Reading Note - Political Science
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( I Furor impius intus-fremit horridus ore sruento.”
(Virgil.) *
THIRD DEFINITIVE ARTICLE OF PERPETUAL PEACE
.III.-aiThe rights o f men, as citizens o f the world,
shall be limited to the conditions of universal
hospitality.”
We are speaking here, as in the previous articles,
not o f philanthropy, but o f right; and in this sphere
hospitality signifies the claim o f a stranger entering
foreign territory to be treated by its owner without
hostility. The latter may send him away again, if
this can be done without causing his death; but,
so long as he conducts himself peaceably, he must
not be treated as an enemy. I t is not a right to
be treated a s a guest to which the stranger can lay
in the pride o f their independence to use the barbarous method
of war, which after all does not really settle what is wanted,
namely, the right o f each state in a quarrel. The feasts of
thanksgiving during a war for a victorious battle, the hymns
which are sung-to use the Jewish expression-“to the Lord of
Hosts” are not in less strong contrast to the ethical ides of a
father o f mankind; for, apart from the indifference these customs
show to the way in which nations seek to establish their rights-
sad enough as it is-these rejoicings bring in an clement of
exultation that a great number o f lives, or at least the happiness
of many, has been destroyed.
* Cf. Atncidos, 1. a94 rcg.
“Furor impius intus,
Saeva sedens super arma, et centum vinctus ainis
port tergum nodis. fremet horridus ore cruenio.” [l’r.]
claim-a special friendly compact on his behalf
would be required to make him for a given time
an actual inmate-but he has a right of visitation.
This right * to present themselves to society belongs
to all mankind in virtue of our common right of
possession on the surface of the earth on which, as
it is a globe, we cannot be infinitely scattered, and
must in the end reconcile ourselves to existence
side by side: at the same time, originally no one
individual had more right than another to live in
any one particular spot. Uninhabitable portions o f
the surface, ocean and desert, split up the human
community, but in such a way that ships and camels
--the ship of the desert make it possible for
men to come into touch with one another across
these unappropriated regions and to take advantage
of our common claim to the face of the earth with
a view to a possible intercommunication. The in-
hospitality of the inhabitants of certain sea coasts
-as, for example, the coast of Barbary-in plunder-
ing ships in neighbouring seas or making slaves of
shipwrecked mariners; or the behaviour of the
Arab Bedouins in the deserts, who think that
Cf. Vattel (op. (if., II. ch. IX. 8 123):--The right of passage
is also a remnant of the primitive state o f communion, in which
the entire earth was common to all mankind, and the passage Has
every-hue free to each indiviclual according to his necessities.
Nobody can be entirely deprived of this right. See also above,
p, 65, notr. [Tr.]
proximity to nomadic tribes constitutes a right to
rob, is thus contrary to the law of nature. Thio
right to hospitality, however-that is to say, the
privilege of strangers arriving on foreign s o i l - d o e r
not amount to more than what is implied in a
permission to make an attempt at intercourse with
the original inhabitants. In this way far distant
territories may enter into peaceful relations with
one another. These relations may at last come
under the public control of law, and thus the hu-
man race may be brought nearer the realisation
of a cosmopolitan constitution.
Let us look now, for the sake o f comparison, at
the inhospitable behaviour of the civilised nations,
especially the commercial states of our continent.
The injustice which they exhibit on visiting foreign
lands and races-this being equivalent in their
eyes to conquest-is such as to fill us with
horror. America, the negro countries, the Spice
Islands, the Cape etc. were, on being discovered,
looked upon as countries which belonged to no-
body; for the native inhabitants were reckoned as
nothing. In Hindustani under the pretext of in-
tending to establish merely commercial depots, the
Europeans introduced foreign troops ; and, as a
result, the different states of Hindustan were stirred
up t o far-spreading wars. Oppression of the natives
followed, famine, insurrection, perfidy and all
140 Perjrtual Pearc
-
the rest of the litany of evils which can aftlict
mankind.
China * and Japan (Nipon) which had made an
attempt at receiving guests o f this kind, have now
* In order to call this great empire by the name which it gives
itself-namely, China, not Sina or a word of similar sound-we have
only to look at Georgii: A4ha6. Tibd., pp. 651-654, particularly
noh b., below. According to the observation of Professor Fischer
of St Petenburg, there is really no particular name which it always
goes by: the most usual is the word Kin, iz. gold, which the inha-
bitants o f Tibet call Srr. Hence the emperor is called the king
of gold, i.t. the king of the most splendid country i n the world.
This word K i n may probably be Chin i n the empire itself, but
be pronounced Kin by the Italian missionaries on account o f
the gutturals. Thus we see that the counhy of the Seres, w often
lnentioned by the Romans, was China: the silk, however, waa
despatched to Europe across Greater Tibet, probably through
Smaller Tibet and Bucharia, through Persia and then on. This
leads to many reflections as to the antiquity of this wonderful
state, as compared with Hindustan, at the time of its union with
Tibet and thence with Japan. On the other hand, the name
Sina 01 Tschina which is said to be gi.ven to this land by neigh-
bouring peoples leads to nothing. -
Perhaps we can explain the ancient intercourse o f Europe with
Tibet-a fact at no time widely known-by looking at what
Hesychius has preserved on the matter. I refer to the shout, KGYE
O ~ r a g ( K o n x Ompax), the cry of the Ilierophants in the Eleusinian
mysteries (cf. TravcLE of Anarharsis the Younger, Part V., p. 447,
stp.). For, according to Georgii A f f h . Tibet., the word Concioo
which bears a striking resemblmce to Konx means G o d Pah-cia
(id. p. 520) which might easily be pronounced by the Greeks like
901 means promulgator It+, the divine principle permeating
natnre (called also, on p. 177, Cencrm). Om, however, which La
Crow translates by bcnrdirtus, it. blessed, can when applied to
the Deity mean nothing but beatified (p. 507). Now P. Franz.
Horatius, when h e asked the Lhamas of Tibet, as he often did,
what they understood by God (Conrioo) always got the answer :-
Transtation 141
taken a prudent step. Only to a single European
people, the Dutch, has China given the right of
access to her shores (but not of entrance into the
country), while Japan has granted both these con-
cessions ; but at the same time they exclude the
Dutch who enter, as if they were prisoners, from
social intercourse with the inhabitants. The worst,
or from the standpoint of ethical judgment the
best, of all this is that no satisfaction is derived
from all this violence, that all these trading com-
panies stand on the verge of ruin, that the Sugar
Islands, that seat of the most horrible and delib-
“ i t is the assembly o f all the saints,” i. e. the assembly of those
blessed ones who have been born again according to the faith of
the Lama and, after many wanderings in changing forms, have at
lut returned to God, to Burchane: that is to say, they are beings
to be worshipped, souls which have undergone transmigratiou
g. 223). So the mysterious expression K o n x O m f u r ought
probably to mean the holy (KoAx), blessed, (Om) and wise (Par)
Its flse in the Greek mysteries probably signified monotheism for
supreme Being pervading the universe, the persooification o f nature.
the Epoptes, in distinction from the polytheism of the people,
dthough elsewhere P. Horatius scented atheism here. How that
mysterious word came by way of Tibet to the Greeks may
be aplained as above; and, on the other hand, in this way is
made probable an early intercourse of Europe with China across
Tibet, der perhaps than the communication with Hind-.
’6prg-ding to Liddell and Scott, a cormption of xdyk
(There ir some difference o f opinion as to the meaning of the nor&
drofus r i t . * K a n Y r inferences here seem to be more ban far-
fetched. Lobeck, in his R p h p h a m u ~ @. 7 7 9 , g i v e r a quite di5ereat
intupretstion which has, he says, betn rpproved by scholan. And
w h w l y (Hub& D o d & re&riw lo Napolren Bonaponk, 3rd. ad,
Postcript) rues K o a Ompas PI a pseudonym. p r . ] )
erate slavery, yield no real profit, but only have
their use indirectly and for no very praiseworthy
object-namely, that of furnishing men to be
trained as sailors for the men-of-war and thereby
contributing to the carrying on of war in Europe.
And this has been done by nations who make a
great ado about their piety, and who, while they
are quite ready to commit injustice, would like, in
their orthodoxy, to be considered among the elect.
The intercourse, more or less close, which has
been everywhere steadily increasing between the
nations of the earth, has now extended so enor-
mously that a violation of right in one part of the
world is felt all over it. Hence the idea of a cos-
mopolitan right is no fantastical, high-flown notion
of right, but a complement o f the unwritten code
of law-constitutional as well as international
law-necessary for the public rights of mankind
in general and thus for the realisation of perpetual
peace. For only by endeavouring to fulfil the
conditions laid down by this cosmopolitan law can
we flatter ourselves that we are gradually approach-
ing that ideal.
1
On hospitality: rereading Kant’s
cosmopolitan right
This chapter begins with an analysis of Kant’s understanding
of cosmopolitan right. Kant’s discussion focuses on moral and
legal relations which hold among individuals across bounded
communities, and thereby demarcates a novel domain situated
between the law of specific polities on the one hand and cus-
tomary international law on the other. Katrin Flikschuh states
this clearly: “Kant recognizes three distinct though related lev-
els of rightful relation: the ‘Right of a State’ specifies relations
of Right between persons within a state; the ‘Right of Nations’
pertains to relations of Right between states; and ‘the Right
for all nations’ or ‘cosmopolitan Right’ concerns relations of
Right between persons and foreign states” (Flikschuh 2000,
184). The normative dilemmas of political membership are to
be localized within this third sphere of jus cosmopoliticum.
“Perpetual Peace” and cosmopolitan right – a
contemporary reevaluation
Written in 1795, upon the signing of the Treaty of Basel
by Prussia and revolutionary France, Kant’s essay on “Perpetual
Peace” has enjoyed considerable revival of attention in recent
years (see Bohman and Lutz-Bachmann 1997). What makes
this essay particularly interesting under the current condi-
tions of political globalization is the visionary depth of Kant’s
project for perpetual peace among nations. Kant formulates
25Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
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three “definitive articles for perpetual peace among states.”
These read: “The Civil Constitution of Every State shall be
Republican”; “The Law of Nations shall be founded on a Fed-
eration of Free States”; and “The Law of World Citizenship
Shall be Limited to Conditions of Universal Hospitality” (Kant
[1795] 1923, 434–446; [1795] 1994: 99–108).1 Much scholarship
on this essay has focused on the precise legal and political form
that these articles could or would take, and on whether Kant
meant to propose the establishment of a world federation of
republics (eine föderative Vereinigung) or a league of sovereign
nation-states (Völkerbund).
What remains frequently uncommented upon is the
Third Article of “Perpetual Peace,” the only one in fact that
Kant himself explicitly designates with the terminology of the
Weltbürgerrecht. The German reads: “Das Weltbürgerrecht soll
auf Bedingungen der allgemeinen Hospitalität eingeschränkt
sein” (Kant [1795] 1923, 443). Kant himself notes the oddity
of the locution of “hospitality” in this context, and therefore
remarks that “it is not a question of philanthropy but of right.”
In other words, hospitality is not to be understood as a virtue
of sociability, as the kindness and generosity one may show
to strangers who come to one’s land or who become depen-
dent upon one’s acts of kindness through circumstances of
nature or history; hospitality is a “right” which belongs to all
human beings insofar as we view them as potential partic-
ipants in a world republic. But the “right” of hospitality is
1 I have consulted several English translations of Kant’s “Perpetual Peace”
essay, amending the text when necessary. For further information on these
various editions, please consult the bibliography. The first date and page
number refer to the German text, and the second to the English editions.
26Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
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odd in that it does not regulate relationships among individ-
uals who are members of a specific civil entity under whose
jurisdiction they stand; this “right” regulates the interactions
of individuals who belong to different civic entities yet who
encounter one another at the margins of bounded communi-
ties. The right of hospitality is situated at the boundaries of
the polity; it delimits civic space by regulating relations among
members and strangers. Hence the right of hospitality occupies
that space between human rights and civil rights, between the
right of humanity in our person and the rights that accrue to
us insofar as we are members of specific republics. Kant writes:
“Hospitality [Wirtbarkeit] means the right of a stranger not to
be treated as an enemy when he arrives in the land of another.
One may refuse to receive him when this can be done without
causing his destruction; but, so long as he peacefully occupies
his place, one may not treat him with hostility. It is not the right
to be a permanent visitor [Gastrecht] that one may demand.
A special contract of beneficence [ein . . . wohltätiger Vertrag]
would be needed in order to give an outsider a right to become
a fellow inhabitant [Hausgenossen] for a certain length of time.
It is only a right of temporary sojourn [ein Besuchsrecht], a
right to associate, which all men have. They have it by virtue
of their common possession [das Recht des gemeinschaftlichen
Besitzes] of the surface of the earth, where, as a globe, they
cannot infinitely disperse and hence must finally tolerate the
presence of each other” (Kant [1795] 1923, 443; cf. 1949, 320).
Kant distinguishes the “right to be a permanent
visitor,” which he calls Gastrecht, from the “temporary right
of sojourn” (Besuchsrecht). The right to be a permanent visitor
is awarded through a freely chosen special agreement which
27Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
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goes beyond what is owed to the other morally and what he
is entitled to legally; therefore, Kant names this a wohltätiger
Vertrag, a “contract of beneficence.” It is a special privilege
which the republican sovereign can award to certain foreigners
who abide in their territories, who perform certain functions,
who represent their respective political entities, who engage
in long-term trade, and the like. The droit d’aubaine in pre-
revolutionary France, which granted foreigners certain rights
of residency, the acquisition of property, and the practicing of a
profession, would be a pertinent historical example. The special
trade concessions that the Ottoman empire, China, Japan, and
India granted westerners from the eighteenth century onward
would be others. The Jews in premodern Europe, who after
their persecution through the Inquisition in Spain in the
fifteenth century, spread to the north, to Holland, Britain,
Germany, and other territories, would be another major group
to whose status both the right of hospitality and that of
permanent visitorship would apply.
The right of hospitality entails a claim to temporary
residency which cannot be refused, if such refusal would involve
the destruction – Kant’s word here is Untergang – of the other.
To refuse sojourn to victims of religious wars, to victims of
piracy or ship-wreckage, when such refusal would lead to their
demise, is untenable, Kant writes. What is unclear in Kant’s dis-
cussion is whether such relations among peoples and nations
involve acts of supererogation, going beyond the call of moral
duty, or whether they entail a certain sort of moral claim con-
cerning the recognition of “the rights of humanity in the person
of the other.”
28Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
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We may see here the juridical and moral ambivalence
that affects discussions of the right of asylum and refuge to this
day. Are the rights of asylum and refuge “rights” in the sense
of being reciprocal moral obligations which, in some sense or
another, are grounded upon our mutual humanity? Or are these
rights claims in the legal sense of being enforceable norms of
behavior which individuals and groups can hold each other to
and, in particular, force sovereign nation-states to comply with?
Kant’s construction provides no clear answer. The right of hos-
pitality entails a moral claim with potential legal consequences
in that the obligation of the receiving states to grant temporary
residency to foreigners is anchored in a republican cosmopo-
litical order. Such an order does not have a supreme executive
law governing it. In this sense the obligation to show hospital-
ity to foreigners and strangers cannot be enforced; it remains a
voluntarily incurred obligation of the political sovereign. The
right of hospitality expresses all the dilemmas of a republi-
can cosmopolitical order in a nutshell: namely how to create
quasi-legally binding obligations through voluntary commit-
ments and in the absence of an overwhelming sovereign power
with the ultimate right of enforcement.
But what exactly is Kant’s justification for the
“temporary right of sojourn”? Why does this claim bind the
will of the republican sovereign? When reflecting on the
“temporary right of sojourn” (Besuchsrecht), Kant uses two
different premises. One premise justifies the right of tem-
porary sojourn on the basis of the capacity of all human
beings (allen Menschen) to associate – the German reads sich
zur Gesellschaft anzubieten (Kant [1795] 1923, 443). The other
29Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
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premise resorts to the juridical construct of a “common pos-
session of the surface of the earth” (gemeinschaftlichen Besitzes
der Oberfläche der Erde) (ibid.). With respect to the sec-
ond principle, Kant suggests that to deny the foreigner and
the stranger the claim to enjoy the land and its resources,
when this can be done peacefully and without endanger-
ing the life and welfare of original inhabitants, would be
unjust.
The juridical construct of a purported common pos-
session of the earth, which has a long and honorable antecedent
in old European jurisprudence, functions as a double-edged
sword in this context. On the one hand, Kant wants to avoid
the justificatory use of this construct to legitimize western colo-
nialist expansion; on the other hand, he wants to base the right
of human beings to enter into civil association with one another
upon the claim that, since the surface of the earth is limited,
at some point or other, we must learn to enjoy its resources in
common with others.
To understand the first of Kant’s worries, recall here
John Locke’s argument in The Second Treatise of Civil Govern-
ment. “In the beginning God gave the earth to men in common
to enjoy” (Locke [1690] 1980, 19). The earth is a res nullius,
belonging to all and none until it is appropriated; but to argue
that the earth is a common possession of all human beings is,
in effect, to disregard property relations historically existing
among communities that have already settled on the land. The
justification of the claim to property thus shifts from the his-
torical title that legitimizes it to the modes of appropriation
whereby what commonly belongs to a community can then be
appropriated as “mine” or “thine.”
30Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
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Through a patently circular argument, Locke main-
tains that private property emerges through the fact that the
means of appropriation are themselves private: “the labor of
his body, and the work of his hands, we may say, are prop-
erly his . . . this nobody has any right to but himself ” (ibid.).
In the context of European expansion to the Americas in the
seventeenth century, Locke’s argument served to justify the
colonial appropriation of the land precisely with the claim that
the earth, being given to all “in common,” could then be justi-
fiably appropriated by the industrious and the thrifty, without
harming existing inhabitants and, in fact, for the benefit of all
(Tully 1993).
Kant explicitly rejects the res nullius thesis in its Lock-
ean form, seeing in it a thinly disguised formula for expro-
priating non-European peoples who do not have the capacity
to resist imperialist onslaughts (Kant [1795] 1994, 107; see also
Muthu, 1999, 2000). He supports the Chinese and the Japanese
in their attempt to keep European traders at a distance. What
does the premise of the “common possession of the earth”
really justify, then? Once the earth has been appropriated, oth-
ers no longer have a claim to possess it. Existing property rela-
tions must be respected. If so, every community has the right
to defend itself against those who seek access to its territo-
ries. Apart from the assurance that turning away the ones who
seek hospitality would not cause “their destruction” – admit-
tedly itself a vague formulation – the dire needs of others do
not constitute sufficient grounds to bend the will of existing
sovereign communities. The claim to the “common possession
of the earth” does disappointingly little to explicate the basis
of cosmopolitan right.
31Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open(http://ebookcentral.proquest.com,_blank) href=http://ebookcentral.proquest.com target=_blank style=cursor: pointer;>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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The sphericality of the earth and
cosmopolitan right
In Kant and Modern Political Philosophy, Katrin
Flikschuh argues that the original common possession of the
earth, and in particular the limited spherical character of the
earth (der Erdkugel), plays a much more fundamental role in
Kant’s justification in cosmopolitan right than I am claiming
that it does. Flikschuh’s argument is worth considering in some
detail. Flikschuh bases this reading not on Kant’s “Perpetual
Peace” essay but on his Rechtslehre, the first half of Die Meta-
physik der Sitten (The Metaphysics of Morals). Two passages are
of special relevance here:
The spherical surface of the earth unites all the places on
its surface; for if its surface were an unbounded plane, men
could be so dispersed on it that they would not come into
any community with one another, and community would
then not be a necessary result of their existence on the
earth. (Kant [1797] 1922, 66; as quoted in Flikschuh 2000,
133)2
Since the earth’s surface is not unlimited but closed, the
concepts of the Right of a state and of a Right of nations
lead inevitably to the Idea of a Right for all nations (ius
gentium) or cosmopolitan Right (ius cosmopoliticum). So if
the principle of outer freedom limited by law is lacking in
any of these three possible forms of rightful condition, the
framework for all others is unavoidably underdetermined
2 Since there are some subtle discrepancies between various English
editions and Flikschuh’s translations, I have kept references to her
versions of the relevant passages.
32Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open(http://ebookcentral.proquest.com,_blank) href=http://ebookcentral.proquest.com target=_blank style=cursor: pointer;>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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and must finally collapse. (Kant, [1797] 1922, 117–118; as
quoted in Flikschuh 2000, 179)
Without delving into details of discrepancies which
may exist between the “Perpetual Peace” essay and Kant’s more
difficult and fuller discussion in The Metaphysical Elements of
Justice, for my purposes the most important question is this:
does Kant mean to derive or deduce cosmopolitan right from
the fact of the sphericality of the earth’s surface? What is the
status of this fact in Kant’s moral argument? If indeed we were
to assume that Kant used the sphericality of the earth as a jus-
tificatory premise, wouldn’t we then have to conclude that he
had committed the naturalistic fallacy? Just because all castles
everywhere are built on sand, it still does not follow that mine
should be so built as well. Likewise, just because I must, some-
where and at some point, come into contact with other human
beings and cannot flee them forever, this does not imply that
upon such contact I must treat them with the respect and dig-
nity to be accorded every human being.
Flikschuh does not maintain in fact that the spher-
icality of the earth’s surface is a justificatory premise: “The
earth’s spherical surface is that empirical given space for pos-
sible agency within which human beings are constrained to
articulate their claims to freedom of choice and action . . . To the
contrary, the global boundary constitutes an objective given,
unavoidable condition of empirical reality within the limits
of which human agents are constrained to establish possible
relations of Right” (2000, 133). The spherical surface of the
earth constitutes a circumstance of justice but does not function
as a moral justificatory premise to ground cosmopolitan right.
33Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open(http://ebookcentral.proquest.com,_blank) href=http://ebookcentral.proquest.com target=_blank style=cursor: pointer;>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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“Circumstances of justice” define indeed “the conditions of our
possible agency,” as Flikschuh observes. Just as the facts that we
are all mortal beings, physically members of the same species
and afflicted by similar basic needs to assure our survival con-
stitute constraining conditions in our reasoning about justice,
so too the sphericality of the earth’s surface functions for Kant
as a limiting condition of “outer freedom.” This, I think, is
amply clear from Kant’s phrase, “So if the principle of outer
freedom limited by law is lacking in any of these three possible
forms of rightful condition . . .” (Kant [1797] 1922, 118). The
“principle of outer freedom” is the justificatory premise in the
argument which leads to the establishment of cosmopolitan
right. Since, however, exercising our external freedom means
that sooner or later, under certain circumstances, we will need
to cross boundaries and come into contact with fellow human
beings from other lands and cultures, we need to recognize the
following: first, that the earth’s surface will be apportioned into
the territory of individual republics;3 second, that conditions
of right regulating intra- as well as interrepublican transactions
3 I am foregoing here a consideration of the considerable difficulties of
Kant’s justification of property rights. Kant’s dilemma appears to have
been the justification of the private apportionment of the earth’s surface
without recourse to originary acts of occupation, since the latter, in Kant’s
view, establish not a condition of right but rather of might. Nevertheless,
Kant finds it necessary to resort to such an argument. “This postulate can
be called a permissive principle [lex permissiva] of practical reason, which
gives us authorization that could not be got from mere concept of Right
as such, namely to put all others under an obligation which they would
not otherwise have, to refrain from using certain objects of our choice
because we have been the first to take them into our possession” (Kant
[1797] 1922, 49). The lex permissiva holds not only within individual
republics but also across republics. In the light of this stipulation, we also
34Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open(http://ebookcentral.proquest.com,_blank) href=http://ebookcentral.proquest.com target=_blank style=cursor: pointer;>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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are necessary; and finally that among those conditions are those
pertaining to the rights of hospitality and temporary sojourn.
In the next chapter I hope to show that a reconstruction of the
Kantian concept of the right to external freedom would lead
to a more extensive system of cosmopolitan right than Kant
himself offered us.
The contemporary relevance of Kant’s concept
of “temporary sojourn”
Kant’s claim that first entry cannot be denied to those
who seek it if this would result in their “destruction” (Unter-
gang) has become incorporated into the Geneva Convention
on the Status of Refugees as the principle of “non-refoulement”
(United Nations 1951). This principle obliges signatory states
not to forcibly return refugees and asylum seekers to their coun-
tries of origin if doing so would pose a clear danger to their lives
and freedom. Of course, just as sovereign states can manipu-
late this article to define life and freedom more or less narrowly
when it fits their purposes, it is also possible to circumvent the
“non-refoulement” clause by depositing refugees and asylees in
so-called safe third countries. Kant’s formulations clearly fore-
saw as well as justified such balancing acts as between the moral
obligations of states to those who seek refuge in their midst and
see that the claim that only the republican sovereign can grant permanent
visitation rights is based on the right of the republican sovereign to control
“privately” a portion of the “common possession” of the earth’s surface.
Bounded territoriality is thus made a precondition of the exercise of
external freedom by Kant. Indeed, the recognition of “rightful borders”
is essential if perpetual peace among nations is ever to be achieved.
35Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open(http://ebookcentral.proquest.com,_blank) href=http://ebookcentral.proquest.com target=_blank style=cursor: pointer;>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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to their own welfare and interests. The lexical ordering of the
two claims – the moral needs of others versus legitimate self-
interest – is vague, except in the most obvious cases when the
life and limb of refugees would be endangered by denying them
the right of entry; apart from such cases, however, the obliga-
tion to respect the liberty and welfare of the guest can permit
a narrow interpretation on the part of the sovereign to whom
it is addressed, and need not be considered an unconditional
duty.
The universal right to hospitality which is due to every
human person imposes upon us an imperfect moral duty to
help and offer shelter to those whose life, limb, and well-being
are endangered. This duty is “imperfect” – i.e., conditional – in
that it can permit exceptions, and can be overridden by legit-
imate grounds of self-preservation. There is no obligation to
shelter the other when doing so would endanger one’s own life
and limb. It is disputed in moral philosophy as to how widely
or narrowly the obligation to the other should be interpreted,4
and it is equally controversial how we should understand legit-
imate grounds of self-preservation: is it morally permissible to
turn the needy away because we think that they are altering our
cultural mores? Does the preservation of culture constitute a
legitimate basis of self-preservation? Is it morally permissible
4 Cf. Henry Sidgwick: “. . . but those who are in distress or urgent need have
a claim on us for special kindness. These are generally recognized claims:
but we find considerable difficulty and divergence, when we attempt to
determine more precisely their extent and relative obligation: and the
divergence becomes indefinitely greater when we compare the customs
and common opinions now existing among ourselves in respect of such
claims, with those of other ages and countries” (Sidgwick [1874] 1962,
246). For some recent treatments, see O’Neill 1996; Sheffler 2001.
36Benhabib, S. (2004). The rights of others : Aliens, residents, and citizens. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open(http://ebookcentral.proquest.com,_blank) href=http://ebookcentral.proquest.com target=_blank style=cursor: pointer;>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a>
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to deny asylum when admitting large numbers of needy peo-
ples into our territories would cause a decline in our standards
of living? And what amount of decline in welfare is morally
permissible before it can be invoked as grounds for denying
entry to the persecuted, the needy, and the oppressed? In for-
mulating …
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