (Arendt, 1963, p. 214; Rohr, 1986, p. 26). We con-
stitute ourselves rhetorically.
John Rohr (1986, p. 183) argues that public administrators
should certainly use their discretion to favor those policies
that they think are most likely to promote the public interest;
but they should assess the public interest against the broad
background of constitutional principle. This argument under-
scores the distinguishing obligation of all government offi-
cials-to the constitutional tradition as a whole, rather than
solely to any particular institution or practice arising under it.
Public administrators must continually relate specific institu-
tions and practices to the broader constitutional order. This
activity defines and redefines appropriate relations among
themselves and with the people as policies and circumstances
change.
Some theorists in the field have begun employing the term
agency to describe various facets of these relations.5 They
emphasize the administrators responsibility for melding sub-
stantive policy and administrative process with concerns for
institutional integrity. That integrity is necessarily sustained by
adherence to constitutional principle. Thus, public administra-
tors are constitutional agents.
A central feature of constitutional agency rests upon our par-
tial separation of powers for the sake of institutional integrity.
Reconstituting a Profession for Public Adnitaon 519
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A centralfeature of constitutional agency rests
upon ourpatial separation oftpouxfor the sake of
institutional integrity.
Madison and Hamilton, writing as Publius in the FederalistEssays,
emphasized that this independence could only be ensured
through partial agency, e.g., each branch sharing some of the
powers of the other branches of government. Partial agency
enables each branch to stave off the complete usurpation (tyran-
ny) of its powers by another branch. Publius contended that the
resulting independence of each branch would foster diverse
political competencies that would make government a more
effective protector of our rights and privileges.
The principles of institutional integrity and diversity of
political competencies were strengthened further through a
variety of methods of selection to public office. John Rohr
(1986, pp. 185, 260) identified 22 constitutionally recognized
ways of attaining office, of which only one is direct election.
Rohr cites these in order to press his point that public admin-
istrators, like judges, do not lack constitutional stature simply
because they are not elected. Direct, popular election poses
its own problems as well as promise for effective, representa-
tive governance. The founders sought to restrain electoral
abuses by screening many offices and institutions from its
direct effects. Public administration reflects much of this
design. It, too, represents the people through its constitution-
al agency, although seldom by popular election. However, the
nature of its representation and service differs because of its
subordinate status in the constitutional order.
Each of the branches exercises superiority over public
administration. As such, public administration shares only
some of the powers of each. Its powers are partial and subor-
dinate. This status produces an important and paradoxical
obligation. Public administrators must learn to balance obedi-
ence with the necessity of choosing among constitutional mas-
ters when disputes arise (Rohr, 1986). Furthermore, obedi-
ence is seldom relegated to ministerial (nondiscretionary)
function. Discretion enters, formally and informally, at every
level. Public administrators, therefore, retain substantial auton-
omy and authority. That authority, bounded and supported
by oath, grants public administration a professional niche
(Rohr, 1986, p. 187), from which professional roles, competen-
cies, and structures may be extrapolated.
Constitutive Rhetoric
In her book, On Revolution, Hannah Arendt (1963, p. 214)
observed that American political life centers first and foremost
on the principle of mutual promise and common delibera-
tion. We created and sustain ourselves through this principle,
drawing from it our political orthodoxy. As Rohr (1986, p. 9)
indicates, this is an orthodoxy that eludes capture in a set of
officially approved propositions but emerges in the dynamism
of the public argument itself. We are founded and sustained
through public argument.
The Constitution, of course, forms a great centerpiece in
public argument (Rohr, 1986). It was founded in argument,
and its structure and values encourage continued public
debate through independent institutions exercising varying
competencies and powers. Public administration shares the
obligation to encourage and participate in this debate, and to
develop …
Reconstituting a Profession for American Public Administration
Author(s): Richard T. Green, Gary L. Wamsley and Lawrence F. Keller
Source: Public Administration Review , Nov. - Dec., 1993, Vol. 53, No. 6 (Nov. - Dec.,
1993), pp. 516-524
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Society for Public Administration
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/977361
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Wiley and American Society for Public Administration are collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Public Administration Review
This content downloaded from
�������������128.6.36.165 on Mon, 20 Sep 2021 22:27:03 UTC��������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
https://www.jstor.org/stable/977361
Recons~tutng a Profession for
Amecnm Public Administration
Richard T. Green, University of Wyoming
Lawrence F. Keller, Cleveland State University
Gary L. Wamsley, Virginia Tech
Is public administration a profession? Richard Green,
Lawrence Keller, and Gary Wamsley approach this long
lasting debate from a new perspective. They argue that
the field assumes an impoverished definition of profes-
sion and thus has neglected important dimensions of
the practice that need examination in a more construc-
tive debate. By returning to the classical roots of the
word profession, the authors attempt to illuminate the
roles that public administrators have played, and must
play, if they are to govern effectively and professional-
ly. Drawing upon several works that develop the politi-
cal roles ofpublic administrators, they tie a conception
ofprofessionalism to constitutional politics rather than
specialized managerial knowledge, perceiving public
administration as a calling centered on democratic
governance rather than techniques ofpolicy implemen-
tation.
Confusion abounds over the definition and use of the
word profession. It seems many occupational groups
want to be considered a profession, and most individu-
als want to be regarded and paid as professionals. Yet
the relationship between the field of public administra-
tion and professionalism is troubled. Our field aspires
to be a profession as reflected in our professional asso-
ciations (ASPA, ICMA), a national academy (NAPA), an
educational accrediting body (NASPAA), and a code of
ethics. Ardent opposition also exists in literature and
practice that says we cannot or should not be a profes-
sion (Schott, 1976; Pugh, 1988). Some even assert that
the growth of professionalism in public administration
presents a serious threat to democratic governance (cf.
Mosher, 1968, 1978; Cooper, 1991).1
Although each perspective has merit, we think the
debate remains overly simplistic and turns on an
impoverished conception of profession-one that ulti-
mately undermines legitimate and effective governance.
In this article, we contrast this unexamined conception
with a very different notion of profession-one that
helps us address the concerns of all sides of the argu-
ment and illuminates a path for constructive debate and
change in public administration.
Impoverished Professionalism
Public servants typically train first in a technical, sci-
entific, medical, or legal profession. We will refer to all
these professions as technical professions. If they per-
form their specialized tasks meritoriously, they are often
promoted into the administrative ranks of an agency,
which extends their career path and often symbolizes
the pinnacle of professional life. However, shortly after
promotion, the new administrator soberly realizes the
inadequacy of his or her education and training. The
administrative initiate soon discovers a host of perplex-
ing challenges lumped under such rubrics as human
relations, labor relations, consensus building, conflict
management, strategic planning, decision making, net-
working, due process, legislative oversight, budgeting,
and bureaucratic politics. And then there are the meet-
ings-the interminable meetings! In short, the profes-
sional expert must become a skilled administrative
politician whose responsibilities demand a very differ-
ent brand of competence.
516 Public Ad~minitaton Review * November/Decenber 1993, Vol. 53, No. 6
This content downloaded from
�������������128.6.36.165 on Mon, 20 Sep 2021 22:27:03 UTC��������������
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
The current conception ofprofessionproceedsfrom
a sociological model that evolved mainly out of
20th-century empirical studies of social organization.
An effective public administrative profession should guide
the administrative initiate in this new world. We argue that
this profession must be built upon formal institutional roles
and obligations that ground administrative practices in our
constitutions and charters. It is this political character that
distinguishes public administration from other professions and
forms of administration. Our current model of a profession,
through its emphases on management, science, and technolo-
gy, neglects its institutional foundations and thereby under-
mines the efficacy and legitimacy of our administrative prac-
tice.
Shortcomings of the Current Model
The current conception of profession proceeds from a soci-
ological model that evolved mainly out of 20th-century empiri-
cal studies of social organization. In this descriptive model,
professions coalesce around claims to expertise based upon
extended formal training in a scientific or technical discipline.
This claim to expert knowledge empowers professionals to
develop and implement criteria for distinctive occupational
identity. In the process, the specialized professions gain a
large degree of control over entrance, benefits, job content,
and evaluation of professional behavior.
Typically, a formal professional association develops to fos-
ter and protect professional interests and standards. In addi-
tion, professionals adopt esoteric language and rituals that
promote creation of specialized knowledge while enhancing
exclusivity. Some of these professions add a service ethic,
and some even have rudimentary notions of a social ideal, but
primary attention is devoted to distinctive, science-based
expertise and corporate identity. Sociologists emphasize edu-
cational levels and the higher socio-economic status of these
professions, and view them as functional for the increasing
differentiation of complex, modem societies (Larson, 1977).
Persistent adherence to this model has impaired public
administration. First, although the model is admittedly
descriptive, and originally tailored for sociological study, it has
been appropriated by occupational groups, including public
administrators, as a model to be emulated. Vollmer and Mills
(1966, p. 1) indicate that students of such descriptive studies
have unwittingly formulated an ideal type analogous to
Webers heuristic model of bureaucracy-and have misunder-
stood it in the same fashion. As an ideal type, the modem
sociological conception of profession diverts attention from
normative grounding, not only for justifying the existence of
professions, but also for identifying appropriate roles in demo-
cratic societies founded upon law. In fact, formulators of the
model eschew such a grounding as irrelevant given their
empirical emphasis. Subsequent emulators continued to stress
the need for an empirical body of knowledge, and addressed
neither the implicit norms embedded in that model nor any
others that would effectively ground professional practices.
Some professions, such as law and medicine, do have spe-
cialized ethics or normative emphases, but they focus mainly
on defining improper practices and seldom offer guidance
concerning the routine performance of professional responsi-
bilities over time. Modem professions largely neglect norma-
tive grounding.2
Second, the model generates an aura of neutrality and
thereby perpetuates a mistaken sense of a politics/profession
dichotomy. Professionals often view politics as antithetical to
legitimate uses of expertise. They hold this view without real-
izing that science and technology proceed from specific politi-
cal premises that call professions to address the problems of
organized societies. Indeed, science and technology them-
selves constitute distinctive forms of our political life. We
espouse their methods as central to proper living. As Richard
Bernstein (1983, p. 45) stated, Method is not innocent or neu-
tral. [The belief in neutrality of methods] not only presuppos-
es an understanding of what constitutes social and political
life, it has become a powerful factor in shaping (or misshap-
ing) human life in the modem world.
Third, the professions analytic and empirical methodolo-
gies draw attention away from political judgment. But it is the
necessity of routinely making political judgments that distin-
guishes public administration from other professions and
forms of administration. Competent political judgment
requires skill in a civic art; at the very least, an ability to per-
suasively apply ambiguous but enduring values to the contin-
gent world of public affairs. The discovery and application of
common premises and public values to changing circum-
stances provides a necessary check on the narrow partisanship
that characterizes modem politics, and on the mistaken view
of an all-knowing science that often curtails public discussion.
Political judgment is integrative or synthetic rather than analyt-
ic (Hummel, 1991), and it induces action. It is, therefore,
essentially rhetorical in character.3
Administrators with scientific and technical skills seek to
resolve ambiguity in favor of clear and definitive conceptions
of reality. Although these skills may be useful for technical
problems, they fail to deal with paradoxes and tradeoffs
among competing values and institutions typical of public life.
Administrators armed with political and rhetorical skills can
embrace a public life fraught with irresolvable but unifying
paradoxes (Rein, 1976; Tinder, 1986; Stone, 1988). It therefore
helps the administrator integrate conflicting expertise and
check the experts trained tendency to narrowly structure pub-
lic problems to fit a particular methodology or set of expedi-
ent decision premises.
We argue that the professional organization and education
of public administrators must give a central place to such com-
petence in order to provide legitimate and effective gover-
nance. This requires a very different model of professionalism
for public administration, one which builds upon political
rather than technical reason as the foundation of the practice.
In order to envisage such a foundation it will be helpful to
revisit the classical notion of profession.
Classical Professions
A classical normative conception of profession prevailed in
public life from at least the middle ages into the early 19th
Reconstituting a Profession for Public Administration 517
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century. It differed markedly from the modem conception
that emerged in the late 17th and early 18th centuries and
dominated thereafter (Holmes, 1982).
Classical professions were rooted in religious, philosophic,
and institutional learning. The word derives from publicly
professing a vocation or calling (Oxford English Dictionary, 2d
ed., p. 1427; Pei, 1962), which was shaped through learned
study, usually at universities. Such study compelled budding
professionals to persuasively integrate their subjects with their
society, and to understand that society in comparative con-
texts. Their evaluations centered around oratorical demonstra-
tions of judgment and persuasive skill. Furthermore, each
profession internally stratified its members, providing, in
essence, levels of apprenticeship for acquiring an understand-
ing of the institutional context and purposes of the practice in
public affairs. For example, in medicine there existed in
England the Royal College of Physicians, followed by sur-
geons and apothecaries. In law, barristers led the field, fol-
lowed by attorneys, solicitors, and proctors. Only the top
ranks of each vocation held professional status, with members
of the lower ranks seeking advancement to the top.
Classical professions focused upon unifying principles and
practices, on relations of parts to the whole. They fostered
institutional awareness-a sense of institutional role and bal-
ance in the broader society. This orientation formed the basis
for political reason and public service. Stephen K. Bailey
(1964, p. 235), echoing Paul Appleby, raised this point in
1964, arguing that public servants are obligated to relate the
specific to the general, the private to the public, the precise
interest to the inchoate moral judgment.
Elliot (1972) and Marshall (1939) describe these professions
as embodying a noble way of life. That life required classical
education, social and economic independence, high status,
and the ability to live a leisured and cultured life. Service to
society formed its ethos, with competition, advertising, and
profit proscribed. As Elliot (1972, p. 53) explained, for most
of those who went into politics or government service, the
ideology called on them to keep their distance from business.
Law, medicine, and the clergy are commonly cited exam-
ples of these old professions (Calhoun, 1965; Elliot, 1972;
Hargrove, 1972; Holmes, 1982; Reader, 1966). We tend to
think of them as distinct, specialized occupations. However,
that misconstrues the classical view of their nature and role in
public life. In contrast to current views of careers and work,
classically educated persons of means applied themselves with
a broader and more integrative view of competence, interest,
and aspiration. Many contributed to several vocations and
areas of study, avoiding rigorous specialization for the sake of
retaining their broad competencies. Their entire intellectual
orientation stood in opposition to specialization. They prized
noble vision and constitutive wisdom.
Classical professions also emphasized independence
through social status and wealth. They were populated main-
ly by men from the gentleman class and were considered
among the most important and prestigious roles in political
society. This status freed them, in principle, to pursue any
variety of service they desired. For many, wealth provided
independence from employers and clients, as well as from
partisan and economic pressures. This furnished essential sup-
ports for impartial judgment and decisive action, and accorded
substantial leisure time for service to the society. Leisure and
service, like property and virtue, were inseparable ideas. The
professional man does not work in order to be paid; he is
paid in order that he may work (Marshall, 1939, p. 325).
Contrary to current beliefs about self-interest in private and
public affairs, a general conviction existed that wealth provid-
ed inclinations to channel self-interest toward broader con-
cems, particularly toward national interests and noble living.
Private and public life were connected by communal concep-
tions of property and citizenship, and this helped many steer a
middle course between altruism and parochialism.
In sum, professionals held high status because they embod-
ied a way of life, not because they held a specific job or occu-
pation. A professional symbolized a person so thoroughly
schooled in his own political culture that he could both sus-
tain and enrich it through independent professional work
(Elliot, 1972, p. 32).
Highlighting the Contrasts
Today our faith in science, engendered by the enlighten-
ment, runs to its logical extreme. Theory and knowledge are
built upon disciplinary specialization, producing an explosion
of fractionated information and technological imperatives. We
lack concern for the embodiment of general political wisdom
in our professionals. Rather, we value training founded upon
instrumental rationality, empirical methods, and statistical esti-
mation-training that is also amenable to organizational rou-
tinization and control. As a result, professionals too easily for-
sake independence for organizational inducements, and fail to
maintain a sense of proportion, of limits, and of direction for
their roles in political society (Lowi, 1979; Wollan, 1978; Will,
1983; Bellah, et al., 1985; Sullivan, 1982; McSwain and White,
1990).
Higher salaries, benefits, career tracks, and economic
advantage become the principal drawing cards. In contrast to
property under the classical model, which freed the profes-
sional for more effective participation in public affairs, this
notion of property emphasizes personal gain through profes-
sional association. Strategies for economic advantage and
exclusive technical proficiency stifle attention to higher norma-
tive and constitutive aspects of the profession. Even long-
standing professions such as law and medicine strive to com-
plete this business-like transformation. They are now more
aptly described as businesses rather than public professions.4
Such a characterization would have been insulting to its mem-
bers even a short time ago. The ever-growing penchant for
entrepreneurialism in public administration suggests a similar
epithet.
Professionals today rely mainly upon scientific or technical
bases to justify their actions and status. Issues tend to revolve
around the appropriateness of methodology rather than
around sound judgments about differing interpretations and
application of values. This is politically convenient and self-
serving for professions because methodological controversies
are handled almost entirely in-house. Their knowledge
becomes a powerful form of property (Larson, 1977).
518 Public Adminisaon Review * November/December 1993, Vol. 53, No. 6
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I1 these components of ourpolitcs should mold the
normative language and structure the practices
of professionalpublkc administrators.
The only way for the public to scrutinize these issues is to
hire their own experts. Thus, much of modem politics and
administration now involves quarrels among analytical hired
guns over the validity and meaning of scientific evidence for
public policy. We see very little analysis and argument about
values or ways of living that underpin these disputes (Fisher,
1975). We mistakenly rely upon scientific methods to support
values that require political reflection and argument to assess
their moral propriety and implications (Rein, 1976; Stone,
1988).
The classical normative model of profession provides valu-
able contrast and insight for reconstituting the public adminis-
trative profession on political rather than scientific founda-
tions. The model attends to the institutional prerequisites-
reason, judgment, and decision-necessary for sustaining
effective leadership and professional practices that shape and
ennoble political society. In the following pages, we explore
our own political foundations for similar insight.
The Political Foundations of
American Public Administrative
Profession
The professions political foundations consist of normative
and constitutive dimensions that help define distinctive roles,
competencies, and structures. Each dimension is developed in
contemporary terms and settings.
The Normative Dimension
It may belabor the obvious to say that the public adminis-
trative profession is inherently normative. However, it is also
clear that we, as a profession, have not fully grasped the
implications. Because public administration formally partici-
pates in governance, it is an overtly political institution.
Accordingly, as Dwight Waldo (1948) indicated long ago, its
responsibilities focus more on the normative questions How
should we live? and What should be done? than on the
empirical question What is the case?. Nevertheless, the field
stubbornly relies upon instrumental and empirical orientations.
Definitions of politics are pertinent examples. The com-
monly used definitions (in literature and practice) are behav-
ioral, viz., Who gets what, when, how (Lasswell, 1936), The
socialization of conflict (Schattschneider, 1960), and the
authoritative allocation of values (Easton, 1965, p. 50).
Although these definitions certainly apply to public adminis-
tration, they fail to exhort or obligate public officials in very
meaningful ways.
Now consider a rarely used normative definition: The pro-
cess by which a civil society achieves its common good
through the agency of the state (Maritain, 1951, pp. 1-27;
Rohr, 1989, pp. 35-36). This definition invokes obligations to
an important end (common good), and a fundamental relation
among rulers and ruled (agency) through an institutional pres-
ence (the state). In our polity, the common good directs
attention to basic regime values (Rohr, 1989), public morality,
processes such as rule by law, political consensus, judgment,
responsiveness, agenda awareness, and their effects on society
(Goodsell, 1990). Agency focuses attention on authority, trust,
powers, participation, and subordination in an institutional set-
ting marked by shared powers and varying degrees of autono-
my from direct popular will.
These components of our politics should mold the norma-
tive language and structure the practices of professional public
administrators. Although many of these components are
abstract, complex, and ambiguous, they are still meaningful.
They enjoy a rich history of articulation and development
upon which the profession should base its education and
training. Normative or moral knowledge of this sort provides
essential direction and inherent obligations for the practice.
The Constitute Dimension
Common good, agency, and state form a constitutive
dimension of public administrations political foundations.
Following Brian Cooks work (1992a), we employ the term
constitutive in two senses. First, public administration forms
a constituent part of the government, and therefore should
exist legally and politically through our constitutional tradition.
It should serve as a constitutional agent. Second, knowingly
or not, public administration helps constitute political ways of
living that are unique to our society. Through its powers and
actions, public administration constantly presents people with
political and moral choices that define and redefine good liv-
ing. It contributes to the formation of habits and character. In
our political society, this on-going constitutive process is
founded, and should be sustained, in argument and common
deliberation (Arendt, 1963, p. 214; Rohr, 1986, p. 26). We con-
stitute ourselves rhetorically.
John Rohr (1986, p. 183) argues that public administrators
should certainly use their discretion to favor those policies
that they think are most likely to promote the public interest;
but they should assess the public interest against the broad
background of constitutional principle. This argument under-
scores the distinguishing obligation of all government offi-
cials-to the constitutional tradition as a whole, rather than
solely to any particular institution or practice arising under it.
Public administrators must continually relate specific institu-
tions and practices to the broader constitutional order. This
activity defines and redefines appropriate relations among
themselves and with the people as policies and circumstances
change.
Some theorists in the field have begun employing the term
agency to describe various facets of these relations.5 They
emphasize the administrators responsibility for melding sub-
stantive policy and administrative process with concerns for
institutional integrity. That integrity is necessarily sustained by
adherence to constitutional principle. Thus, public administra-
tors are constitutional agents.
A central feature of constitutional agency rests upon our par-
tial separation of powers for the sake of institutional integrity.
Reconstituting a Profession for Public Adnitaon 519
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A centralfeature of constitutional agency rests
upon ourpatial separation oftpouxfor the sake of
institutional integrity.
Madison and Hamilton, writing as Publius in the FederalistEssays,
emphasized that this independence could only be ensured
through partial agency, e.g., each branch sharing some of the
powers of the other branches of government. Partial agency
enables each branch to stave off the complete usurpation (tyran-
ny) of its powers by another branch. Publius contended that the
resulting independence of each branch would foster diverse
political competencies that would make government a more
effective protector of our rights and privileges.
The principles of institutional integrity and diversity of
political competencies were strengthened further through a
variety of methods of selection to public office. John Rohr
(1986, pp. 185, 260) identified 22 constitutionally recognized
ways of attaining office, of which only one is direct election.
Rohr cites these in order to press his point that public admin-
istrators, like judges, do not lack constitutional stature simply
because they are not elected. Direct, popular election poses
its own problems as well as promise for effective, representa-
tive governance. The founders sought to restrain electoral
abuses by screening many offices and institutions from its
direct effects. Public administration reflects much of this
design. It, too, represents the people through its constitution-
al agency, although seldom by popular election. However, the
nature of its representation and service differs because of its
subordinate status in the constitutional order.
Each of the branches exercises superiority over public
administration. As such, public administration shares only
some of the powers of each. Its powers are partial and subor-
dinate. This status produces an important and paradoxical
obligation. Public administrators must learn to balance obedi-
ence with the necessity of choosing among constitutional mas-
ters when disputes arise (Rohr, 1986). Furthermore, obedi-
ence is seldom relegated to ministerial (nondiscretionary)
function. Discretion enters, formally and informally, at every
level. Public administrators, therefore, retain substantial auton-
omy and authority. That authority, bounded and supported
by oath, grants public administration a professional niche
(Rohr, 1986, p. 187), from which professional roles, competen-
cies, and structures may be extrapolated.
Constitutive Rhetoric
In her book, On Revolution, Hannah Arendt (1963, p. 214)
observed that American political life centers first and foremost
on the principle of mutual promise and common delibera-
tion. We created and sustain ourselves through this principle,
drawing from it our political orthodoxy. As Rohr (1986, p. 9)
indicates, this is an orthodoxy that eludes capture in a set of
officially approved propositions but emerges in the dynamism
of the public argument itself. We are founded and sustained
through public argument.
The Constitution, of course, forms a great centerpiece in
public argument (Rohr, 1986). It was founded in argument,
and its structure and values encourage continued public
debate through independent institutions exercising varying
competencies and powers. Public administration shares the
obligation to encourage and participate in this debate, and to
develop …
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Designing and Planning Programs for Nonprofi t and Government Organizations,
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UNDERSTANDING AND
MANAGING PUBLIC
ORGANIZATIONS
Fourth Edition
Hal G. Rainey
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Rainey, Hal G. (Hal Griffi n).
Understanding and managing public organizations / Hal G. Rainey.
p. cm.—(Educational resources for nonprofi t and public management)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-470-40292-4 (cloth)
1. Public administration. I. Title.
JF1351.R27 2010
351– dc22
2009031937
Printed in the United States of America
FOURTH EDITION
HB Printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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v
CONTENTS
Figures, Tables, and Exhibits vii
Preface xi
The Author xix
PART ONE THE DYNAMIC CONTEXT OF PUBLIC
ORGANIZATIONS
1 The Challenge of Effective Public Organization
and Management 3
2 Understanding the Study of Organizations: A Historical Review 24
3 What Makes Public Organizations Distinctive 58
4 Analyzing the Environment of Public Organizations 89
5 The Impact of Political Power and Public Policy 110
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PART TWO KEY DIMENSIONS OF ORGANIZING
AND MANAGING
6 Organizational Goals and Effectiveness 145
7 Formulating and Achieving Purpose: Power,
Strategy, and Decision Making 170
8 Organizational Structure, Design, Technology,
and Information Technology 201
9 Understanding People in Public Organizations:
Values and Motives 241
10 Understanding People in Public Organizations:
Theories of Work Motivation and Work-Related Attitudes 273
11 Leadership, Managerial Roles, and Organizational Culture 314
12 Teamwork: Understanding Communication and Confl ict
in and Among Groups 359
PART THREE STRATEGIES FOR MANAGING AND IMPROVING
PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS
13 Managing Organizational Change and Development 383
14 Advancing Effective Management in the Public Sector 419
References 457
Name Index 503
Subject Index 513
vi Contents
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vii
FIGURES, TABLES, AND EXHIBITS
Figures
1.1 A Framework for Organizational Analysis 20
1.2 A Framework for Organizational Analysis
(Elaboration of Figure 1.1) 21
3.1 Agencies, Enterprises, and Hybrid Organizations 75
3.2 Public and Private Ownership and Funding 76
3.3 “Publicness”: Political and Economic Authority 78
6.1 Conceptual Framework of the Government Performance Project 159
6.2 The Competing Values Framework 164
10.1 Formulations of Expectancy Theory 283
Tables
3.1 Typology of Organizations Created by Cross-Classifying
Ownership, Funding, and Mode of Social Control 79
6.1 Effectiveness Dimensions for Educational Institutions 162
9.1 The Complexity of Human Needs and Values 254
9.2 Types of Incentives 255
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9.3 Dimensions and Questionnaire Measures
of Public Service Motivation 268
13.1 Organizational Decline and Cutback Management:
Tactics for Responding to Decline and Funding Cuts 389
14.1 Characteristics of High-Performance Government Organizations 430
Exhibits
2.1 Major Developments in Organization and Management
Theory in the Twentieth Century 53
3.1 Distinctive Characteristics of Public Management and
Public Organizations: A Summary of Common
Assertions and Research Findings 83
4.1 General Environmental Conditions 91
4.2 Descriptive and Analytical Dimensions of
Organizational Environments 95
4.3 Major Environmental Components for Public Organizations 101
5.1 Sources of Political Authority and Infl uence of Institutions,
Entities, and Actors in the Political System 113
5.2 Guidelines for Managing Relations with the News Media 119
6.1 Organizational Effectiveness: Dimensions and Measures 161
9.1 Questionnaire Items Used to Measure Work Motivation 249
10.1 Categories of Needs and Values Employed in Selected
Content Theories 275
10.2 Concepts and Principles of Operant Conditioning 288
10.3 Methods Commonly Used to Enhance Work Motivation
in Organizations 294
11.1 Managerial Roles and Skills 326
11.2 Conceptions and Dimensions of Culture 336
11.3 Background References for Assessing Organizational Culture 338
12.1 Communication Problems and Distortions 369
13.1 Attributes of Innovations That Affect Their Implementation 392
13.2 Phases of an Action Research Model for Organizational
Development 400
13.3 Patterns of Successful Organizational Change 407
13.4 Steps for Successful Organizational Transformation 408
viii Figures, Tables, and Exhibits
ftoc.indd viiiftoc.indd viii 9/16/09 1:21:35 PM9/16/09 1:21:35 PM
13.5 Determinants of Successful Implementation of
Organizational Change in the Public Sector 409
13.6 Conditions for a Successful Change in a Federal Agency 417
14.1 Propositions About Effective Public Organizations 432
14.2 Osborne and Gaebler’s Strategies for Reinventing Government 436
14.3 The National Performance Review: Major Priorities and Initiatives 439
14.4 Conditions for Successful Privatization and Contracting Out 453
Figures, Tables, and Exhibits ix
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ftoc.indd xftoc.indd x 9/16/09 1:21:35 PM9/16/09 1:21:35 PM
xi
PREFACE
The previous editions of this book reviewed the literature on management and organization theory and suggested applications to the public sector grounded
in evidence from research on public organizations and the people in them. The
book has served primarily as a text in courses for master of public administration
students and in seminars for doctoral students in public administration and public
affairs programs. The book has also served the needs of scholars, and it has a
high number of citations in the Social Science Citation Index, for a book of this
type, in this fi eld. The revisions in this fourth edition seek to enhance the book ’ s
usefulness to students and scholars. As elaborated shortly, the book also seeks to
meet certain needs of practicing managers and professionals.
Reviewers of earlier editions suggested greater integration among the chap-
ters and the addition of an organizing framework for the material. I therefore
have included in the fi rst chapter a conceptual framework that links the chapters
and topics in the book. This framework emphasizes a fundamental challenge for
leaders and members of organizations: that of integrating and coordinating the
components and domains of the organization. These include the organization ’ s
environment, strategy - and decision - making processes, goals and values, culture,
structure, power relationships, tasks, and communication processes. This integra-
tion, of course, must also include the people — the organization ’ s leaders, teams,
and groups, and their motivations, work attitudes, and behaviors. As the book
illustrates, the fi eld of management and organizational theory has developed no
fpref.indd xifpref.indd xi 9/16/09 1:20:56 PM9/16/09 1:20:56 PM
xii Preface
comprehensive theory or scientifi c solution that achieves this integration. Without
wanting to slight or offend my fellow authors, I assert that no existing text on orga-
nizations and their management achieves a highly effective integration of the top-
ics just mentioned, any more than this one does. Nevertheless, the book ’ s chapters
describe concepts and insights from the organization and management literature
that support leaders ’ and managers ’ efforts to think and act comprehensively,
to integrate the myriad topics and issues they face. The fi nal chapter illustrates
how to use the framework to approach various management challenges — such
as privatization of public services — in an integrative, comprehensive fashion. In
addition, this edition for the fi rst time is accompanied by an instructor ’ s manual,
which includes cases that instructors can use to challenge students to consider how
to bring multiple topics and concepts to bear on the same case.
The book ’ s chapters fl esh out the conceptual framework by reviewing the
theories, research, and practices associated with major topics in the fi eld of orga-
nizations and their management. As described in Chapter One , the fi eld of public
management and leadership has continued to develop rapidly since publication of
the previous editions. Accordingly, many chapters and topics in this edition have
been expanded to cover new material and new developments. For example, the
chapters on motivation ( Nine and Ten ) and leadership ( Eleven ) include additional
coverage of recent research and thought on those topics, such as the theory of goal
setting as a motivational procedure, and charismatic leadership. This edition also
covers a lot of the most recent research on such topics as how public managers lead
and behave, effective performance in government agencies, the nature of public
service motivation, organizational commitment in public organizations, differences
between public and private managers ’ perceptions of the personnel systems with
which they work, organizational culture in public organizations, and many other
topics. This fourth edition includes expanded coverage of recent developments on
the topic of “ public values, ” of recent research on public service motivation, and of
recent research on strategic decision making in public organizations. This edition
includes much more coverage than in previous editions of the rapidly developing
topic of networks and collaboration in the public service delivery and governance.
This edition generally updates the reviews of research on the many topics in the
book, such as the O ’ Toole - Meier model of public management. The chapters on
the major topics of the book show that researchers have published a profusion of
studies on these and other topics since the third edition appeared, thus raising a
major challenge for those who seek to review and interpret them all.
In addition, previous editions of this book have analyzed, as does this one, the
distinctions between public organizations and their members, on the one hand,
and other types of organizations, leaders, and employees, such as those in the
business sector, on the other. Chapter Three presents a conceptual analysis
of these distinctions: What do we mean when we refer to these different types of
fpref.indd xiifpref.indd xii 9/16/09 1:20:56 PM9/16/09 1:20:56 PM
Preface xiii
organizations and the people who work for them? How do we defi ne them and
study their differences? Subsequent chapters describe a large number of research
articles and other forms of evidence that compare public and private organiza-
tions in terms of the topics that these chapters cover. Although I have tried to
keep track of comparisons of public, private, and nonprofi t organizations on a
continuing basis, I have been surprised at how many studies of this type have
appeared in recent years. Assembling these studies, describing them, and inter-
preting them for the reader has posed another serious challenge, but a welcome
one, because one of the book ’ s objectives is to provide the most comprehensive
compilation and review possible of such research - based comparisons of public
and private (and public and nonprofi t) organizations.
Another goal and challenge of the previous editions of the book was to cover
important developments in the practice and contemporary context of general
management and public management. The previous editions covered such top-
ics as Total Quality Management (TQM), the infl uence of the best - selling book
Reinventing Government (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992) and the REGO movement
it spawned, including the federal government ’ s National Performance Review;
and the management of privatization and contracting - out programs, among oth-
ers. Some of these developments have become dated and less prominent over
time, but reviewers and colleagues advised against deleting them. The review of
such developments in Chapter Fourteen provides a history of many of the man-
agement improvement initiatives in recent decades. The review illustrates how
ideas move through government and other domains over time, and the interplay
between academic scholarship and theory, on the one hand, and the practice
of management, on the other. This edition reports on research evaluating the
infl uence of these developments on governments at all levels in the United States
and in other nations. It also covers more recent developments such as the New
Public Management movement around the world, the George W. Bush admin-
istration ’ s President ’ s Management Agenda and its Program Assessment Rating Tool
(PART), and the human capital movement in government. At the time of this
writing, President Obama has very recently taken offi ce in the United States, and
various chapters describe interesting indications of how the Obama administra-
tion will address issues in public management and government organization. For
example, Chapter Fourteen describes President Obama ’ s announcement that his
administration will continue the Bush administration ’ s PART procedures in a
revised form. This appears to represent an unusual instance in which a presiden-
tial administration continues, rather than eradicates, a management initiative of
a previous administration of the other political party.
The book provides such coverage in part to make this edition of the book
even more interesting and useful than the previous editions for practicing manag-
ers and professionals and for students interested in such roles. This edition also
fpref.indd xiiifpref.indd xiii 9/16/09 1:20:57 PM9/16/09 1:20:57 PM
xiv Preface
offers many suggestions for those faced with practical leadership and manage-
ment challenges, including managing relations with the media (Chapter Five ),
enhancing one ’ s power and authority (Chapter Seven ), conducting strategic
decision - making processes (Chapter Seven ), motivating employees (Chapter Ten ),
managing and leading organizational culture (Chapter Eleven ), managing confl ict
(Chapter Twelve ), leading organizational change (Chapter Thirteen ), and other
topics. In addition, it gives examples of how these insights and concepts are used
in the fi eld. For instance, Chapter Eight begins with a description of the major
structural transformation the U.S. Internal Revenue Service has recently under-
gone, and of the structural changes made at a national laboratory in response
to public concerns about its safety. Chapter Ten points out that many of the
efforts to reform pay systems in government would have been much more effec-
tive if they had been informed by a clear understanding of a number of motiva-
tion theories. Chapter Thirteen shows how strategies for leading organizational
change have led to successful large - scale change in government agencies, and how
not applying such strategies has led to failure in other instances. New in Chapter
Thirteen is a summary of points of expert consensus about successful manage-
ment of large - scale organizational change. When my coauthor, Sergio Fernandez,
and I published this summary in Public Administration Review (PAR) and on the PAR
Web site, we received very positive comments from government offi cials about the
usefulness of the summary.
Ultimately, the book pursues the theme that effective leadership involves
the well - informed, thoughtful, integrative use of a variety of management con-
cepts and points rather than the hot pursuit of catchy phrases and glib advice.
Illustrating this theme, many students of military strategy and history express great
admiration for Carl Von Clausewitz ’ s classic treatise On War (1986). Clausewitz
essentially takes the position that he cannot advise an individual commander on
how to conduct a specifi c campaign because such situations are so highly varied
and contingent. Rather, he aims to provide general perspective and insight on
how to conceive of the nature and enterprise of war. Even persons who loathe
military force and military analogies might accept the point that people facing
practical challenges often profi t from general understanding and insight as much
as from detailed prescriptions.
Audience
As mentioned earlier, the primary audience for previous editions of Understanding
and Managing Public Organizations included graduate students and scholars inter-
ested in public management and applications of organization theory to the public
fpref.indd xivfpref.indd xiv 9/16/09 1:20:57 PM9/16/09 1:20:57 PM
Preface xv
sector. The difference between the needs of doctoral students and those of master
of public administration (MPA) students and undergraduate students presents a
challenge for this book. Faculty colleagues at other universities who have used the
book in their classes have sometimes mentioned that their MPA students do not
see the need for the many citations to academic research articles and reviews of
such academic materials. They also mention, however, that their doctoral students
value and appreciate the reviews of academic literature and research, and the
citation of such work. For this fourth edition, this raised the question of whether
I should reduce the reviews and citation of academic research to meet the needs
and preferences of some MPA students, or to keep this coverage and even extend
it by updating it. Faculty colleagues with whom I discussed this matter, as well
as anonymous reviewers of the proposal for this fourth edition, mostly advised
the latter approach — keeping the coverage of academic research. One reviewer
emphatically insisted that this coverage represents a distinctive contribution of the
book, and that I should avoid “ dumbing down ” the book.
This edition does try to accommodate, in certain ways, the preferences of
students who do not see the need for the academic citations. In Chapters One
and Fourteen , long lists of parenthetic references citing multiple books and arti-
cles have been moved to endnotes, to enable an uninterrupted fl ow of discus-
sion. In addition, as mentioned earlier, an instructor ’ s manual is now available.
It includes Microsoft PowerPoint presentations for each chapter with many rich
illustrations and graphics that can enliven a discussion and coverage of the topics.
It includes key terms, examples, potential writing assignments, and case discussion
exercises. The instructor ’ s manual also includes and illustrates suggestions and
alternatives for using the materials and approaching the topics of a course using
the book. These materials can enliven the topics and make them more accessible
for MPA students.
Reviewers of the previous editions said that practitioners would be unlikely
to delve into the detailed reviews of research and theory the book provides. I con-
cede this point, but grudgingly. This assumption underestimates many practicing
leaders and managers who are thoughtful and refl ective students of leadership
and management. They may dislike abstruse and ponderous academic discourse
because they are inclined to action and strive for practical results. They may also
fi nd quick advice and bright ideas attractive because they do not have a great deal
of time to read. When practicing managers enroll in courses in academic settings,
they often lead their classes in insight and in showing an interest in new concepts
and broad perspectives. They often spurn “ war stories ” and how - to manuals.
Thus the lines between practicing managers, students, and management
scholars often blur. Sometimes practicing managers seek degrees in long - term
academic programs and play the role of student. Often they teach or help to
fpref.indd xvfpref.indd xv 9/16/09 1:20:58 PM9/16/09 1:20:58 PM
xvi Preface
teach courses. My colleague Larry O ’ Toole points out that many academics act
as practitioners or quasi - practitioners in their service on commissions and in their
research and consulting activities. Therefore, although the primary goal of this
book is to serve students and scholars interested in research and theory, it can also
serve practicing managers and leaders. This book can serve as a reference for busy
managers who want a review of basic topics in the fi eld and who might fi nd the
conceptual framework and some of the suggestions and examples useful.
Organization
The best overview of the organization of the book can be obtained by reviewing
the table of contents. Part One covers the dynamic context of public organi-
zations. Its fi ve chapters introduce the basic objectives and assumptions of the
book and the conceptual framework mentioned earlier. Chapter One discusses
the current context of public management in practice and in scholarship, and the
challenges this context raises for applying organization and management theory
to public organizations. Chapter Two summarizes the history of organization and
management theory, describing the development of some of the most important
concepts and issues in the fi eld, which are developed further in later chapters. In
addition, this historical review shows that most of the prominent organization and
management theorists have been concerned with developing the general theory
of organizations and have not been particularly interested in public organizations
as a category. Their lack of interest in public organizations justifi es …
C lassics O F
O rganization
T heory F ift h E d it io n
J ay M. Shafritz
J. Steven Ott
Classics o f
Organization Theory
Fifth Edition
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Classics o f
Fifth Edition
Jay M. Shafritz
University of Pittsburgh
J. Steven Ott
University o f Utah
Harcourt College Publishers
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Copyright © 2001 by Harcourt, Inc.
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Foreword
In this anthology of classical works in organization theory, Shafritz and O tt have captured
the essence, if not all the details, of an extensive and intricate subject. This assertion re
quires asking ourselves, what is the “essence” of organization theory? Put another way, what
was the fundamental problem that the classic writers were trying to resolve?
The answer to these questions is found in the fourth selection in this book, in Henry
Towne’s paper, “The Engineer as an Econom ist.” One needs only to ponder Tow nes title
to find the motive behind most of the classicists’ work. A sk yourself, what do engineers and
economists have in common? Without too much effort I am sure you will conclude, “the
quest for efficiency.” Towne’s linking of management with its root sciences of engineering
and economics through the concept of efficiency (E = O /I) was a brilliant stroke that has
to be one of the great monuments of managerial lucidity.
It is not as if the concept of efficiency had gone unnoticed before Towne wrote of it.
Indeed, even in biblical times, Jethro, M oses’ father-in-law, advised Moses to set up a
chain of command and to delegate most of his decision-making authority to lower levels,
because trying to do it all himself was inefficient (Exodus: Chapter I I 1 8 : 9). However, prior
to Towne’s work, there was little systematic knowledge of administration. A s a matter of
fact, the idea of “m anagem ent” was barely realized and the notion of “executive” hardly
understood.
But Towne wrote at a propitious time. He was driven by the Progressive M ovem ent’s re
form endeavors and took the first steps to create a scientific body of thought that applied
to the administration of public and private organizations. In this regard, the Scientific
M anagement movement was a product of both Progressivism and Towne’s attempt to get
those people interested in management to contribute to the annual proceedings of the
Am erican Society of M echanical Engineers. Frederick W. Taylor’s epic paper “A Piece-
Rate System ,” written in 1895, was a result of Towne’s request.
Scientific M anagement was all about the efficiency of resource utilization based upon
the collection of data and the rational analysis of that data. Organizational performance
would be enhanced, so the scientific management pioneers believed, if management had
at its disposal objective facts for making decisions, as opposed to the intuitive or rule of
thumb methods used in the past. Thus science and rationality became the watchwords of
efficiency.
But organization theory was more than “facts,” as Bacon said, “like grapes, ripe and ready
for plucking.” Facts required a framework for understanding and this is where pertain the
contributions, between the two World Wars, of the great builders of classical organizational
theory. They are represented in this volume by M ax Weber, Chester I. Barnard, and Luther
Gulick. These writers proposed two enduring themes in organization theory The first
theme is purely structural, that is, according to what methods and principles an organiza
tion arranges its functions to maximize coordination. This issue concerns the never ending
problem of achieving a balance between vertical and horizontal differentiation, in other
words between hierarchy and the division of labor.
VI Foreword
T h e second theme concerns cooperation, and it was a matter dear to Chester Barnard.
He was the first practicing manager to recognize that the applied behavioral sciences could
be useful to management as means to motivate workers and to encourage them to have a
pleasing view of their work situation. Drawing in part upon the Hawthorne studies in hm
man relations, Barnard’s book, The Functions of the Executive, became recognized as the
paradigmatic statem ent of modern managerialism. He stressed that cooperation was based
upon the mutual interest that workers and managers had in the success of an enterprise.
But he went further to show that management had to be proactive in nurturing that sense
of mutual interest by using the applied behavioral sciences to influence the attitudes and
actions of subordinates.
Lest we risk losing the point, let me reemphasize that the great twin themes of coordb
nation and cooperation in organization theory were in fact creatures of efficiency, that
most fundamental of all organizational imperatives. These themes, blossoming in the uv
terwar years, reached full bloom by midcentury, exemplified in the work of Herbert A . S i
mon, Richard M. Cyert, and James G. March. Drawing upon Barnard’s inspiration, these
writers viewed management as a process imbedded in a system of patterned relationships.
During the 1960s, systems theory emerged and tried to do what Barnard had all along
hoped to see done, to develop a general theory of interrelationships and interdependent
cies that explained the behavior of complex organizations.
Systems theory in management came to naught, however, largely because it did not
move beyond the normative to include a descriptive, quantitative side that had any degree
of generality. Through most of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, organization theory frag
mented with the theme of coordination pursued by the structuralists, the theme of coop
eration explored by the behavioralists, and the idea of efficiency all but disappearing in the
ensuing flood of specialist literature. The last chapters of this volume (Chapters V through
IX) reflect this trend with subjects such as culture, gender, ecology, information technoh
ogy, and on and on, tending to suggest that management is slipping into postmodern
anarchy.
It takes a great deal of perspicacity to assemble a collection of readings that reflects the
changes that organization theory went through during this century. The editors of this
book deserve our admiration. One can hope that in their next edition the editors will
find evidence in the literature that the field is rediscovering some of the fundamentals
with which it began. This is not a plea for organizational revisionism, but for theoretical
coherence.
William G . Scott
Professor of M anagement
University of Washington
Preface
Classics of Organization Theory is a collection of the most important works in organization
theory, written by the most influential authors in the field. Classics does not just tell the
reader what the “masters” said, it presents their works in their own words. These are theo-
ries that have withstood the test of time — the critically acclaimed masterworks in the
field. Although this book contains a sprinkling of important current works, its focus is the
enduring classics. It tells the history of organization theory through the words of the great
theorists.
Classics is designed to help people who are new to the field of organization theory “get
into,” understand and appreciate its important themes, perspectives, and theories. Thus,
we describe and explain what organization theory is, how it has developed, and how its de-
velopment coincides with developments in other fields, as well as the contexts in which
these great works were written.
M ost of the articles are organized chronologically within major perspectives or
“schools” of organization theory. Each chapter focuses on one major perspective of organic
zation theory. Readers thus can immerse themselves in one perspective at a time, before
moving on to the next. T h e chapters (and the major perspectives of organization the
ory) are:
• Classical Organization Theory
• Neoclassical Organization Theory
• Human Resource Theory, or the Organizational Behavior Perspective
• “Modem” Structural Organization Theory
• Systems Theory and Organizational Economics
• Power and Politics Organization Theory
• Organizational Culture and Sense Making
• Organizational Culture Reform Movements
• Postmodernism and the Information Age
Several other features that help to make Classics “reader friendly”:
• The Introduction explains why there are competing perspectives or frames for grouping the
ories of organization, and why we chose the particular framework that is used in Classics.
• The Introduction explains how theories of organization reflect what is going on in the
world at the time (for example, World War II or the “flower child”/antiestablishment/self-
development era of the 1960s); defines the criteria used for including and excluding works
(for example, “Should the serious student of organization theory be expected to be able to
identify this author and his or her basic themes?” ); and presents the organizing framework
for the book.
vu
V i l i Preface
• The Introduction contains a chronology of important events and contributions to the field
of organizational theory from 1491 b .c . into the 1990s. The chronology allows one to see the
intellectual development of the myriad themes and perspectives of organization theory, and
to comprehend the impact of time and context on the development of perspectives across
the field.
• The opening pages of each chapter identify the central themes and issues of the perspective,
contrast the perspective with others, and briefly summarize the contributions each article
has made to the field.
• Most of the articles have been shortened to make them more readable. The editing down
helps readers to focus on the central ideas that make an article a classic.
• Each chapter contains a bibliography of the most important books and articles from the pen
spective (whether or not the works are reproduced in Classics).
C H A N G E S F R O M T H E F O U R T H E D I T I O N T O T H E F I F T H E D I T I O N
The fourth edition incorporated major changes from the third edition. A number of
friendly critics had repeatedly asked us to update the book’s coverage — to bring the book
“ into the 1990s.” Other reviewers, though, had urged us to resist the tem ptation to ven
ture into theories that had not passed the test of time. We had taken a firm position up
through the third edition, but we softened our stand somewhat in the fourth. In attem pt
ing to walk a fine line between the classics and newer areas of theory, we incorporated or
ganizational economics, information technology, postmodernism, feminist theory, diver
sity, and multiculturalism.
T he fifth edition retains the same chapters as the fourth, but a number of readings
have been added and others deleted. Chapter V, “Systems Theory and Organizational Eco
nomics,” and Chapter IX, “Postmodernism and the Information A ge,” have been reworked
quite substantially. A s in the fourth edition, the most recently written inclusions are
largely in the concluding three chapters. Thus, readers who want only “pure classics” of
organization theory probably should put this book down after reading Chapter VI. Those
who also want exposure to some of the emerging perspectives of organization should ven
ture into Chapters VII, V ili, and IX. A s William G . Scott has written in the Foreword,
“Through most of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, organization theory fragmented . . . The
last chapters of this volume (Chapters V through IX) reflect this trend . . . tending to sug
gest that management is slipping into postmodern anarchy.” Although it is always difficult
to select enduring classics from among the rich choices available, we believe we have ac
complished this goal in the fifth edition.
T he following selections, listed by chapter, have been added and deleted:
Chapter II. Neoclassical Organization Theory
New Addition
Robert K. Merton, “Bureaucratic Structure and Personality” (1957)
Chapter in. Human Resource Theory, or the Organizational Behavior Perspective
Deletion from the Fourth Edition
Taylor H. Cox, Jr., “Intergroup Conflict” (1993)
Preface IX
New Additions
Fritz J. Roethlisberger, “The Hawthorne Experiments” (1941)
Bart Victor and Carroll Stephens, “The Dark Side of the New Organizational Forms” (1994)
Chapter V. Systems Theory and Organizational Economics (The section on “Population
Ecology” has been deleted.)
Deletions from the Fourth Edition
Fremont E. Kast and James E. Rosenzweig, “General Systems Theory: Applications for Orga-
nization and Management” (1972)
Michael T. Hannan and John Freeman, “The Population Ecology of Organizations” (1977)
Lex Donaldson, “The Ethereal Hand: Organizational Economics and Management Theory”
(1990)
New Additions
Jay B. Barney and William G. Ouchi, “Learning from Organizational Economics” ( 1986)
Paul H. Rubin, “Managing Business Transactions” (1990)
Chapter VI. Power and Politics Organization Theory
Deletion from the Fourth Edition
Michael D. Cohen and James G. March, “Leadership in an Organized Anarchy” (1974)
New Addition
James G. March, “The Power of Power” (1966)
Chapter VII. Organizational Culture And Sense Making
Deletion from the Fourth Edition
Gareth Morgan, “Images of Organization” (1986)
New Addition
Scott D. N. Cook and Dvora Yanow, “Culture and Organizational Learning” (1993)
Substitution
“Defining Organizational Culture,” from the second edition of Edgar H. Scheiris Organizational
Culture and Leadership ( 1993), replaces the same chapter from the first edition.
Chapter Vili. Organizational Culture Reform Movements
Deletion from the Fourth Edition
David Osborne and Ted Gaebler, “Reinventing Government: Introduction” (1992)
New Addition
A1 Gore, “Creating a Government that Works Better and Costs Less: Report of the National
Performance Review” (1993)
Chapter IX. Postmodernism and the Information Age
Deletions from the Fourth Edition
Shoshana Zubolf, “In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Limits of Hierarchy in an Informated
Organization” (1988)
Karl E. Weick, Jr., “Technology as Equivoque: Sensemaking in New Technologies” ( 1990)
L. Douglas Kiel, “Nonlinear Dynamical Analysis: Assessing Systems Concepts in a Govern-
ment Agency” (1993)
New Additions
Janet Fulk and Gerardine DeSanctis, “Articulation of Communication Technology and Orga
nizational Form” (1999)
X Preface
Richard M. Burton and B0rge Obel, “Technology as a Contingency Factor” (1998)
Edward A. Stohr and Sivakumar Viswanathan, “Recommendation Systems: Decision Support
for the Information Economy” (1999)
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
T his fifth edition of Classics of Organization Theory has benefited immeasurably from the
advice that we have received from our friendly critics of the fourth edition. A s William G.
Scott notes in the Foreword, the rate of change and the degree of fragmentation in the field
during the past twenty years have been without precedent. Our confidence in our “m atun
ing judgm ent” has been tested severely. Yet, this is a major part of the enjoyment that we
derive from editing a book of classics in a dynamic and turbulent field.
Many people have contributed to this fifth edition. We wish to thank a number of
people who provided ideas and encouragement, including Richard Green, University of
Wyoming; A1 Hyde, the Brookings Institution; Henry Kass, Portland State University;
Kevin Kearns, University of Pittsburgh; and E. W. Russell, Victoria University of T ech
nology. Jared Bennett and Jeff Hoyt, both at the University of U tah, have contributed in
valuable advice about inclusions and editorial assistance.
We also thank Kristen Backhaus, S U N Y -N e w Paltz; Floyd Boschee, University of
South Dakota; John Brehm, Duke University; George Carnahan, N orth M ichigan U n i
versity; Robert Carter, U .S. Military Academy; Ken Ehrensaft, Spertus College; and David
Martin, Rhodes College, for their comments and suggestions in selecting the present
articles.
Finally, we thank the authors and publishers of these classics for their permission to
reproduce their work.
A s with the prior editions, we sincerely solicit comments, ideas, and suggestions from
the scholarly and practitioner communities. G iven sufficient encouragement from readers
and support from our publisher— and long enough liv es— we will continue to revise C las
sics of Organization Theory as new theories and perspectives gain in importance.
Finally, we want to put readers on notice that changed standards of language are evi
dent in some of the readings. Many terms and phrases that are sexist and racist by today’s
standards were in common use several decades ago. W hen possible, offensive language was
removed from articles by deleting sentences or paragraphs. A few words and phrases, how
ever, are essential to the text and could not be altered.
Jay M . Shafritz
U n iversity of Pittsburgh
J. Steven O tt
U n iversity of U tah
Contents
Introduction 1
A Chronology of Organization Theory 8
C hapter I
Classical Organization Theory 27
1 Socrates Discovers Generic M anagem ent 35
Xenophon (1869)
2 O f the Division of Labour 37
Adam Smith (1776)
3 Superintendent’s Report 42
Daniel C . McCallum (1856)
4 T he Engineer as Economist 44
Henry R. Towne (1886)
5 General Principles of M anagement 48
Henri Fayol (1916)
6 The Principles of Scientific M anagement 61
Frederick Winslow Taylor (1916)
7 Bureaucracy 73
Max Weber (1922)
8 N otes on the Theory of Organization 79
Luther Gulick (1937)
C hapter II
Neoclassical Organization Theory 88
9 T h e Economy of Incentives 93
Chester I. Barnard ( 1938)
10 Bureaucratic Structure and Personality 103
Robert K. Merton (1957)
xi
X l l C o n t e n t s
11 T he Proverbs of Adm inistration 112
H e r b e r t A . S im o n ( 1 9 4 6 )
12 Foundations of the Theory of Organization 125
Philip S e lz n ic k ( 1 9 4 8 )
13 A Behavioral Theory of Organizational Objectives 135
R ic h a r d M . C y e r t & J a m e s G. March ( 1 9 5 9 )
C h apter III
Human Resource Theory, or the
Organizational Behavior Perspective 145
14 The Giving of Orders 152
M a r y P a r k e r F o llett ( 1 9 2 6 )
15 The Hawthorne Experiments 158
F r it z J. R o e th lisb e rg e r ( 1 9 4 1 )
16 A Theory of Human M otivation 167
A b r a h a m H . M a s l o w ( 1 9 4 3 )
17 The Human Side of Enterprise 179
D o u g la s M u r r a y M c G r e g o r ( 1 9 5 7 )
18 Groupthink: The Desperate Drive for Consensus at Any C ost 185
Ir v in g L . J a n i s ( 1 9 7 1 )
19 The Dark Side of the New Organizational Forms 193
B a r t V ic to r & C a r r o l l S te p h e n s ( 1 9 9 4 )
C hapter IV
“Modern” Structural Organization Theory 197
2 0 M echanistic and Organic Systems 201
T o m B u r n s & G . M . S t a lk e r ( 1 9 6 1 )
2 1 The Concept of Formal Organization 206
P eter M . B l a u & W . R ic h a r d S c o t t ( 1 9 6 2 )
22 Organizational Choice: Product versus Function 211
A r t h u r H . W alk er & J a y W . L o r s c h ( 1 9 6 8 )
23 The Five Basic Parts of the Organization 222
H e n r y M in tz b e r g ( 1 9 7 9 )
2 4 In Praise of Hierarchy 234
E llio tt J a q u e s ( 1 9 9 0 )
Contents X l l l
C hapter V
Systems Theory and Organizational Economics 242
25 Organization Theory: A n Overview and an Appraisal 248
William G . Scott (1961)
2 6 Organizations and the System C oncept 257
Daniel Katz & Robert L. Kahn ( 1966)
27 Organizations in A ction 268
James D. Thompson (1967)
2 8 Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs
and Ownership Structure 282
Michael C . Jensen & William H. Meckling (1976)
2 9 Learning from Organizational Economics 290
Jay B. Barney & William G. Ouchi (1986)
3 0 M anaging Business Transactions 295
Paul H. Rubin ( 1990)
C hapter V I
Power and Politics Organization Theory 298
31 Understanding the Role o f Power in Decision M aking 304
Jeffrey Pfeffer (1981)
3 2 T he Bases of Social Power 319
John R. P. French Jr. & Bertram Raven (1959)
33 T he Power of Power 329
James G . March ( 1966)
3 4 Power Failure in M anagement Circuits 343
Rosabeth Moss Kanter (1979)
35 T he Power Gam e and the Players 353
Henry Mintzberg ( 1983)
C hapter V II
Organizational Culture and Sense Making 361
3 6 Defining Organizational Culture 369
Edgar H. Schein(1993)
37 Surprise and Sense Making: W hat Newcomers Experience
in Entering Unfam iliar Organizational Settings 377
Meryf Reis Louis ( 1980)
X IV Contents
3 8 Gendering Organizational Theory 391
Joan A c k e r ( 1 9 9 2 )
3 9 Culture and Organizational Learning 400
S c o t t D . N . C o o k & D v o r a Y an o w ( 1 9 9 3 )
4 0 Changing Organizational Cultures 414
H a r r i s o n M. T r ic e & J a n ic e M . B e y e r ( 1 9 9 3 )
C h apter V i l i
Organizational Culture Reform Movements 425
41 T h e Z Organization 434
W illia m G . O u c h i ( 1 9 8 1 )
4 2 In Search of Excellence: Sim ultaneous Loose^Tight Properties 446
T h o m a s J. P e te rs & R o b e r t H . W a te r m a n J r . ( 1 9 8 2 )
4 3 T h e Fifth Discipline: A Shift of Mind 451
P eter M . S e n g e ( 1 9 9 0 )
4 4 Creating a Governm ent that Works Better & C osts Less: Report
of the N ational Performance Review 460
V ic e P re sid e n t A l G o r e ( 1 9 9 3 )
C h apter IX
Postmodernism and the Information Age 469
45 Postmodern Thought in a Nutshell: Where A rt and Science Com e Together 477
W illia m B e r g q u is t ( 1 9 9 3 )
4 6 Reengineering the Corporation:
T h e Enabling Role of Information Technology 490
M ic h a e l H a m m e r & J a m e s C h a m p y ( 1 9 9 3 )
4 7 A rticulation of Com m unication Technology and Organizational Form 499
J a n e t F u lk & G e r a r d in e D e S a n c t is ( 1 9 9 9 )
4 8 Technology as a Contingency Factor 519
R ic h a r d M . B u r t o n & B o r g e O b e l ( 1 9 9 8 )
4 9 Recom m endation Systems: Decision Support for the Information Economy 528
E d w a r d A . S to h r & S iv a k u m a r V is w a n a th a n ( 1 9 9 9 )
In trodu ction
T his book is about organization theory. By organization, we mean a social unit with some particular purposes. By theory, we mean a proposition or set of propositions that seeks
to explain or predict something. The something in this case is how groups and individuals
behave in varying organizational structures and circumstances. This is obviously important
information for any manager or leader to have. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the
world is ruled by the underlying premises of organization theory, and that it has been ever
since humankind first organized itself for hunting, war, and even family life. Indeed, the
newest thing about organization theory is the study of it.
Only in the twentieth century were intellectual substance and tradition given to this
held, which until then had been the instinctual domain of adventuresome entrepreneurs
and cunning politicos. Organization theory lay largely dormant over the centuries until
society found a practical use for it: to help manage the ever-burgeoning national (as op
posed to local) industries and institutions that increasingly ran the twentieth century.
W hen the problems of managing an organization grew to be more than one head could
cope with, the search for guidance on how to manage and arrange large-scale organizations
became as noble a quest as the secular world of business could offer. If a commercial soci
ety ever had prophets, they were those pioneers of the scientific management movement
who claimed that the path to ever-greater prosperity was to be found in the relentless
search for the “one best way.” They were offering society a theory— abstract guidance for
those who knew where they wanted to go but didn’t quite know how to get there. They al
ready knew what Kurt Lewin would assert years later: “There is nothing so practical as a
good theory” (Marrow, 1969).
Peter Drucker (1954) once observed that the thrust toward scientific management
“may well be the most powerful as well as the most lasting contribution Am erica has made
to Western thought since the Federalist Papers.” O f course, the scientific management
movement was just the beginning of a continuous search for the most effective means by
which people can be organized into social units in order to achieve the goals of their com
panies, their governments, or themselves. It was once said of the first atomic bomb and the
first U .S. voyage to the moon that they were as much achievements of organization as of
engineering and science.
Have the more recent theories of organization kept pace with our industrial and tech
nical achievements? Probably not (although if one compares them with the primitive n o
tions, for example, of the turn-of-the-twentieth-century “scientific m anagement” m ove
ment, the answer would certainly be yes). Yet many of the basics remain as givens. The laws
of physics and gravity do not change with intellectual fashions or technological advances,
nor do the basic social and physical characteristics of people change. Just as those who
would build spaceships have to start by studying Newton, those who would design and
1
2 Introduction
manage organizations must start with Fayol, Taylor, and Barnard. T he future builds upon
what is enduring from the past. T h at is the rationale for this book: to provide those who
seek to understand and/or to advance organization theory with a convenient place to find
the essentials, indeed the classics, of organization theory. However old some of these
articles may be, they are not dated. A classic is a classic because it continues to be of value
to each new generation of students and practitioners who study organizations.
T h e basic elements of organizations have remained relatively constant through history.
Organizations (or their important constituencies) have purposes (which may be explicit or
implicit), attract participants, acquire and allocate resources to accomplish goals, use some
form of structure to divide and coordinate activities, and rely on certain members to lead or
manage others. Although the elements of organizations have remained relatively constant,
their purposes, structures, ways of doing things, and methods for coordinating activities
have always varied widely. T h e …
Managing Public Organizations
Course Description:
The purpose of this course is to introduce students to the theoretical and practical underpinnings associated with managing public sector organizations. Public organizations differ from private and nonprofit organizations because of their relationship to the state, its constitutional heritage and commitment to the rule of law, its democratic institutions, and its citizenry. The separation of powers system of American government has a profound impact on how public organizations serve the state and work to advance its constitutional tradition. Public agencies and civil servants are responsible to the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government – an observation that has led several scholars within the Constitutional School of American Public Administration to argue that U.S. public servants serve “three masters.” This environment can create tension within and among public organizations, particularly in terms of balancing democratic values like responsibility, responsiveness, and representativeness with economic values like economy, efficiency, and effectiveness. Although a large portion of the literature you will read for this course could be applied to private and/or nonprofit organizations, we will primarily focus on how it relates to public sector agencies.
Public organizations provide a wide range of essential services at all levels of government, including, but not limited to justice, foreign affairs, national defense and homeland security, financial management and commerce, education, human resources management, labor, health, human services, housing and urban development, energy and public infrastructure, the environment, and transportation. It is, therefore, essential for students of public administration to understand how organizations function and are structured. More specifically, a comprehensive understanding of the literature that comprises the study of complex public organizations, organization behavior and change, and organization theory provides us with a greater knowledge base to evaluate the successes and failures of organizations. In addition, it enhances our understanding for finding ways to improve or enhance organizations in implementing their mission(s) successfully, in executing policy expectations that advance the goals of the organization, and in developing mechanisms that assist managers understand the difficulties affecting behavioral dynamics at all levels of an organization.
For this course, the state will serve as the unit of analysis, and we will be examining how democratic-constitutional norms and values shape the public organizations and institutions that govern the administrative state.
Course Goals & Learning Outcomes:
By the end of this seminar, students will be able to achieve the following student learning outcomes:
· To be able to lead and manage in public governance (SLO A).
· To analyze, synthesize, think critically, solve problems, and make decisions (SLO B).
Additionally, students will be able to underscore the following goals:
· Develop a historical and institutional understanding for the major theories and themes
associated with the study and practice of organizations.
· Identify how public managers apply various organization theories in practical terms.
· Recognize the distinguishing characteristics of public sector organizations.
· Improve writing quality, analytical thinking, and oral presentation skills.
Required Texts:
Rainey, Hal G. (2014, 5th ed.). Understanding and Managing Public Organizations. San Francisco Jossey-Bass. (From this point on will be referred to as HGR).
Shafritz, Jay M., J. Steven Ott, and Yong Suk Jang. (2011, 7th ed.). Classics of Organization Theory. Belmont, CA: Thomson-Wadsworth. (From this point on will be referred to as S&O).
Selected Journal Articles, Book Chapters, and Supreme Court cases highlighted throughout the syllabus.
Course Requirements & Expectations:
Academic Journal Submissions
Students will be required to keep a detailed written journal for the entirety of this course. The professor will collect journals at two points during the semester: First, on Class 7, October 14th and second, on Class 15, December 9th. At the time of collection, students will turn in a hard copy of their journals to the professor.
After students read the assigned readings and we discuss them in class, students will write a minimum of four, typed, double spaced pages reacting to the material(s) presented. If you would prefer to write your entries before the start of class, you may do so, and add anything additional if needed after our class time together. Students should think about what ideas struck them as most useful, theoretically and practically; what stood out as a novel concept(s); what ideas or perspectives you disagree with; connections with other materials you have engaged in the SPAA curriculum. Each entry should reflect your reaction to each assigned reading and how it relates to broad themes associated with this course. Students are to comment on each assigned reading per week. Students may also rely on the course lectures and conversations to elaborate on any entry they choose.
Writing Expectations
All written work submitted for this course must be typed and double-spaced. I expect correct English, grammar, spelling, and punctuation. Papers that do not meet this expectation will be penalized; the worse the grammatical infraction(s) the steeper the penalty. Graphs, charts, bullets, etc. should not be used for any of the assignments submitted for this course. Students should write only in complete sentences with structured paragraphs. Students may use either the APA or Chicago Manual of Style for citing references. If students are having difficulty with writing and/or organizing their written work, they are encouraged to visit the SPAA Writing Center for tutoring and assistance.
Course Calendar
Class 2
Classical Foundations of Organization Theory
September 9
S&O:
Introduction & Chapter 1: Classical Organization
Theory: Sections 2, 5, 6, 7, 8
HGR:
Ch. 2: Understanding the Study of Organizations to
Include the following sections:
*A Historical Review
*The Systems Metaphor
*Classical Approaches to Understanding
Organizations
*Frederick Taylor and Scientific Management
*Max Weber: Bureaucracy as an Ideal Construct
*The Administrative Management School: Principles
of Administration
Class 3
Neo-Classical Perspectives of Organization Theory
September 16
S&O:
Chapter 2: Neoclassical Organization Theory: Sections
9, 10, 11, 12, 13
HGR:
Ch. 2: Understanding the Study of Organizations to
include the following sections:
*Reactions, Critiques, and New Developments
*Chester Barnard and Herbert Simon: The
Inducements-Contributions Equilibrium and the
Limits of Rationality
Class 4
Human Resource Theory I
September 23
S&O:
Chapters 3: Human Resource Theory, Sections 14, 15
HGR:
Chapter 2: Understanding the Study of Organizations to
include the following sections:
*Social Psychology, Group Dynamics, and Human
Relationships
*The Hawthorne Studies: The Discovery of Human
Behavior in the Workplace
*The Human Relations School
*Open-Systems Approaches and Contingency Theory
* The Quiet Controversy over the Distinctiveness of
Public Organizations and Management in
Organization Theory
Barnard, Chester I. 1938. “Informal Organizations and their Relation
to Formal Organizations.” From The Functions of the Executive.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (On Canvas)
Class 5
Human Resource Theory II
September 30
S&O:
Chapter 3: Human Resource Theory, Sections 16, 17, 18
HGR:
Chapter 9: Understanding People in Public Organizations: Values and Motives
Chapter 10: Understanding People in Public
Organizations: Theories of Work Motivation and
Work-Related Attitudes
Chapter 12: Teamwork: Understanding Communication and Conflict in and Among Groups
Class 6
Distinctive Characteristics of Public Organizations
October 7 HGR:
Chapter 3: What Makes Public Organizations Distinctive
Chapter 4: Analyzing the Environment of Public
Organizations
Wamsley, Gary et al. The Blacksburg Manifesto. (On Canvas)
Rohr, John A. “A Constitutional Theory of Public Administration.” (On Canvas)
Green, Richard T., Lawrence F. Keller, and Gary L. Wamsley.
1993. Reconstituting A Profession for American Public
Administration. Public Administration Review. 53:6, pp. 516-24.
(On Canvas).
PAGE
11
Neoclassical Organization Theory
*
Review of Classical Organization Theory
Organizations exist to accomplish production-related & economic goals
“One Best Way” to organize found through systematic & scientific inquiry
Emphasis on specialization & division of labor
People & organizations act in a way that maximizes their self-interest
If workers operated like machines the most efficient & effective type of organization could be achieved
*
Characteristics of Neoclassical OT
Concentrated within the 1930s – 1950s
Critical of the Classical Model
Wanted the study and practice of organization theory to be broader & more diverse
*
Chester Barnard
The Economy of Incentives
Theory of Incentives
Theory of Authority
Both dealt with the establishment of a communications system for organizations:
Channels of communication
Access to formal channels of communication
Lines of communication should be short & direct
*
Chester Barnard
The Economy of Incentives
Tangible Incentives
Ensures greater amounts of cooperation
Employees must be able to calculate a cost-benefit analysis
Inducement Equilibrium
Incentives are related to personal motives
*
Chester Barnard
The Economy of Incentives
Material Inducements:
Money, things, physical conditions
Personal, Non-materialistic Inducements:
Prestige, personal power, position in the organization
Physical conditions at work
Workers fulfilling personal ideals & goals
Social compatibility
Active participation
Condition of the community
*
Chester Barnard
The Economy of Incentives
Authority
Resides not in the position but in the relationship between a superior & a subordinate
Persuasion
Coercion
Rationalization of opportunity
The greater the perceived balance of inducements over required contributions, the more likely it is that the individual will accept organizational directives.
*
Chester Barnard
The Economy of Incentives
Critique of the Classical Model:
Lack of accountability for:
Environmental difficulties
Effectiveness of organizational effort
Organization’s internal efficiency
Inducements paid to workers
*
Robert K. Merton
Bureaucratic Structure & Personality
Authority:
Comes from the office not the person who performs the office’s functions
Structure of Bureaucracy:
Categorization
Need for flexibility
Lifelong tenure
Maximize vocational security
Technical efficiency
*
Robert K. Merton
Bureaucratic Structure & Personality
“Bureaucracy is administration which almost completely avoids discussion of its techniques but not of its policies.”
Dysfunctions of Bureaucracy:
Dysfunction helps us to determine more amenable alternatives
*
Robert K. Merton
Bureaucratic Structure & Personality
Structural Sources of Overconformity
Esprit de Corps (COT) & informal organization often leads to personnel having to defend its interests rather than the interests of clients & elected officials
Bureaucrats identify themselves with their position
*
Robert K. Merton
Bureaucratic Structure & Personality
Primary vs. Secondary Relations:
Bureaucrats act as representatives of the power & prestige of the entire organization
In his official role, a bureaucrat has definite authority
Bureaucrats are servants of the people but often are more knowledgeable about particular policies than those they serve
Conflict often occurs within the bureaucratic structure when personal relationships are substituted for impersonal relationships
*
Herbert A. Simon
The Proverbs of Administration
Administrative Behavior
Challenges the classical approach that economic behavior was the same as rational behavior
Simon maintained it was impossible to achieve this result
Every decision involves choices selected from a list of alternatives
*
Herbert A. Simon
The Proverbs of Administration
Task of Rational Decision-Making:
Select the alternative that results in the more preferred set of all the possible consequences:
Identify & list all alternatives
Determine consequences that result from each alternative
Compare accuracy & efficiency of each of these sets of consequences
*
Herbert A. Simon
The Proverbs of Administration
The modern organization is too complex for individuals to process all the information they need to make fully rational decisions
Emphasis on SPECIALIZATION
Real problem of administration is not a lack of specialization but the need to specialize & focus on ways that will lead to efficiency
*
Herbert A. Simon
The Proverbs of Administration
Organizations should make decisions that are good enough & represent reasonable or acceptable outcomes
Bounded Rationality
Bounded Rationality’s results infer satisficing
*
Philip Selznick
Foundations of the Theory of Organizations
Emphasized non-rational dimensions of organizational behavior
Delegation
When organizational actors share interests, goals, & objectives that do not always complement the formal system
*
Philip Selznick
Foundations of the Theory of Organizations
How Organizations Become Institutions:
Major Contribution
Deviations in large organizations
Their formal systems become institutionalized as “unwritten law” & informal associations are established
Not about personality dynamics but about transforming informal associations into a formal structure
How people shape the organization not how the structure shapes the organization – when this occurs on a substantial level – this is how an organization become institution.
*
Philip Selznick
Foundations of the Theory of Organizations
Prestige is Important
Co-option is Important
Process of absorbing new elements into the leadership or policy determining structure of an organization as a means of adverting threats to its stability or existence
Informs us about the institutional environment of an organization
Balancing formal authority vs. social power
When they are divorced from one another, the existence of the organization is threatened.
*
Richard Cyert & James March
A Behavioral Theory of Organizational Objectives
Views Organizations as Coalitions
Of Individuals
Most organizations pursue efforts to maximize or minimize reactions to certain types of responses &/or experiences
Bargaining
Side payments
Policy commitments
Key foundation for the existence of organizations
Organizations Must Be Related to Policy
*
Richard Cyert & James March
A Behavioral Theory of Organizational Objectives
Stabilization of Objectives
Organization objectives are more stable than they appear
Budgets
Control
Allocation of Functions
Division of Labor
Specialization
*
Human Resource Theory I
*
Review of the Classical Model
Organizations exist to accomplish production-related & economic goals
“One Best Way” to organize found through systematic & scientific inquiry
Emphasis on specialization & division of labor
People & organizations act in a way that maximizes their self-interest
If workers operated like machines the most efficient & effective type of organization could be achieved
*
Review of the Neo-Classical Model
Reaction / Critique to the Classical School
Emphasis on Incentives
Greater the perceived balance of inducements over required contributions, the more likely employees will accepts directives.
Emphasis on Authority
Herbert Simon’s Bounded Rationality & Satisficing
Emphasis on Non-Rational Dimensions of organizational behavior
Bargaining
*
Tenets of Human Resource Theory
Emphasizes behavior of people in organizations
Complements many of the core principles we found with Neo-Classical Theory, particularly in terms of its critique of classical organization theory.
*
Tenets of Human Resource Theory
Boleman & Deal (1997) outline 4 assumptions of Human Resource Theory:
Organizations exist to serve human needs
Organizations & people need each other
A poor fit between people & organizations results in suffering for all involved – individuals will exploit the organization; organizations will exploit individuals, or both
A good fit between people & organizations benefits both
*
Chester Barnard’s Informal Organizations & Their Relation To
Formal Organizations
Major dynamic of informal organizations is the behavior or people
Indefinite, Structureless, No Definite Subdivision
Informal organizations relate to formal organizations everywhere
*
Chester Barnard’s Informal Organizations & Their Relation To
Formal Organizations
Characteristics of Informal Organizations:
Establishes certain attitudes, understandings, customs, habits, institutions
Creates the condition under which formal organizations may arise
*
Chester Barnard’s Informal Organizations & Their Relation To
Formal Organizations
Effects of Informal Organizations:
Establishes customs, mores, folklore, institutions, social norms & ideals
Creates a certain amount of formal organization
Activities of individuals take place locally within the confines of a larger organization
Man’s relationship to a large organization, to the state, to a religious institution, etc. is mostly through those with whom he has immediate contact:
Social actions are maintained through close association
*
Chester Barnard’s Informal Organizations & Their Relation To
Formal Organizations
Effects of Formal Organizations:
As formal organizations are extended – societal cohesiveness must be expanded
Start with family and end with states & religious institutions
Beginning has to complement the end
Why communication is important at both the formal and informal level
Society is structured by formal organizations
Formal organizations are conditioned & influenced by informal organizations
When one fails, so will the other; when one succeeds, so will the other
*
Mary Parker Follett, The Giving of Orders
Discussed how orders should be given within organizations
Acceptance of orders depends on:
Place upon which orders are given
Circumstances under which the order is given
Strength of a favorable response depends upon the distance the order travels
*
Mary Parker Follett, The Giving of Orders
Emphasized “circular behavior”
One person should not give orders to another
Both should agree to take their orders from the situation
Orders should be accepted based on the situation at hand
*
Mary Parker Follett, The Giving of Orders
Critique of the Classical Model:
Managers were just as influenced by orders as workers
Wants to devise a method to discover how orders can become integral to decision making
People must be the key factor in how to determine the law of the situation
*
Mary Parker Follett, The Giving of Orders
Orders are Symbols
Orders represent Evolving Situations
Orders are important because new situations are always developing
Situations change as orders are being implemented
Developed a way to prevent employee resentment for supervision
*
The Hawthorne Experiments
First study that highlights the importance of organization behavior, specifically human motivation to the nature of organizational operations
Key Findings:
Importance of Employee Attitudes & Sentiments
Meaning
How a person feels
Value of Interviewing
Each worker’s level of output is reflected in his position in the informal organization of the group (Barnard)
*
The Hawthorne Experiments
Key Findings Continued:
Behavior of workers could not be understood apart from their feelings or sentiments
Workers’ sentiments are easily disguised & difficult to recognize or study
Personal sentiment can only be understood in the context of the entire situation
*
The Hawthorne Experiments
Meaning, therefore, depends upon:
Social conditioning
Human satisfaction
Group collaboration
Emphasis on Cooperation Critiques COT:
Importance of informal employee groups
Beliefs and creeds
Social codes and norms of behavior
Found major flaws with the idea that all the worker wants is to be told what to do and then get paid for doing it.
Emphasis on obtaining personal and professional satisfaction for a job well done
*
James Thompson
Organizations in Action
3 Levels of Management
Technical—Managerial
Managerial—Coordinative
Political—Institutional
*
James Thompson
Organizations in Action
Contingency Theory
Lawrence & Lorsch (1967) first coined the term
Different environments place different requirements on organizations
Environments characterized by uncertainty & rapid rates of change in market conditions or technologies present different changes
*
James Thompson
Organizations in Action
Contingency Theory Continued:
The match of an organization with its environment occurs on at least 2 levels:
The structural features of each organizational subunit should be suited to the specific environment to which it relates
The differentiation and mode of integration characterizing the larger org should be suited to the overall complexity in the environment in which the org must operate
The greater the uncertainty, the greater the amount of information that must be processed among decision makers during task execution in order to achieve a given level of performance
*
James Thompson
Organizations in Action
Accepted Norms of Contingency Theory:
No principles of management that can be applied to all situations
Environmental conditions and internal factors impact management decisions
Management approaches must vary from one firm to another because they DEPEND on the unique environmental conditions & internal factors
*
James Thompson
Organizations in Action
Three Main Emphases within Contingency School:
Open Systems Planning
Organizational Design
Leadership
*
Leadership & Management in Public Organizations
6 Elements Associated with Public Sector Leadership:
Large oversight over personnel, purchasing, budgeting, & other administrative functions
The Legislature & Interest Groups can diminish executive authority
Agency head is constantly being pulled in many different directions
Press/Media Scrutiny
Short tenure for top executives
Absence of clear & accepted performance measures
*
S
Human Resource Theory II
*
Review of Human Resource Theory’s Key Tenets
Emphasizes behavior of people in organizations – public and private
Fits into the confines of organizational behavior
Complements many of the core values we found within Neo-Institutional Theory, particularly in terms of its critique of the classical model
*
Review of Human Resource Theory’s Key Tenets
Four Assumptions of Human Resource Theory:
Organizations exist to serve human needs
Organizations and people need each other
A poor fit between people and organizations results in suffering for all involved
A good fit between people and organizations benefits both
*
Abraham Maslow
“A Theory of Human Motivation”
Hierarchy of Needs:
Physiological
Basic elements of human existence
Unsatisfied physiological needs dominate one’s behavior
Safety
Increasingly concerned with finding safe circumstances, stability, protection
People need to feel safe at work and at home
*
Abraham Maslow
“A Theory of Human Motivation”
Hierarchy of Needs:
Love/Belonging
Positive: People need friends, partners, children, community
Negative: One can become increasingly susceptible to loneliness and social anxiety
In daily life, people look to belong to a variety of individual & social communities
*
Abraham Maslow
“A Theory of Human Motivation”
Hierarchy of Needs:
Esteem – 2 versions
Lower: Respect of others; need for status, fame, recognition, appreciation, dignity
Higher: Need for self-respect, including competence, confidence, independence, freedom
Once you’ve achieved self-respect, it’s much harder to lose.
Deficit Needs
*
Abraham Maslow
“A Theory of Human Motivation”
Hierarchy of Needs:
Self-Actualization
Desire to be all that one can be
Matter of becoming the most complete person you can become
No deficits
People who reach self-actualization are likely to reach a state of Transcendence
*
Douglas Murray McGregor:
“The Human Side of Enterprise”
Postulated two different types of workers:
Theory X
Conventional view of management
Remains dominant, in theory & practice
Management consists of getting things done through people
“Management by Control”
Theory Y
Emphasis is on management & managerial responsibility
Management has confidence in employees & in their abilities to do a good job
“Management by Objectives”
*
Irving L Janis
“Groupthink: The Desperate Drive Consensus at Any Cost”
Groupthink:
Individuals intentionally conform to what they perceive to be group consensus
Lack of critical thinking
Remain loyal to the group even when you do not agree with the group’s decision-making
Can cause the group to make poor decisions
*
Irving L Janis
“Groupthink: The Desperate Drive Consensus at Any Cost”
Conditions that Encourage Groupthink:
High stress from external threats with low hope of a better solution than the one offered by the leader
High group cohesiveness
Persuasive strength of the group’s leader
*
Irving L Janis
“Groupthink: The Desperate Drive Consensus at Any Cost”
Symptoms Indicative of Groupthink:
Illusion of invulnerability
Collective rationalization of the group’s decisions
Unquestioned belief in the inherent morality of the group
Shared stereotypes of enemies of the leaders
Self-censorship – members withhold personal criticisms, despite reservations
Direct pressure on dissenters to conform
Self-appointed “mindguards” protect the group from negative information
*
Irving L Janis
“Groupthink: The Desperate Drive Consensus at Any Cost”
Symptoms of a Decision Affected by Groupthink:
Incomplete survey of alternatives
Incomplete survey of objectives
Failure to examine risks of preferred choice
Failure to re-appraise initially rejected alternatives
Poor information search
Selective bias in processing information at hand
Failure to work out contingency plans
*
Irving L Janis
“Groupthink: The Desperate Drive Consensus at Any Cost”
Ways to Prevent Groupthink:
Need critical evaluators in the group
Adopt an impartial stance at the beginning instead of preferences & expectations
Hire outside evaluators
Members of the group should discuss the group’s deliberations with other members of the org who are not part of the group
Need for one member to play’s devil’s advocate
Consideration of alternative scenarios
Divide the group for more individualized discussion and then reconvene
Hold “second chance” meetings to discuss residual doubts & rethinks entire issue before final decision is made
*
Irving L Janis
“Groupthink: The Desperate Drive Consensus at Any Cost”
Key Point for Managers:
While cohesiveness can be a positive force in groups, overly cohesive groups can become less effective because of demands for:
Loyalty
Conformity to group norms
Managers have to be aware of these possibilities
Value constructive criticism & employees who play “devil’s advocate”
*
Rainey’s Advantages of Groups
Bring more knowledge, information, approaches, and alternatives than individuals alone
Participation of more people in group settings increases an organization’s members understanding and acceptance of decisions
Organization employees have a better understanding of what the group decided and why
Strong leaders can manage group conflict and disagreement productively
*
The Context of Motivation in
Public Organizations
Different Types of motivations and incentives in public organizations
As public agencies become larger, public managers’ responsibilities change
Knowledge, skills, and abilities of public managers are not comparable with private sector compensation but that tends to be less important to career civil servants
*
The Context of Motivation in
Public Organizations
Public Service Motivation (p. 243)
“Public employees have greater motivation; doing their best even when they don’t like their job; see the connection of their job to the betterment of society; & helping others.”
*
The Context of Motivation in
Public Organizations
Special Consideration for Public Organizations:
Power Sharing
High Tolerance for ambiguity, diversity, ability to deal with multiple conflicts
Control & Accountability
Transparency
Open Communication
Performance Measurement
Responsibility for large amounts of information
Specialized knowledge in certain policy areas
*
The Context of Motivation in
Public Organizations
Constitutional Competence – D.H. Rosenbloom
Whole areas of public management are permeated by constitutional law
Public managers who lack constitutional competence or who may not perform it appropriately could become targets of successful lawsuits seeking financial compensation
The cost associated with an inadequate knowledge of how the Constitution affects public organizations can be substantial, individually & collectively
*
Questions
How does the study of psychology influence Maslow’s understanding of organizational behavior?
Explain the differences between Theory X & Theory Y. Which do you prefer?
What is groupthink? How & why does it occur?
What are the symptoms of groupthink?
What are some ways to prevent groupthink?
Explain some of advantages of working in groups.
What are some of the special considerations for public organizations?
S
Distinctive Characteristics of
Public Organizations
*
Key Differences Between Public & Private Sector Employment
Public Sector Emphasizes:
Patriotism, Desire for Adventure
Public-Interest Attitude
Essential Character of Government
Political Dynamics
Government is Different Because:
Absence of Economic Markets
Public Goods and Free riders
Relying on Individual Competence
Externalities and Spillovers
*
Why Government is Different
Political Rationales for Government
Constitutional Provisions
Competence Values
External Authorities
Tension between providing a service & what that service actually costs
Role of the Courts
GAO
*
Responsiveness Values in the Public Sector
Rule of Law
Career Civil Service Accountability Standards
Constitutional Competence
Legal, Professional, Political
Transparency & Accountabillity
Representative of a variety of constituents
*
The Blacksburg Manifesto & The Refounding of
U.S. Public Administration
Calls for a normative approach to public administration
Provides the first critique of the applicability Herbert Simon’s work & the rational choice movement to public administration theory & practice
4 Themes
Agency Perspective
Public Interest
Constitutional Heritage Legitimates Public Administration
Role of the Public Administrator
The Blacksburg Manifesto & The Refounding of
U.S. Public Administration
Contemporary Relevance
Recognition that the U.S. is an ever democratizing constitutional republic
Recognition that elected members from both political parties undermine the administrative state
John Rohr:
A Constitutional Theory of PA
Legitimacy of the American Administrative State can be found only within its Constitutional Heritage
Significance of Oath of Office for Public Administrators
Steward of the American People is the Constitution
Green, Keller, Wamsley
Reconstituting a Profession for American Public Administration
Need for Public Administrators to Embrace the 3 R’s
Responsibility, Responsiveness, Representativeness
Role of the Public Administrator
Must always act professionally
Must be competent, service-oriented
Must maintain appreciation for nation’s constitutional heritage
Must be able to uphold oath-of-office
Green, Keller, Wamsley
Reconstituting a Profession for American Public Administration
Political character of Public Administration distinguished it from other professions
Essential need for public administration “to be built upon formal institutional roles and obligations that ground administrative practices in our constitutions and charters.”
S
Classical Organization Theory
*
The Continual Complexity of Theory in
Public Administration
Theories seek to explain or predict.
In organization theory, many theories exist that help scholars and practitioners attempt to explain how organizations work and function.
Hal Rainey:
Closed System
Open or Adaptive Systems
*
The Continual Complexity of Theory
Theories seek to describe, predict, and/or explain.
Natural and Physical Sciences
Social Sciences
Normative Theory
*
Constitutional Foundations for
Organization Theory
Importance of U.S. constitutional tradition for understanding and contextualizing organization theory as it pertains to the public sector:
Federalist Papers
Federalism
Separation of Powers
Emphasis on the peoples reliance on a constitutional order that balances the states power among three equal branches of government.
*
Constitutional Foundations for
Organization Theory in the U.S.
When constitutional theory moves into the realm of practice with the policy goals, objectives, and implementation strategies of public organizations, these organizations are responsible to Congress, the president, and the federal courts.
Public organizations can never be truly instrumental because there is no way of determining which branch guides them – each of the branches guide them.
*
Constitutional Foundations for
Organization Theory in the U.S.
When scholars and practitioners understand the study and practice of organizations from a constitutional perspective, with specific emphasis on federalism and separation of powers, a theoretical framework emerges that highlights the significance of constitutional theory to both public administration and organization theory.
*
Classical Organization Theory
Timeframe: 1700s – 1930s
Highly influenced by:
Mechanical and Industrial Engineering
Economics
Industrial Revolution
*
Classical Organization Theory
Key Tenets:
Organizations exist for production-related and economic goals.
“One Best Way” to organize
Specialization
Division of Labor
People and organizations act in a way that achieves their own self-interests
People should work and operate like machines
*
Adam Smith
An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776).
Emphasis on the free market and the Invisible Hand.
Remained the dominant economic model until the Great Depression
John Maynard Keynes
*
Adam Smith
Division of Labor Increases Production
Trifling Manufacturers vs. Large Manufacturers
Growth of Factory Line
Diminished the Need for Educating Employees
Agriculture was the exception
*
Henri Fayol
French Management Theorist
Ideas became largely influential in the early 20th century
General and Industrial Management (1917)
*
Henri Fayol
14 Principles of Management:
Division of Work
Authority and Responsibility
Discipline
Unity of Command
Unity of Direction
Subordination of Individual Interest to General Interest
Remuneration of Personnel
Centralization
Scalar Chain
Order
Equity
Stability of Tenure of Personnel
Initiative
Esprit de Corps
*
Frederick Winslow Taylor
American Engineer
Intellectual Leader of Scientific Management Movement
“One Best Way”
Ideas largely associated with Progressive Era
If management is not efficient, workers will not be either.
*
Frederick Winslow Taylor
Positive Effects of Labor-Saving Devices
Benefits and Accomplishments of Scientific Management
Scientific Management benefited management and workers
*
Frederick Winslow Taylor
Framework for Organization:
Clear line of authority
Responsibility
Separation of planning from operations
Incentive schemes for workers
Management by exception
Task specialization
*
Max Weber
German political economist and sociologist
Major intellectual figure in Public Administration and Sociology
The Protestant Ethic & The Spirit of Capitalism (1905)
Dramatically influenced the study of bureaucracy
*
Max Weber
BUREAUCRACY:
Most rational and efficient form of organization
Major element in the rationalization of the modern world
Embodies a concept of justice
Bureaucrats are to be neutral servants
*
Max Weber
Characteristics of Bureaucracy:
Governed by laws, rules, and regulations
Supervision of lower offices by higher offices
Emphasis on written documents
Key to modern management
Official activity demands the full working capacity of the official
Importance of rules in the office
*
Max Weber
Position of the Official:
Office holding is a vocation
Personal position of the official is patterned in distinctive ways
Flaws of Weber’s Theory:
Can be oppressive
Limits individual freedom
Favors specialists over generalists
Increases “red tape”
Organizational rules become “sanctified” with moral legitimacy
*
Luther Gulick
Dean of American Public Administration
Difference between Gulick and other classical scholars is that Gulick focused specifically on public organizations
Strong emphasis on achieving efficiency
Disagreed with politics-administration dichotomy
*
Luther Gulick
Division of Work
Coordination of Work
Span of Control
Functions of the Executive
POSDCORB
First to argue that the U.S. President is the CEO of the nation
*
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e. Embedded Entrepreneurship
f. Three Social Entrepreneurship Models
g. Social-Founder Identity
h. Micros-enterprise Development
Outcomes
Subset 2. Indigenous Entrepreneurship Approaches (Outside of Canada)
a. Indigenous Australian Entrepreneurs Exami
Calculus
(people influence of
others) processes that you perceived occurs in this specific Institution Select one of the forms of stratification highlighted (focus on inter the intersectionalities
of these three) to reflect and analyze the potential ways these (
American history
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. Also
Numerical analysis
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Precalculus
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ness Horizons
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When considering both O
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Civil
Probability
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Identify a specific consumer product that you or your family have used for quite some time. This might be a branded smartphone (if you have used several versions over the years)
or the court to consider in its deliberations. Locard’s exchange principle argues that during the commission of a crime
Chemical Engineering
Ecology
aragraphs (meaning 25 sentences or more). Your assignment may be more than 5 paragraphs but not less.
INSTRUCTIONS:
To access the FNU Online Library for journals and articles you can go the FNU library link here:
https://www.fnu.edu/library/
In order to
n that draws upon the theoretical reading to explain and contextualize the design choices. Be sure to directly quote or paraphrase the reading
ce to the vaccine. Your campaign must educate and inform the audience on the benefits but also create for safe and open dialogue. A key metric of your campaign will be the direct increase in numbers.
Key outcomes: The approach that you take must be clear
Mechanical Engineering
Organic chemistry
Geometry
nment
Topic
You will need to pick one topic for your project (5 pts)
Literature search
You will need to perform a literature search for your topic
Geophysics
you been involved with a company doing a redesign of business processes
Communication on Customer Relations. Discuss how two-way communication on social media channels impacts businesses both positively and negatively. Provide any personal examples from your experience
od pressure and hypertension via a community-wide intervention that targets the problem across the lifespan (i.e. includes all ages).
Develop a community-wide intervention to reduce elevated blood pressure and hypertension in the State of Alabama that in
in body of the report
Conclusions
References (8 References Minimum)
*** Words count = 2000 words.
*** In-Text Citations and References using Harvard style.
*** In Task section I’ve chose (Economic issues in overseas contracting)"
Electromagnetism
w or quality improvement; it was just all part of good nursing care. The goal for quality improvement is to monitor patient outcomes using statistics for comparison to standards of care for different diseases
e a 1 to 2 slide Microsoft PowerPoint presentation on the different models of case management. Include speaker notes... .....Describe three different models of case management.
visual representations of information. They can include numbers
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ame workbook for all 3 milestones. You do not need to download a new copy for Milestones 2 or 3. When you submit Milestone 3
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Provide a description of an existing intervention in Canada
making the appropriate buying decisions in an ethical and professional manner.
Topic: Purchasing and Technology
You read about blockchain ledger technology. Now do some additional research out on the Internet and share your URL with the rest of the class
be aware of which features their competitors are opting to include so the product development teams can design similar or enhanced features to attract more of the market. The more unique
low (The Top Health Industry Trends to Watch in 2015) to assist you with this discussion.
https://youtu.be/fRym_jyuBc0
Next year the $2.8 trillion U.S. healthcare industry will finally begin to look and feel more like the rest of the business wo
evidence-based primary care curriculum. Throughout your nurse practitioner program
Vignette
Understanding Gender Fluidity
Providing Inclusive Quality Care
Affirming Clinical Encounters
Conclusion
References
Nurse Practitioner Knowledge
Mechanics
and word limit is unit as a guide only.
The assessment may be re-attempted on two further occasions (maximum three attempts in total). All assessments must be resubmitted 3 days within receiving your unsatisfactory grade. You must clearly indicate “Re-su
Trigonometry
Article writing
Other
5. June 29
After the components sending to the manufacturing house
1. In 1972 the Furman v. Georgia case resulted in a decision that would put action into motion. Furman was originally sentenced to death because of a murder he committed in Georgia but the court debated whether or not this was a violation of his 8th amend
One of the first conflicts that would need to be investigated would be whether the human service professional followed the responsibility to client ethical standard. While developing a relationship with client it is important to clarify that if danger or
Ethical behavior is a critical topic in the workplace because the impact of it can make or break a business
No matter which type of health care organization
With a direct sale
During the pandemic
Computers are being used to monitor the spread of outbreaks in different areas of the world and with this record
3. Furman v. Georgia is a U.S Supreme Court case that resolves around the Eighth Amendments ban on cruel and unsual punishment in death penalty cases. The Furman v. Georgia case was based on Furman being convicted of murder in Georgia. Furman was caught i
One major ethical conflict that may arise in my investigation is the Responsibility to Client in both Standard 3 and Standard 4 of the Ethical Standards for Human Service Professionals (2015). Making sure we do not disclose information without consent ev
4. Identify two examples of real world problems that you have observed in your personal
Summary & Evaluation: Reference & 188. Academic Search Ultimate
Ethics
We can mention at least one example of how the violation of ethical standards can be prevented. Many organizations promote ethical self-regulation by creating moral codes to help direct their business activities
*DDB is used for the first three years
For example
The inbound logistics for William Instrument refer to purchase components from various electronic firms. During the purchase process William need to consider the quality and price of the components. In this case
4. A U.S. Supreme Court case known as Furman v. Georgia (1972) is a landmark case that involved Eighth Amendment’s ban of unusual and cruel punishment in death penalty cases (Furman v. Georgia (1972)
With covid coming into place
In my opinion
with
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The ability to view ourselves from an unbiased perspective allows us to critically assess our personal strengths and weaknesses. This is an important step in the process of finding the right resources for our personal learning style. Ego and pride can be
· By Day 1 of this week
While you must form your answers to the questions below from our assigned reading material
CliftonLarsonAllen LLP (2013)
5 The family dynamic is awkward at first since the most outgoing and straight forward person in the family in Linda
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The most important benefit of my statistical analysis would be the accuracy with which I interpret the data. The greatest obstacle
From a similar but larger point of view
4 In order to get the entire family to come back for another session I would suggest coming in on a day the restaurant is not open
When seeking to identify a patient’s health condition
After viewing the you tube videos on prayer
Your paper must be at least two pages in length (not counting the title and reference pages)
The word assimilate is negative to me. I believe everyone should learn about a country that they are going to live in. It doesnt mean that they have to believe that everything in America is better than where they came from. It means that they care enough
Data collection
Single Subject Chris is a social worker in a geriatric case management program located in a midsize Northeastern town. She has an MSW and is part of a team of case managers that likes to continuously improve on its practice. The team is currently using an
I would start off with Linda on repeating her options for the child and going over what she is feeling with each option. I would want to find out what she is afraid of. I would avoid asking her any “why” questions because I want her to be in the here an
Summarize the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psychological research (Comp 2.1) 25.0\% Summarization of the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psych
Identify the type of research used in a chosen study
Compose a 1
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effect relationship becomes more difficult—as the researcher cannot enact total control of another person even in an experimental environment. Social workers serve clients in highly complex real-world environments. Clients often implement recommended inte
I think knowing more about you will allow you to be able to choose the right resources
Be 4 pages in length
soft MB-920 dumps review and documentation and high-quality listing pdf MB-920 braindumps also recommended and approved by Microsoft experts. The practical test
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One thing you will need to do in college is learn how to find and use references. References support your ideas. College-level work must be supported by research. You are expected to do that for this paper. You will research
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3 The first thing I would do in the family’s first session is develop a genogram of the family to get an idea of all the individuals who play a major role in Linda’s life. After establishing where each member is in relation to the family
A Health in All Policies approach
Note: The requirements outlined below correspond to the grading criteria in the scoring guide. At a minimum
Chen
Read Connecting Communities and Complexity: A Case Study in Creating the Conditions for Transformational Change
Read Reflections on Cultural Humility
Read A Basic Guide to ABCD Community Organizing
Use the bolded black section and sub-section titles below to organize your paper. For each section
Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott
Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident