212 - Literature
Since the mid-1990s, the Concept of investment Norton (1995) has figured highly in research on second
language growth. For instance, Crowther, D. (2020) contributes significantly by showcasing a
comparative study of two Chinese ladies who studied in English speaking the United States for both high
school and university education. Jenn and a company of host students integrated freely, fastening her
development and knowledge in the English language and culture. Angela was unable to meet and relate
directly with natives peers, hence devoid of a chance to advance her ability to understand the English
language. In another instance, a body of literature examines identity, take in hand on study abroad and
subsequent language acquisition, where identity as the conception of the preset, unwavering self-spoken
in linguistic simultaneously with substantial operations, has been disentangled (Goldoni, F. 2017 pg 329).
In a program where Albert, who was part of the more prominent study thorough in Goldoni (2013), found
out that the United States study abroad students profile launched by IIE (2015) increased tremendously
where females emerged to have many participants with a 65.3\%, subordinate 33.9\% as well as the
Mainstream 74.3\%. The high increment of the number was due to diversity programs to motivate the
contribution of the less represented students through aimed outreach, take on and funding. Study abroad
(SA) programs are mainly created for the Caucasian students. Albert was a male and a person of color,
and was preferred for this learning since his story describes how tough study-abroad can be.
Summary paper assignment:
You will be asked to summarize information from texts, lectures, and/or
discussions. What information you include in your summary and how you
organize your remarks depends on the rhetorical situation. What is your
purpose for summarizing? What is your goal? Who is your audience? How
much background information does your audience need to make sense of what
you are saying? You should begin by reading the texts by Crowther and
Goldoni carefully. I recommend using Santelman’s information questions as a
guide. They will help you to identify the key points. Then, imagine the
following rhetorical situations:
1.You are writing a paper on the concept of “investment” in second language
development. You want to include a brief summary of work in this area. Your
paper begins with the following sentences:
Since the mid-1990s, the concept of investment (Norton, 1995) has figured
prominently in research on second language development. For example,
Crowther (2020)... Goldoni (2017)...
Write 1-3 sentences (<50 words) in which you explain how Crowther used the
concept of the investment and what he found. Then, do the same for Goldoni’s
article (<50 word summary). Your summaries should be brief, informative, and
original (do not copy language from the source texts). Together, the two
summaries you write should complete the sample paragraph. You should
assume that your audience has read Norton’s paper on investment and is
familiar with the concept. Your audience has NOT read Goldoni or Crowther’s
papers. It is your job to summarize these papers in light of this rhetorical
context.
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Journal of Language, Identity & Education
ISSN: 1534-8458 (Print) 1532-7701 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hlie20
Race, Ethnicity, Class and Identity: Implications for
Study Abroad
Federica Goldoni
To cite this article: Federica Goldoni (2017) Race, Ethnicity, Class and Identity: Implications
for Study Abroad, Journal of Language, Identity & Education, 16:5, 328-341, DOI:
10.1080/15348458.2017.1350922
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2017.1350922
Published online: 27 Sep 2017.
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Race, Ethnicity, Class and Identity: Implications for Study Abroad
Federica Goldoni
Georgia Gwinnett College
ABSTRACT
This study addresses study abroad and second language acquisition. The
number of U.S. students studying abroad is increasing. However, students’
cultural and linguistic immersion experiences abroad can be disconcerting,
challenging their sociocultural identities, values, learning objectives, and
expectations. This study employed critical race theory to explore how a
Black male student’s race, ethnicity, and class affected his interactions with
locals and his language and culture learning, and how his experiences had
strong repercussions on his identity negotiation process. The results of this
study had strong implications for this student’s full immersion and academic
learning. This article concludes with considerations for study abroad pro-
grams and how they should address discrimination, racial microaggressions,
and racial battle fatigue.
KEYWORDS
Critical race theory; foreign
languages; identity; racial
microaggressions; social
class; study abroad
Tharps (2008) recalls her list of the things she could do to blend in and become Spanish, such as
eating sunflower seeds, and wearing red jeans and neckerchiefs. However, the initial enthusiasm was
short-lived when 1 day at the store she was recognized as not being Spanish:
“How do you know I’m not from Spain?” I answered back, teasing but kind of serious.
He laughed then. A good-natured laugh, but a laugh just the same.
“Chica, Spanish people don’t look like you,” he informed me.
“What do you mean?” I demanded. Thinking of all the people I’d seen flaunting their red jeans.
“Eres morena,” he said, as if that explained it.
I was Black. Which meant there was no way I could be Spanish. Why had I even bothered? I untied my
neckerchief then, since truth be told it was choking me. And I put my sunflower seeds back and bought a bag of
potato chips instead. (p. 88)
Tharps raises questions about living abroad. How do students of color experience study abroad (SA)
where they may feel conspicuous due to lack of diversity in the host society? Tharps narrates stories
of racial microaggressions in Spain such as (sexual) prejudice and discrimination because of her skin
color. It is not uncommon for Black students to develop frustration and anger and to perceive
themselves as outsiders within a community.
The example of Albert in this study is significant in exploring these issues. Albert was an African
American undergraduatestudying inSpain.I employ criticalracetheorytodiscusshisculturalandlinguistic
immersion (CLI) abroad, including racial microaggressions, and how social dynamics shaped his identity
and SA outcomes. This article shows how race, ethnicity, gender, and class affected Albert’s opportunities to
develop an L2-mediated subject position in Spain, and to become engaged in the target culture.
Review of literature
Seventy-four percent of United States’ SA students are Caucasian (IIE, 2015) and foreign language
education research focuses on the CLI of White undergraduates abroad (Engle & Engle, 1999; Isabelli-
CONTACT Federica Goldoni [email protected] School of Liberal Arts, Georgia Gwinnett College, 1000 University Center
Lane, Lawrenceville, GA 30043.
© 2017 Taylor & Francis
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION
2017, VOL. 16, NO. 5, 328–341
https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2017.1350922
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García, 2006; Jackson, 2006; Kinginger, 2008) showing how learners’ cultural experiences and social
interactions, intercultural communication skills, personality traits, and motivation affect SA outcomes
and integration into the host community. Instead, the SA experiences of students of color are under-
researched. In Craig (2010), Malewski and Phillion (2009), Marx and Pray (2011), and Maundeni (2001),
the Black SA participants living in a new culture experienced racism, discrimination, and discomfort due
to their race or native origin/culture that identify them as outsiders. Additionally, they struggled with the
cultural and linguistic dimensions of the SA journey. Some felt ignored and disrespected and found these
experiences to be shocking and unfair. Research showed how non-White American females abroad can
be subjected to humiliating sexual remarks and commentary on their race. Specifically, one student in
Spain became the target of catcalling (Stephenson, 1999), two participants in Chile faced similar issues
and felt extreme unease (Talburt & Stewart, 1999), while another sojourner in Italy dealt with the
perception amongst some locals that she was a prostitute (Woodruff, 2005).
An important body of literature considers race, ethnicity, intergroup perception, stereotyping, the
nature of prejudice, communicating racism, and interethnic conflict (Kim, 2005; Orbe & Spellers, 2005;
Stephan & Stephan, 2001; Van Dijk, 1987). Cortes (1995), Guy (2007), and Orbe and Harris (2001)
have discussed the role of media in the construct of race and ethnicity worldwide, while Krieger (1995)
explored how stereotypes form and affect intergroup perceptions. Wright and Taylor (2007) investi-
gated intergroup conflicts as products of prejudice. Individuals participating in SA programs in Europe
enter a sociocultural context where powerful ideologies about color exist. These stereotypes about
Blacks affect SA students’ perception of the host culture, and impact the nature of their journey.
Another body of literature investigates identity and second language acquisition. Identity, as the
notion of the fixed, stable self-expressed in linguistic and physical acts, has been unraveled (Jackson,
2010; Kinginger, 2004, 2009; Norton, 1995, 1997, 2000; Pavlenko, 2006a, 2006b; Pavlenko & Blackledge,
2004; Pitts, 2009; Plews, Breckenridge, & Cambre, 2010, 2014; Trent, 2011; Watkins-Goffman, 2001,
2006), and re-inscribed as an ever-shifting amalgamation of performances and subjectivities. For Block
(2007), identity (race/ethnicity, gender, social class, nationality, religious/political orientations) affects
individuals’ second language learning process in various contexts. In Siegal’s (1996) case study of a White
woman studying Japanese in Japan, the author defines the learner’s subjectivity as “the conscious and
unconscious thoughts and emotions of the individual, her sense of herself and her ways of understanding
her relation to the world” (p. 364). In this view, each learner co-constructs his/her identity and second
language proficiency in a multilayered way within interactions. The subjects’ emotions, sense of
themselves, and their relation to the world can vary a great deal. Such variations may depend on the
shifting contexts of situations and social dynamics that individuals are exposed to in their enculturation
process in a specific sociocultural, historical, and political setting.
Over 15,000 SA students (of the total 304,467 U.S. SA students) were Black in the 2013/2014 academic
year (IIE, 2015), a number that has been increasing because of the diversity initiatives to encourage the
participation of underrepresented students through targeted outreach, recruitment and funding (Table 1).
SA programs are mostly designed for mainstream (Caucasian) students. Therefore, I am raising questions
about what international experiences are like for students of color in programs that are not designed to meet
their needs, in destinations where racial stereotypes may prevail. The emergence of the learner’s L2-
mediated subject position abroad needs attention, particularly how identity affects experiences abroad.
The following questions guided this study: (1) What is SA like for students of color in programs that are not
Table 1. U.S. SA student profile in 2013/14.
Race/ethnicity \%
White 74.3
Hispanic/Latino(a) 8.3
Asian/Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander 7.7
Black/African American 5.6
Multiracial 3.6
American Indian/Alaska Native 0.5
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 329
designed to meet their needs, and in destinations where racism may prevail?; (2)How does students’ race/
ethnicity impact their SA experiences?; and (3) What are the implications on students’ identity negotiation
process?
Theoretical framework
Critical Race Theory (CRT), the theoretical framework of the study, applies the critical analysis of
culture and society to the intersection of race, racism, law, and power. CRT contains an activist
dimension. The key themes are (a) the centrality of race and racism, (b) the challenge to dominant
ideology, (c) the commitment to social justice, (d) the centrality of experiential knowledge, (e) racism is
endemic to American life, and (f) the interdisciplinary perspective. CRT is a useful construct as it
focuses on how race, gender, and class intersect and affect people of color. It challenges notions of
colorblindness, objectivity, and meritocracy; it counters the practice of referring to people of color as
“victims” of racism; it recognizes their strength and agency; and it pushes for change and a redressing
of problems. In this article, I bring together CRT and the notion of racial microaggressions as per the
taxonomy developed by Sue and his colleagues (Sue, Capodilupo, Nadal, & Torino, 2008; Sue et al.,
2007). Here microaggressions are defined as verbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities, both
intentional and unintentional. This approach helps analyze powerful microaggressions as well as the
hostile racial climate that students of color experience on/off campus. CRT also brings attention to the
“needs of marginalized populations, which are often overlooked, as opposed to the agenda served by
normative frameworks” (Teranishi, Behringer, Grey, & Parker, 2009, p. 59). As a White female
researcher, I do not have experience of being the target of racism nor do I fully understand what it
feels like to be a person of color. In fact, I found it challenging at times to analyze the experiences of
underrepresented college students, portray them from a non-deficit perspective, and explore equity
issues outside of the dominant paradigms. CRT helped me focus on Albert’s stories, validate his
perspectives, and emphasize his voice as an expert source of knowledge. Finally, CRT “challenges
notions of ‘neutral’ research that silences, ignores, and distorts epistemologies of People of Color”
(Yosso, 2005, p. 73). Therefore, my comfortable relationship with Albert and other participants was at
the core of this study. I knew and cared for Albert, which allowed for in-depth conversations about his/
their experiences and feelings.
Methods and findings
Participants and program of study
Albert was part of the larger study detailed in Goldoni (2013). He was one of 44 students who
participated in this project out of the 160 total U.S. undergraduates enrolled in five academic
semesters in Spain between 2007 and 2009. Students were from a large U.S. public university in
the South East running semester-long SA programs in Cádiz (summers 2007, 2008), Valencia (fall
2007, spring 2008), and Seville (summer 2009), Spain. Albert participated in the Valencia program
(spring 2008, 13 weeks). Valencia is the third largest city in Spain. It hosts a large university from the
15th century with over 45,000 Spanish, European, and international students. The U.S. SA students
in this study lived in the historic district in the renovated 17th century residence hall owned by the
University of Valencia. These students were required to take four courses and visit Madrid and
Barcelona as part of the program. These courses included conversation and composition in Spanish,
business Spanish, Spanish/Latin American literature and/or cinema, and modern history of Spain.
The U.S. SA student profile developed by the IIE (2015) indicated that the majority of the
participants are female (65.3\%), junior (33.9\%), and Caucasian (74.3\%). Albert was male, in his
senior year, a person of color, had urban/working-class roots, and had a heritage language back-
ground. He was the only male of the three Black students enrolled in the Valencia program.
Although Albert’s experience may not be typical, he was chosen for this study because his story
330 GOLDONI
illustrates how challenging SA can be; how deeply students’ race, ethnicity, gender, and class can
impact their international experiences; and what the implications are for the students’ identity
negotiation process. Microaggressions in such educational contexts are seldom researched.
Besides SA students, data were collected from over 40 additional people in this program including
faculty, staff, and administrators from host and home institutions, residence hall students. An
additional group of 16 Spaniards participated in a survey conducted by email to collect opinions
of the sociopolitical and racial landscape in Valencia. I acted as assistant coordinator of the Valencia
program and lived in the residence hall affiliated with the program.
Data collection
Interviews, e-mails, observations, and written documents were collected during and after the
Valencia program (January-April 2008). Albert was interviewed three times during the SA program
(January and April, 2008) and after (November, 2008). These interviews (see Appendix A for all
interview questions) were audio-recorded for a total of 5 hours. He was given latitude to share
feelings and critical incidents. Email communications were also collected when he elaborated on
specific accounts. The same approach was used for the other students from the Valencia SA cohort.
Three course sections were observed (3 hours total), and notes were taken on class dynamics,
instructor/student interactions, students’ participation, and course materials. Students’ interactions,
attitudes, and daily activities outside of formal instructional hours and two weekends of field trips
were also observed. Data for this study also included over 60 entries from students’ logs, journals,
Facebook postings, students’ evaluations, class assignments, the SA daily journal and the magazine
called VALE written by U.S. undergraduates studying in Valencia. Finally, a survey was conducted
among a group of 16 female and male Spaniards between 24 and 40 years old residing in Spain and
in the United States. They were students, faculty, staff, and administrators affiliated with the home
and host institutions. This survey was conducted by email (see Appendix B for survey questions).
Data analysis
The data of this qualitative case study were analyzed inductively and recursively. The interview
transcripts were coded along with the other data collected. More data from Albert and other
participants were gathered about their experiences and perspectives to refine coding. Analytical
memos were written throughout this process, and emerging themes and categories were identified.
Specifically, I used CRT to identify in the data (a) episodes of subtle/overt racial aggressions and
equity issues; (b) Albert’s feelings, reactions, and perspectives; (c) deficit notions of Albert and
people of color; and (d) SA program features designed for mainstream students and lacking support
for underrepresented participants. Representative data examples were cited to support emergent
themes and categories.
Albert
Albert was a double major in English and Spanish. He resided in the residence hall like his U.S.
cohort and over 200 local/international students. He took home-university credit-bearing inter-
mediate/advanced courses taught by professors from the University of Valencia. His language
abilities in Spanish were high-intermediate. He was from New Jersey but moved to the South with
his African American mother. His father was Dominican but did not live with them. Albert had
visited the Dominican Republic (DR), but he had never been to Europe, did not know much about
Spain, and wished to meet new people there. Valencia, Spain, was Albert’s first choice because of his
good White friend Alejandro from Valencia. Alejandro encouraged Albert to go out with his Black
friends in Valencia who shared similar musical interests. Furthermore, the language department of
his home university only offered Spain as a destination during the spring semester.
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 331
Albert identified with his African American heritage and also embraced his father’s Dominican
background. He was proud to be the first in his family to earn a college degree; he gained much
respect for working-class people and readily interacted with them in Spain. Albert also wanted to be
seen abroad as a people person and therefore, he interacted with a lot of people. While socializing
with the Spanish students in the dorms, Albert felt that they had an inaccurate image of Black
Americans and Black cultures:
Everything that they know of Blacks comes from U.S. media. Although this may be positive, I know Europeans
have negative conceptions about Blacks. They have to, because there aren’t many Blacks in Europe to deduce an
accurate deduction, so everything they know about Blacks is from TV, and USA TV only represents Blacks as
athletes, rappers, or degenerates. (Email, April, 2008)
People of color in Valencia and the United States
The collegiate racial climate in Valencia including the residence hall where Albert resided was not positive;
students, staff, faculty and administrators of color were notably underrepresented. A survey conducted
among Spaniards as part of this study suggested that xenophobia and racial stereotypes towards people of
African descent prevailed in Spain, as suggested by a female faculty from the host institution:
I believe that there is some racist or xenophobic feeling in the Spanish society, although Spanish institutions
and the government don’t foment any discrimination or prejudice towards people of other races (not only
Africans but also Hispanic-Americans, Asians . . .). Though, I frankly do not think that such feeling is stronger
here in Spain than in the U.S.1 (Email, October, 2008)
A male faculty from the home institution indicated that racist and xenophobic feelings among
Spaniards seem to be intensified by the waves of immigrants from Northern Africa:
Racism in Spain is the result of the recent waves of immigrants from Northern Africa, both Black and mixed
(such as many Arabs). These immigrants arrive to Spain in very bad conditions, without any money, with
barely any clothes, and looking for any job to be able to make a living . . . . Some Spaniards blamed the
numerous immigrants for taking their jobs (the same as with the Mexicans in the U.S.). To make a long story
short, the ignorance of few people led Spaniards to generalize and discriminate against immigrants, who, in
fact, simply try to make a living without causing any harm to anybody. (Email, October, 2008)
Discrimination and xenophobia are most apparent in Spain’s major cities like Valencia. However, a
SA staff member stated that at times it is more Spaniards’ curiosity toward the Other than actual racism:
There is much racism in big cities such as Madrid and Barcelona. In Valencia as well, but oftentimes it is more
curiosity than racism. What I mean is that in Spain people stare at you firmly, and most of the times it is
curiosity to find out where you are from and what you are wearing more than anything. In other words,
Spaniards fear what they don’t know. When Spaniards see a person of color, they immediately categorize him/
her as an African. (Email, October, 2008)
The reaction of Spaniards to a person of color can be innocent, investigatory, or prejudicial, as
indicated by a male faculty from the home institution:
It is hard to tell how much racism there is in a place until one experiences it first hand, or through somebody
else, in my case through my Black friends in Valencia and more recently through my wife. It can go from being
stared at firmly to being followed in a supermarket to make sure that we were not stealing anything! (Email,
October, 2008)
A student from the host institution compared Valencia to other cities in Southern Spain where she
grew up. People from Valencia are more nationalist, which may intensify xenophobic feelings among
the natives against immigrants:
Here in Valencia I have found people to be more nationalist . . . than in Andalucía [region in Southern Spain].
As a result, the percentage of people who reject foreigners in general, and Black people in particular, is higher.
At least in Málaga [city in Southern Spain] multiculturalism has been a constant phenomenon that people
typically view as a rich trait of the area. (Email, October, 2008)
332 GOLDONI
There are individuals who discriminate against people of African descent among Spaniards as well
as Americans. In both locations, steps have been taken against racism and toward tolerance,
acceptance, and integration. However, attitudes towards people of color differ. In the United
States, there are more Black people than in Spain who have fought for their rights. In Spain, people
of African descent are for the most part immigrants, some legal, others undocumented. The local
population tends to hold them accountable for issues related to violence and criminality. Spaniards
are becoming accustomed to living with people of color; they typically look at them with some
reticence and reluctance, and as foreigners with limited education and low socioeconomic status.
Some of the Spanish faculty and staff members interviewed in this survey reported that their country
was not as politically correct as the United States. They were more straightforward than Americans
in their language, and they typically did not receive any formal education on civil/human rights. In
the United States there is much diversity, and a variety of multicultural/multiethnic looks, fashions,
and styles; Spaniards tend to appear more homogenized regarding clothing and physical appearance.
Albert did not feel comfortable in this environment.
Albert’s experiences in Spain: Racial microaggressions and discrimination
While in Spain and traveling within Europe, Albert perceived that he was discriminated against for
his skin color, presumed socioeconomic class, and hip-hop/Black culture attire. He was the only
male of the three students of color enrolled in the Valencia program, and nobody else was
discriminated against:
My experience in Spain was so different than everyone else was because I was Black and a male. Some of the
Black girls in the group couldn’t believe the stuff that happened to me in Spain, but it probably wouldn’t
happen to them because the Black man equals a threat. (Email, April, 2008)
Albert was stopped twice by the local police for apparently no reason while he was sitting outside of
a bar in Spain with his U.S. White friends:
I was in the corner with uhm my group and the cop drove by and he said come here and I went towards him
and he said you know where’s your passport? . . . . Then the next night it was a different cop so I was walking I
was with another student and I had my hat under my shirt. . . . The cop stopped me again and he said what’s
under your shirt? What is that? What is that? (Interview, April, 2008)
Albert did not react on the spot nor express how hurt he was. He was emotionally and linguistically
unprepared to face this situation, which aggravated his frustration and sense of powerlessness: “In
the States . . . I would convey my emotions like, like you know why are you stopping me? Don’t stop
me. Why didn’t you stop them [his group of White friends]?” (Interview, April, 2008). While
travelling, Albert encountered blatant racism. One incident was when he was called “run-away
slave” by a Russian in the train:
He was basically saying I was a slave and I was his [Albert’s friend’s] run-away slave. I was my friend’s property
which was crazy you know cause I know in the States that would have never ever happened. . . . I was upset man
I was irate at first like I can’t believe the guy had the audacity to you know he tried to belittle my race, belittle
me as a person. (Interview, April, 2008)
Additionally, for Albert the Spanish and Latin American movies that he watched in his cinema
course in Valencia exacerbated the idea of Blacks being on a lower socioeconomic level. Albert also
felt undermined for not speaking Castilian Spanish but a supposedly less prestigious variety of
Spanish spoken in the DR:
I feel Spaniards feel a sense of superiority over Dominicans. Especially, when it comes to socioeconomic levels,
because they have the perception that everyone in the DR is poor. Also, they feel that they speak Spanish ‘raro’
(a weird Spanish). . . . I watched a movie “Princesas,” which was about prostitution and one of the characters
was Dominican and the movie showed that the other characters did discriminate against her, even though
everyone else were prostitutes. They had a lot of misconceptions. (Email, April, 2008)
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 333
Finally, Albert thought Spaniards looked down upon him, and his hip-hop attire affected people’s
perceptions:
I think at times like people would look at me in the same fashion as you know people selling stuff in the street
. . . I feel they see people of color as lower on the socio economic scale because that is all they see here. . . . It was
just tough like to assimilate to the European culture and like my attire and they just look at you like in a
different fashion . . . I felt if my attire would have been totally different or even if I was dressed in the same attire
and if I was White I doubt he would have he would have approached the same situation in the same way.
(Interview, April, 2008)
Albert’s reactions
Disengagement with the host community, affinity with just a few
Albert’s perception of being discriminated against for his race and social class curtailed his engage-
ment with locals, and thereby reduced the breadth, depth, and length of his individual and collective
interactions with locals. Concurrently, Albert developed a strong affiliation with his U.S. SA friends.
He spent the majority of his time with them, and he became increasingly involved in L1-mediated
activities and group trips to London, Paris, and Malta when English was the predominant language
spoken within the group. Albert felt that his U.S. group showed empathy for issues related to
discrimination and intolerance against Black people:
He [one of Albert’s White U.S. friends] was really affected by it [the “run-away slave” incident], which is I feel is
a good thing because it shows how you know like even though people from different cultures are connected you
know we are both American . . . he was affected by it just like I would be affected by it. (Interview, April, 2008)
Albert also connected with the residence hall staff, the Spanish Reggaeton friends that he met
through Alejandro, and a group of Central American female students in the dorm. They shared a)
working-class roots; b) interest in the Black culture and music, and a multicultural and multiracial
background; and c) experiences of discrimination and feelings of otherness in Spain. Nevertheless,
Albert’s interactions in Spanish with these individuals became sporadic, casual, and short. Albert did
not find the network of Spanish friends that he had initially hoped.
Dissatisfaction for his language gains
Albert’s practice in Spanish was limited, and his access to Spanish social networks was …
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Language Investment during University
Adjustment: The Divergent Path of Two
International Chinese Freshmen
Dustin Crowther
To cite this article: Dustin Crowther (2020) Language Investment during University Adjustment:
The Divergent Path of Two International Chinese Freshmen, Journal of Language, Identity &
Education, 19:4, 275-289, DOI: 10.1080/15348458.2019.1672075
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2019.1672075
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Language Investment during University Adjustment: The
Divergent Path of Two International Chinese Freshmen
Dustin Crowther
University of Hawaii at Mānoa
ABSTRACT
International students encounter academic and social adjustments different
than those of their domestic peers. Of particular concern is language
proficiency, specifically students’ investment in continual language devel-
opment throughout university study. In the current article, I present
a comparative case study of two Chinese freshmen (Jenn, Angela) complet-
ing university study in the United States. Each participant completed seven
individual, 60-minute interviews over the course of their first year of study.
Through an analysis of narrative approach, I establish a complex interaction
between Jenn’s and Angela’s past (U.S. high school study abroad) and
current (university) academic and cultural experiences and future expecta-
tions (professional goals). Jenn’s perception of high school belonging led to
high integration into the university community. Angela’s perception of
rejection by her American peers strengthened her connection to the local
Chinese community. This contrast in communal acceptance fostered oppos-
ing levels of language investment, with only Jenn intent on pursuing
further opportunities in the target community.
KEYWORDS
Analysis of narratives;
investment; language
acquisition; study abroad
Introduction
The global importance English holds as a lingua franca can be seen in its heavy usage within academic
contexts. A key result of this usage is an increased level of transnationalism, with students from various
cultural, ideological, linguistic, and geopolitical backgrounds crossing from one space into another (Duff,
2015). Nowhere is this more evident than in the increase of international students attending United States
(U.S.) universities. From 2013–14 to 2014–15, the international student population increased 10\% for a total
of 974,926 students (Institute of International Education, 2015). For such students, second language (L2)
English serves as a tool that impacts identity, overall academic achievement, and social accomplishments
(Liu, 2013). While continued L2 development is integral to academic success throughout post-secondary
studies (Andrade, Evans, & Hartshorn, 2016), L2 proficiency has also been linked to both academic and
social acculturation (Andrade, 2006; Young, Sercombe, Sachdev, Naeb, & Schartner, 2013). Drawing upon
Norton’s (2013) construct of investment, I present a comparison case study of two international Chinese
freshmen as they navigate their initial year of university study in the United States. A comparative analysis of
their experiences within multiple English-medium communities (high school, university) reveals how
perceived acceptance and rejection from target community members directly impacts the relationship
between their various forms of capital and, subsequently, their investment in continued L2 development
during post-secondary study abroad. Considering the increased international population within English-
medium universities, a significant portion of which comes from China (e.g., Li & Zhu, 2013; Liu, 2013),
understanding more fully the link between L2 proficiency/development and academic and social adjust-
ment may enable valuable guidance for providing necessary acculturation support.
CONTACT Dustin Crowther [email protected] Department of Second Language Studies, University of Hawaii at Mānoa,
Honolulu, HI 96822.
© 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION
2020, VOL. 19, NO. 4, 275–289
https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2019.1672075
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4399-0169
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Background and motivation
Making the adjustment from high school to university study is an important step in an individual’s
life. For international students, this adjustment involves additional challenges that affect their
educational experiences (Andrade, 2006; Vandrick, 2015). A particular concern is the target language
proficiency each international student possesses. For L2 English-speaking students attending uni-
versity in countries such as Australia, Canada, and the United States, language proficiency has been
linked to both academic and social adjustment concerns (Andrade, 2006; Young et al., 2013).
Academic and social adjustments during university study
Although international students’ successful academic and social adjustmentsare a result of complex social
and linguistic practices, a simplified link between language proficiency and academic success still defines
the university entry process. This perceived link between language proficiency and academic success is
clearly seen in the value English-medium universities place on standardized proficiency exams (e.g.,
IELTS, TOEFL). Such assessment tools are used to determine if international applicants possess the
English proficiency necessary to pursue academic work in a meaningful manner (Chalhoub-Deville &
Deville, 2006). However, despite explicitly implying an inequality compared to domestic students in
regards to pursuing English-medium study, whether such proficiency exams truly differentiate L2
speakers of English’s academic success from that of their domestic peers remains an unsubstantiated
claim (e.g., Deygers, Van Den Branden, & Peters, 2017). Of additional concern is that the accuracy of such
tests as a sole predictor of academic success has been questioned (e.g., Cho & Bridgeman, 2012). Ockey,
Koyama, Setoguchi, and Sun (2015) considered TOEFL iBT speaking scores as indicators of international
students’ ability to communicate in academic English communities. Ockey et al. describe how while
holistic speaking scores (as captured in monologic performance) were highly correlated with pronuncia-
tion, fluency, vocabulary, and grammar analyses, they were less associated with rubric-based scores of
interactional competence, descriptive skill, and presentation ability during paired interaction. These latter
skills are of interest, as international students often suffer from speaking block (Liu, 2013), where they have
difficulty dealing with interactive tasks. While partially cultural, a lack of English proficiency, whether
self- or other-perceived, can lead to poor performance in both interactive and presentational contexts,
both of which greatly impact academic performance (Liu, 2013). While standardized proficiency tests
may, to an extent, help predict academic success, they appear limited as a sole predictor.
Language proficiency has also been linked to how effectively international students adjust to new
social communities around them. Yeh and Inose (2003) linked self-reported English fluency to levels
of acculturative distress, where those more comfortable communicating in English demonstrated
lower levels of distress. Lehto, Cai, Fu, and Chen (2014) found that international and domestic
students appeared to live life in parallel, with Chinese students forming strong bonds with their
fellow Chinese, removing themselves from the university social life. One reason listed for this
distance was an inability to navigate language and cultural barriers. While some of these integrative
difficulties have been linked to a sense of perceived discrimination by the host culture (e.g., Ramos,
Cassidy, Reicher, & Haslam, 2016), others have found that strong ethnic communities serve as
a buffer for students who are unable to assimilate into the local culture, often due to an inability to
effectively communicate with their domestic peers (Al-Sharideh & Goe, 1998).
Language investment during university study
With language proficiency strongly intertwined with both academic and social adjustment, it follows
that university study abroad would necessitate a strong investment in international students’
continued language learning. Norton (2013) describes how learners acquire a wider range of both
symbolic and, subsequently, material resources by investing in the target language (i.e., capital,
Bourdieu, 1991). For Norton, investment moves beyond simply how motivated a learner is in
276 CROWTHER
learning their target language, and focuses on the relationship between the learner and language
practices of the community within which they intend to exist. However, those with access to greater
capital are more likely to gain access to the desired target community. Bourdieu (1991) lists three
primary sources of capital: cultural, social, and economic. Cultural capital relates to the value
assigned to one’s social standing and education, social capital to one’s social network and the
benefits that it provides, and economic capital to one’s financial worth. A fourth, linguistic capital,
has since been proposed, and represents the ability to negotiate what is considered the legitimate
language of a community (Grenfell, 2012). Through study abroad, learners may provide themselves
with an opportunity to increase their capital, potentially easing the academic and social adjustments
necessary for university academic success. However, differences in L2 proficiency and cultural
familiarity upon arrival may also serve to establish power differentials between international students
and their domestic peers, which in turn limits opportunities to gain access to the capital necessary
for desired community integration.
For international students, two primary communities of interest include the classroom and the
social realm that surrounds it. While studies have considered either the academic (e.g., Liu, 2013) or
the social (e.g., Lehto et al., 2014; Yeh & Inose, 2003), there remains an open question as to the
collective value that the two play in the overall level of investment international students place in
continued language development. Norton (2013) argues that “an investment in the target language is
an investment in a learner’s own identity, an identity which is constantly changing across time and
space” (p. 50–51). Considering the academic and social adjustments that international students must
make upon arriving at a foreign university, it seems necessary to consider how academic and social
identities evolve upon arrival, and subsequently, how this impacts the level of investment they place
in continued language development, a process integral to academic success (Andrade et al., 2016).
Identify formation across time and space
One way in which international students claim an identity is through agency, or “the socioculturally
mediated capacity to act” (Ahearn, 2010, p. 28). Specifically, through agency, “learners create their
own world of learning, and what motivates them to put time and effort into their learning”
(Flowerdew & Miller, 2008, p. 204). Dufva and Aro (2014) stress the importance of linking agency
to changes across time and space:
We should be looking at [agency’s] fluidity in time and space rather than seeing it as a steady state or a finished
product. ... In how persons see themselves and in how they author their past histories, there are semi-
permanent and repeated elements, but on the other hand, new relationships and novel situations constantly
challenge their stories and, at the same time, create opportunities for change. (p. 38)
Key here is the importance ascribed to the fluidity of both time and space in how agency is
authored. Previous studies targeting the experiences of international students tend to generalize
findings across participants (e.g., Lehto et al., 2014; Liu, 2013). However, as Wortham (2008) notes,
an accurate understanding of how students narrate their university experiences is not possible
without considering how experiences across time and space informs their narrative. Since no two
individuals’ experiences are going to align (Waller, Wethers, & De Costa, 2016), the current study
investigates how two female international Chinese freshmen construct their academic and social
identities. Of particular interest is the interaction between these two’s U.S. study abroad in both high
school and university environments, how this interaction informs their perceived professional future,
and, subsequently, their level of investment in continued English language development.
The current study
The current paper is guided by three research questions, drawing from narratives of past high school and
present university academic and cultural experiences: (a) What level of investment in continued language
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 277
development do a pair of international Chinese freshmen describe during their initial year of university
study?; (b) How does this investment differ from pre-university study and fluctuate throughout their
initial year of university study?; and (c) How do differences in high school and university experiences
relate to potential differences in the level of language investment between focal participants?
Below, after briefly introducing both participants and the research context, I provide an overview
of the data collection and analysis procedures employed. I then present the participants’ stories in
three comparison-based sections: pre-university arrival, university arrival, and post-university
aspirations. These findings are then considered in light of each participants’ potential continued
investment in language development during their university studies, and how differences between
them may be addressed through academic preparatory courses.
Methodology
Participants
In total, three students agreed to participate, two from mainland China (Jenn and Angela), and one
from Malaysia (Maria). All names used are pseudonyms. At the time of interview, both Chinese
participants (age 18) had just completed their age 16–18 years studying abroad at a U.S. high school.
Their L1 was Chinese Mandarin and their L2 was English, with neither speaking a third language.
Both intended to major in business. The third participant, Maria, differed greatly in her journey to
U.S. study abroad, as she began as a sophomore with no previous study abroad experience. While
including Maria would allow for additional nuanced considerations, I have chosen to focus here on
my two Chinese participants. First, Chinese students make up more than half of the international
student body at the university of interest (62\%), a not uncommon phenomenon across English-
medium universities (e.g., Li & Zhu, 2013). Second, despite initial similarities, Jenn’s and Angela’s
pre-university experiences with the target language community led to stark differences in how they
constructed their university lives, and, subsequently, their investment in continued language devel-
opment during university study. Maria did not possess such experiences. Table 1 provides biogra-
phical background for the two participants.
I recruited participants through English for academic purposes (EAP) class visits. I informed classes
I was interested in hearing about their language learning experience and transition to studying at an
English-medium university. Additionally, as compensation, I offered an hour of one-on-one tutoring for
each interview completed. I presented myself as an experienced English-language teacher, who had
taught in both North America (Canada) and abroad (Japan). To promote convivial relationships, I made
students aware that, as a Canadian, I too was an international student.
Setting
The university was located in the American Midwest, and data was collected during the 2015-16
academic school year. While international students made up approximately 15\% of the university’s
total student population (representing 131 countries), 62\% of this international community enrolled
Table 1. Biographical information for Jenn and Angela.
Jenn Angela
Age 18 18
Hometown Beijing Changzhou
Times in United States (age
range)
2 years (16–18), Vancouver,
Washington
1.5 years (16–18), Watertown, New York
L1/L2 Chinese/English Chinese/English
Intended Major Marketing (School of Business) Human Resource Management (School of
Business)
University Job Dining Hall (part-time) None
278 CROWTHER
during fall 2015 was from mainland China (Office for International Students and Scholar, 2015).
Non-L1 English international students who do not achieve the required TOEFL score (< 80) to
pursue full time academic study are required to take the university’s English-language proficiency
exam. This exam subsequently classifies students in one of three ways: full-time intensive English
(IEP), full-time EAP, and part-time EAP. All focal participants were part-time EAP, meaning that
between their EAP and academic coursework, they were capped at 12 course credits during the
semester, although their EAP study was credit bearing. To move from part-time EAP to full-time
academic study, students are required to achieve a minimum of a 2.0 GPA (out of 4.0) in each EAP
course taken. Upon achieving this requirement, students are considered to be at the minimal
proficiency level to pursue full-time academic studies.
Data collection and analysis
I collected primary data through seven 60-minute one-on-one interviews conducted throughout
participants’ freshman year. To address how the lived experiences of the focal participants informed
their current investment in continued language development, I employed narrative inquiry which
targeted participants’ oral accounts of their English language learning and usage experiences. The
term “usage” here refers to instances in which either focal participant uses English in a meaningful
context, such as interacting with fellow students or their professors/instructors. Narrative inquiry is
a useful tool to take into account the distinct individualization of participants, as they reflect upon
their lived experiences in a highly personal manner (Flowerdew & Miller, 2008; Polkinghorne, 1995).
Specifically, I used an analysis of narratives approach in which I thematically analyzed stories
produced by participants in response to interview prompts, an approach frequent in applied
linguistics research (Benson, 2014). Due to the prompt-response nature of the interviews,
I considered the narratives from a dialogic perspective (see Wortham, 2001), in which the participant
and I co-constructed meaning, referred to as narrative knowledging (Barkhuizen, 2013). The use of
multiple prompts was necessary to ensure that participants provided a range of responses regarding
their language learning and usage experiences, which allowed for a greater understanding of not only
what is said in the here-and-now of each individual interview, but how what is said is informed by
participants’ lived experiences (Wortham, 2008). Although I designed interview questions to elicit
narratives on participants’ language learning and usage experiences, I would not interrupt if the
interview were to organically proceed in an unexpected direction.
In line with the wider ethical turn in applied linguistics, and recognizing the importance of
researcher reflexivity (De Costa, 2016), I acknowledge my own role in the dialogic construction of
participants’ narratives. As an experienced English as a second and foreign language instructor,
I embarked on this project with the goal of identifying how effectively language preparatory courses
served international students’ academic needs. As it became clear during the initial interviews that
these preparatory courses were less impactful than other aspects of my participants’ lives, I made the
choice to allow my overall area of inquiry to expand, and eventually target the role of investment in
ongoing language development during university study. To ensure my own desires did not reach
beyond the narratives provided, I consulted participants to gain their insight on the themes and
interpretations discussed below (Saldaña, 2016). By conducting this member check, it ensured that,
at least to some extent, I limited my interpretive biases.
To gather a better understanding of the focal participants’ English-learning and general academic
experiences, I conducted three 20-minute, one-on-one interviews with their EAP instructors.
Instructors provided background on their own teaching experience, courses taught, and participants’
class progression. Additionally, as both participants planned to attend the university’s School of
Business (SB), I conducted two 60-minute interviews with SB administrators, who provided back-
ground on the admissions process and program expectations, as well as previous experiences
working with international students.
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 279
To facilitate data analysis, I performed a secondary listen through and transcription of each interview
before conducting subsequent interviews, allowing for a high level of data familiarity to inform ongoing
data collection (Saldaña, 2016). As is common within an analysis of narrative approach, each interview
was thematically coded, with the intent of identifying themes that best exemplified both similarities and
differences across the focal participants (Benson, 2014). While a number of themes were prevalent across
the experiences narrated by the participants, I have chosen to emphasize the similarities and differences
between participants’ high school and university lives. Specifically, I discuss how these experiences can
create both unity and discord between international students’ experiences, and in doing so, brings into
question the level of investment placed in ongoing language development while attending
a U.S. university. For all transcriptions presented below, I have removed all filler (e.g., uh, um) and
utilized ellipses (…) to represent removed portions of text. I have made no other modifications, though
I have embedded some elaboration within squared parentheses when necessary.
Findings
The following analysis draws from Jenn’s and Angela’s descriptions of their high school and
university experiences, with support provided by the educational and cultural observations of
university instructors and officials. By comparing and contrasting their experiences at each of
three temporal levels, past (high school), present (university), and future, I highlight the divergent
paths of investment Jenn and Angela place in their ongoing English development.
Pre-university arrival: Life in an American high school
Jenn
In total, Jenn spent two years at an American public high school in Vancouver, Washington. Jenn’s
initial decision to attend high school in the United States was greatly influenced by her parents, who
wanted her to “try this experience [exchange student program], they wanted me to try because at
least I have a chance to come” (Interview #2). Jenn was initially hesitant, stating “I really don’t want
to leave home and you know and go to like another whole different world … I don’t know anything
here” (Interview #2). Jenn relayed a strong awareness she had prior to leaving China of the cultural
difficulties she would face. Interestingly, when discussing her reasons and preparation for attending
university in the United States, language proficiency was never raised as a concern.
Upon arrival in the United States, Jenn became well aware of her language limitations. While she
highlighted issues in fluency and listening comprehension, she also referenced that the English she
was exposed to was “different than the teacher taught me in China” (Interview #1). Yet, despite this
limitation, Jenn indicated her peers were warm and welcoming, helping in both her linguistic and
cultural adjustment.
I have no idea about everything at the beginning when I came so I became interested in everything and so
sometimes I probably use the wrong word or sometimes I probably just don’t know how to say it but all my
classmates and friends are really friendly and they will tell me and after half year I’m fine with it (Interview #5)
To further help with her adjustment, Jenn’s host family encouraged her to engage in school activities.
Accordingly, she joined cross-country in her first semester, and basketball in her second. The team
atmosphere of the latter allowed her to establish a close friendship with two local students, whom she
would practice and train with every day. Most importantly, Jenn stressed how much she felt she
belonged within the school environment, where she “almost join every activity … that school do or
go to the football game or just go to a friend’s home for a party” (Interview #2). As described by
Jenn, the ability to integrate into the target community greatly benefited her language development,
which she felt “gets better and improve like really fast in the first two month” (Interview #6).
Despite initial hesitations, Jenn’s willingness to integrate into the target community, along with
the community’s willingness to accept her, provided her the opportunity to develop her linguistic
280 CROWTHER
and cultural knowledge (i.e., capital). Despite self-perceived language limitations, Jenn reported no
instances of social inequality with her peers, which allowed her to continually build a strong social
network, strengthening her social standing (social capital). In turn, this social capital enabled her to
continue to improve her English (linguistic capital). This led Jenn, who intended to return to China
after one year, to choose to stay a second, and eventually pursue university study in the United
States. Considering the link she made between her community involvement and her improved
language proficiency, it would seem safe to state that Jenn had developed a high investment in
developing her English language skill.
Angela
In comparison to Jenn, Angela presented a far longer history with the English language, in which she
had had a roller coaster-like relationship.
If we want to go to high school we need to pass a test and the test include English. So everyone is working so
hard on English I learn that when I was in primary school … so my English so good at that time among my
classmates and it feels so good to learn English … the summer between grade ten eleven 2013 I start to take
TOEFL class and actually at that time I feel English is boring … I don’t want to learn English, I don’t want to go
to class … but after I come (to the U.S.) the first semester was stressful, but also interesting … I was really
happy to learn English at this time … but the second semester I start to prepare for the TOEFL test and SAT …
it feel stressful and I don’t want to learn again. (Interview #1)
Angela described an ebb and flow in regards to her motivation, with periods of low motivation
tied to institutional requirements (i.e., the need to prepare for standardized exams). However, a lack
of motivation does not necessarily indicate a lack of investment (Norton, 2013), and as Angela
described, her journey to the United States did offer an initial enjoyment boost in her language
learning. While she originally had planned to attend only university abroad, the decision to attend
a U.S. high school was made by her, her parents, and her TOEFL instructor in China:
In China I was really good student and my father think if I come out I will have higher opportunities to go to
a better college … I just feel go to America may be cool … I thought my English was really good at the time …
I took the English class and the teacher recommend I come earlier so I can familiar with American situation
and have better English (Interview #1)
In essence, Angela’s TOEFL instructor promoted study abroad …
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Portland State University
Alissa J. Hartig
Portland State University
Lynn Santelmann
Portland State University
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25
I 1
Reading and Writing Empirical
Papers in Applied Linguistics
LYNN SANTELMANN
Having been introduced to a range of work in applied linguistics, and having
worked through some activities that asked you to analyze language-related infor-
mation, you are ready to begin exploring your own interests within the field of
applied linguistics. Exploring your own interests requires a solid knowledge base of
the research in your chosen area and the ability to communicate knowledge to
others. In order to gain this knowledge and learn to communicate with others in the
field, you need to learn the discipline-specific reading and writing skills used in
applied linguistics. While acquiring these skills may seem daunting at first, under-
standing why applied linguists write the way they do can help you read research
articles more strategically and produce research papers that meet the expectations
and needs of readers in applied linguistics. This chapter focuses on the structure of
empirical research papers and gives tips for both reading and writing these kinds of
papers in the field.
To start, its useful to make sure you understand two terms central to this chapter.
First is the term empirical. Empirical is used to refer to work that is based on
observations, investigations, or some other sort of data collection, rather than being
based entirely on theory. In applied linguistics, the data might come from an
experiment, where conditions are manipulated, but they might also be naturalistic,
where data is collected from naturally occurring conditions. In other words, empir-
ical is different from experimental. The second term that is central for this chapter is
primary literature, a general term for any texts that report original research, the
most typical of which are research articles in journals. Primary literature stands in
contrast to secondary literature, which summarizes and provides commentary on
research that has already been published, as is typical in textbooks.
~--
/
How to Read Primary Literature
Students who are reading primary literature often struggle to make sense of what
they are reading. Students who can successfully read textbooks can still be flum-
moxed by the demands of reading research and professional articles. They fmd that
368 Reading and Writing Empirical Papers in Applied Linguistics
reading primary literature takes far longer than reading textbooks and often come
away feeling as if they have understood only part of what they have read. Many of
our students have confessed to giving up in frustration after trying to read assigned
research articles. Furthermore, because they find reading these articles so difficult,
they wonder how they could ever discuss or evaluate them. Why do many students
fmd research and professional literature so difficult to read and discuss? How can
students tackle the challenge of reading research articles? This section will first
discuss the reasons students fmd primary literature challenging, namely, audience,
motivation, structure, and text style. Then it will give some tips and strategies for
first reading and then evaluating articles in the field.
Why is Reading Primary Literature Difficult?
Audience and Motivation The first difficulty that primary literature presents to
students is audience; it is not written for newcomers to the field. The target
audience, other scholars in the field, is expected to begin reading with some
background knowledge in the field. Thus, research articles often do not defme terms
or provide background accessible to the novice reader. For example, a recent article
on how bilinguals represent words, Wu and Juffs (2019), names four models of
bilingual word representation in its first paragraph without any explanation of any
of them. A beginner in the field may be no wiser after reading that first paragraph
than they were before.
The target audience is also usually more well versed in the motivation or
reasoning behind research articles than students are. Students are used to reading
textbooks which provide factual information about major concepts and dearly spell
out debates or issues. Research articles, on the other hand, usually start with a
literature review that is perhaps best seen as persuasive writing intended to demon-
strate how an authors work fits in with the context of previous work and to build an
argument for the study. Thus, an individual article is a single move in a massively
asynchronous discussion among experts in the field. For example, the Wu and Juffs
(20 I 9) article starts by reminding other scholars of the major theories and issues in
the area of bilingual word representation by referring to them by name. Someone
versed in this area needs only to be reminded of the Revised Hierarchical Model or
the Bilingual Interactive model to be up to speed in the conversation. If all the
models were fully explained, the article would require a lengthy introduction which
would make it harder to see the purpose of the paper. Introducing topics through
references to previous work orients experienced readers and helps them home in on
the important new information presented in the study. For students, reading a
research article in a new area is like entering into the middle of the conversation.
Having joined the conversation late, its unrealistic to expect the other participants
to stop everything and get you up to speed. Instead, student readers will need to
work hard to understand parts of the conversation that came before.
How to Read Prim ary Literature 369
Text and Sentence Structure Another reason why research articles are difficult for
novice readers is the structure of the text itself. Both the overall structure of the
article and the structure of individual paragraphs and sentences may be difficult for
students. In terms of overall structure, many empirical research articles follow the
structure of Introduction, Methods, Results, Discussion (IMRD) as outlined in
Figure 25.1. However, applied linguistics is a field with considerable variation in
the structure of research articles. Some work clearly follows the IMRD structure
while other work, particularly ethnographies and case studies, may take a more
narrative approach with a different structure. Thus, it is crucial to examine articles
before reading them to get a sense of the overall structure. Even if articles do not
follow the traditional IMRD structure, most articles will have a general-to-specific-
to-general structure that begins with general issues, moves to the specific issue or
study, and then moves back to address general issues in the conclusion. This
structure also helps experienced readers fmd key information quickly. If someone
wants to fmd the purpose or research questions of a study, for example, an experi-
enced reader will turn to the section just before the Methods, as that is the most
common place this information is presented.
Along with the discourse structure of research articles, students must also
become accustomed to a different style of text. Academic writing tends to be more
formal than other genres. It rarely contains contractions, it uses subordination more
than coordination, and contains more technical, discipline-specific vocabulary.
Even though most applied linguistics editors accept the first person pronoun
(I, we), most primary literature never uses the second person pronoun you. In
addition, primary literature avoids reference to personal mental processes (I think,
I believe), and vague or unspecific terms (sort of, things).
/--
1
\
Figure 25.1 Structure of research articles
(adapted from Hill, Soppelsa, & West, 1982)
370 Reading and Writing Empirical Papers in Applied Linguistics
/
Sentence and information structure in academic writing is also a challenge to
many students. Fang (2004) notes that academic articles contain more content
words per sentence than non-academic texts along with technical, discipline-
specific vocabulary. Academic writers also use more extended noun phrases such
as in the following example from Jeffrey Reaser in Chapter 12. Here he produces a
twenty-five-word noun phrase beginning with effects:
To put it more generally, applied linguistics in educational contexts seeks to examine
[effects of variation in all levels of language across all language modalities both within a
language (dialects, registers, etc.) and between and among different languages].
This noun phrase contains six prepositional phrases and ten nouns. While this
sentence is relatively easy to comprehend, the number of prepositional phrases
and density of noun phrases makes it more difficult than spoken language or
narrative fiction. Why not just simplify the language, though? One reason is that
academic language requires specificity in order to make the ideas clear. If the author
had just referred to variation, the reader might assume that it meant just pronunci-
ation, rather than the authors intended meaning of variation in syntax, vocabulary,
pronunciation in speaking and writing. To make sure that the participants in this
asynchronous conversation are discussing the same issues in the same way, these
specific, extended noun phrases are essential.
In addition to density, academic texts also have a tendency for abstraction or
nominalization, turning words that could be expressed by verbs or adjectives into
nouns. An example of this can be seen in Chapter 18 where John Hellermann and
Steve Thorne write In this sense, the presumed thing of language is perhaps better
described as an action - languaging (Becker, 1984). In other words, they argue
that language should be used as a verb, as in We are languaging rather than We
speak a language. However, later they need to turn languaging into a noun to
discuss it as a concept: The communicative action of languaging as well as
processes of cognition and second language development, are situated in ... .
Making this verb into a noun also allows writers to condense information into
relatively few words. Finally, nominalizing languaging here makes the text flow
better, because the sentence then has two coordinated noun phrases with parallel
structures: The communicative action of languaging and processes of cognition
and second language development. The preponderance of abstract nouns in aca-
demic writing serves a purpose, but it makes the text more difficult for newcomers
to the field.
Strategies for Reading Research Articles
Given the number of reasons that reading research articles is difficult for students
(audience, text organization, text structure, abstract vocabulary), what can students
How to Read Prim ary Literature 371
do? The following strategies, gleaned from expert readers and findings in cognitive
psychology, may help you get through reading the literature.
Recognize the Structure Begin your reading by looking at the structure of the
article. Read the abstract, which gives a summary of the major parts of the article,
and then look at the main section headings. Does the article use the classic research
article structure of Introduction-Methods-Results-Discussion (IMRD}, or does it
have a different structure? Knowing this will help you locate crucial information.
Remember that most articles use the general-to-specific-to-general structure. If you
are getting lost in details, go to the introduction or conclusion to get a sense of the
big picture to guide you through the details.
Read Actively Read actively, not passively: ask yourself questions about the text
and look for answers. Posing questions and seeking answers helps you better
understand the text, helps you retain more information, and keeps you from getting
overwhelmed with new information. Table 25.1 gives some sample questions to
guide you through each section.
Read Selectively, not Sequentially Expert readers read selectively, not sequen-
tially. They do not start with the introduction and plow through without pause to
the conclusion. Follow their lead: search out the information you need. Start with
the abstract and section headings to give you an overview, continue with the major
arguments or reason for the research article (including the research questions, if
any}, and then the sections that make the most sense for your needs. Do not plunge
into careful reading from the first word. Skim first, then read for detail.
Figure 25.2 gives an example of how one expert reader tackled an article. Your
takeaway from Figure 25.2 is not that you should follow this path, but that non-
sequential reading based on your goals and motivation for reading the article is
encouraged. The reader in Figure 25.2 was familiar with the topic, background, and
method of the article. She was most interested in the major findings. For this reason,
the reader started with the abstract, then went to the research questions ( 1), skipped to
the figures and tables in the results (2), and then went on to the discussion and
conclusion (3) to understand the major findings and implications. The second reading
of the paper moved from the discussion back to the results (4) to see how the two were
related. The reader then looked briefly at the methods (5) to check to see if the authors
made any changes to this well-known method, and then moved back to the research
questions (6) to see how the methods addressed the research questions. The third pass
then went from the research questions to a detailed reading of the discussion (7) to see
how the research questions were answered, and then went back to the literature
review (8) to relate the discussion to the literature review. The reader fmally con-
cluded with re-reading the discussion (9) for the major implications.
\
\
372 Reading and Writing Empirical Papers in Applied Linguistics
Figure 25.2 Example reading pattern of one expert
reader when reading a research article when she was
primarily interested in the results
/
It is important to emphasize that there is not one path through an article. Your
path should be determined by your purpose in reading. A reader who is interested
in the methods used to address a question may start with the research questions
and move directly into a careful reading of the methods, then continue on to see
what results those methods produced. Another reader might be most interested in
how the researchers got to their research question and begin with a detailed
reading of the introduction and literature review, and then move into the methods
to see how the authors went about addressing the research question. The path you
take will depend on your current knowledge in that particular area and your
purpose in reading.
Budget Enough Time You may have noticed that while reading a paper non-
sequentially, the readers process described in Figure 25.2 also required more than
one reading. Reading research articles takes more time than reading general non-
fiction or even textbooks. The text is dense, it contains more information, and it must
be processed. Novice readers of research often fail to budget enough time and then get
frustrated because they cannot understand the text quickly. No one, not even seasoned
scholars with years of experience reading research, can understand everything on the
first read-through. One difference between experts and novices is that experts have
given up the expectation that they will understand everything the first time.
Read Reading is one of those skills that truly does get better with practice. Read
research articles when they are assigned or when youre interested in the topic.
Reading research articles will improve your understanding of academic work, even
1
How to Read Primary Literature 373
if you fmd the articles difficult. In addition, reading academic articles will improve
your writing because you will gain an implicit understanding of the structure,
syntax, and vocabulary of the field.
In addition, read for pleasure outside of academic reading. The best thing for
increasing reading speed and improving vocabulary is reading things that are new
to you. The good news is that you dont have to read James Joyces Ulysses or
Tolstoys War and Peace to get the benefits from reading. For example, I recently
read a delightful mystery series set in India by British writer Vasneem Khan. These
mysteries, featuring Inspector Chopra and his elephant side-kick, are interesting,
funny, and easy to read. They also contain low-frequency words such as vulpine and
inscrutable that will improve your vocabulary as well as numerous words from
Indian English such as tiffin, dhoti, haveli, and kurta. Adding vocabulary and
practicing reading need not be a chore.
Evaluate Articles Finally, when reading research articles, you may be asked to
discuss or critique the article. Many students first response when being given this
task runs something like this Im a beginner in this field. How can I possibly have
anything useful to say about something an experienced scholar wrote?! Dont panic.
Though the task may seem daunting, you can use skills you already have and your
growing knowledge of the field to make your evaluation. Evaluation is a crucial skill
for any information you want to use, regardless of the source. Because the internet
and social media have made information (and disinformation) easy to spread and
nearly instantaneous to access, everyone needs to be able to evaluate what they
read. This holds true whether you are reading opinion pieces on the internet or
rigorously reviewed academic articles.
Evaluating an article does require you to read the article thoroughly, more than
once. Concerns or questions you have upon first reading may be resolved after
youve taken time to understand an article more thoroughly. As a reader, its
important to try to understand why researchers made certain choices or how they
supported certain claims before leveling criticisms. At the same time, a second or
third reading may reveal flaws or concerns that you didnt notice in your first read-
through. While many newcomers to a field are hesitant to raise any critique, if
something isnt clear after careful study, that is a problem with the paper. Some-
times newer scholars bring fresh perspectives to the field that more senior scholars
need to hear.
Table 25.1 presents some of the questions to ask when reading a research article.
These questions are divided into information and evaluation. The information
questions will help you understand the details of the article and will provide the
evidence that you will need to evaluate the article. The evaluation questions will
help you create a reasonable, evidence-based assessment of the article.
I
374
Reading and Writing Empirical Papers in Applied Linguistics
Table 25.1 Questions to ask for understanding and evaluating research articles
Information Questions Evaluation Questions
Introduction and Literature Review
• Where is the article published? ls the
journal peer reviewed, meaning that other
researchers have reviewed and commented
on it before it was published?
• What is the authors purpose in writing the
article?
• What research gap is being addressed or
what research tradition is being extended
in this article?
• Who is the target audience for the article
and what would they hope to get out of it?
• What is the date of the article?
• Who does the author cite for setting up
their argument?
• What are the research questions or what is
the statement of purpose?
• Does the author state which theories they
are working with or what frameworks
inform their research? What are they?
/
Met/rods
• Who or what is the author studying?
• How is the study set up? What did the
participants do?
• How were the data collected? What
materials or instruments did the author
use? Where can you find them?
• How are the data analyzed?
Results
• What are the major results?
• What information is in the tables and
figures? Can you interpret those tables or
figures?
Introduction and Literature Review
• Does the author introduce sufficient
background information from previous
research so that their target audience can
understand the purpose of the article and
the reason for the research questions?
• Is the article current or out of date? If its
over a decade old, is it a classic or have
the findings been superseded by
subsequent research?
• Do the references back up the authors
claims?
• Are there references to different authors or
does one author/set of authors
predominate? If one author predominates,
is this because the author is using a
particular theory or because few other
people have researched this area?
• Does the author make a clear argument for
why this research is important and why
the reader should care?
Methods
• Does the article present sufficient detail so
that you could replicate the study if you
chose to?
• Is the population or are the texts that the
author is studying appropriate to the
research questions? ls there any bias to
who/what is being studied?
• Is the analysis that the author uses
appropriate for the kind of data they
collected?
• Does the article present enough
information about the data analysis that
someone could undertake a similar
analysis?
Results
• Does the author present the Findings
clearly and in an orderly fashion?
• Do the authors provide evidence for the
claims they make in the results?
• Are the tables and figures clear? Easy to
understand?
Writing about Data in the Field of Applied Linguistics 375
Table 25.1 (cont.)
Information Questions Evaluation Questions
Discussion and Conclusion
• What are the major claims of the article?
• How do the findings address the research
question(s) or purpose of the article?
• What is the significance of the claims?
• What limitations does the author note, if
any?
• How do the findings link to the previous
research introduced in the introduction?
• Are tables/figures missing any major parts
(are the axes on charts clearly labeled, for
example)? Do the numbers in the table
make sense and add up?
• Are the tables and figures relevant to the
topic at hand?
• Are the interpretations of the results
reasonable based on the information
presented? Can you think of other
reasonable interpretations?
Discussion and Co11clusio11
• How does the work contribute to
understanding?
• Is the paper convincing?
• Does the author adequately address or
acknowledge any limitations or flaws?
• Does the author address other potential
interpretations or counter-arguments?
• Do the results support or other contradict
articles and does the paper discuss this?
• Does the discussion overgeneralize
(extending the findings to contexts that
were not part of the study or could not be
reasonably inferred from the study)?
• Does the article have a subjective or
objective tone? Is that tone appropriate for
this type of article?
• What contributions does the paper make,
despite any flaws it might have?
Writing about Data in the Field of Applied Linguistics
This section will focus on one type of writing that often is difficult for students
starting out in the field: writing research papers using empirical data. Many students
find this challenging because they have not had to write papers using data before. In
addition, data in the field can vary from quantitative, experimental studies to
descriptive, qualitative ethnographic studies. Furthermore, because the field is
diverse and interdisciplinary, the structure of published articles can vary both within
and across journals (e.g., Yang Et Allison, 2004). Despite this variation, we can give
376 Reading and Writing Empirical Papers in Applied Linguistics
some general tips for writing and some generalizations about structures for empir-
ical research articles. This section will first discuss general tips and then move on to
generalizations about structures.
General tips for writing
One important skill in becoming proficient at writing in any field is understanding
the discourse structure of the genre that you are learning. This is one reason why
reading research articles in the field is so important if you want to write research.
Reading in the field helps you develop an implicit understanding of the flow of
information, the vocabulary, the tone of the text, and the types of sentence
structures used. In addition, an explicit understanding of the genre can be helpful.
The next section will discuss key features of empirical papers in applied linguistics
to help you develop an explicit understanding of the expectations of the field.
One important aspect of skilled writing is determining your audience so you can
write with your audience in mind. If you do not understand your audience, you are
likely to provide too little (or too much) information. Many students who are writing
for courses assume, quite logically, that their instructor is their audience and thus write
with the classroom context in mind. However, that …
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