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Journal of Occupational Health Psychology
© 2019 American Psychological Association
1076-8998/20/$12.00
2020, Vol. 25, No. 3, 159 –175
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ocp0000162
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
All About the Money? Exploring Antecedents and Consequences for a
Brief Measure of Perceived Financial Security
Timothy P. Munyon
Andrew M. Carnes
The University of Tennessee
Western Carolina University
Laci M. Lyons
Ingo Zettler
University of Central Arkansas
University of Copenhagen
As often theorized in economics and organizational psychology, attaining and maintaining financial
security is a universal, but often elusive, goal for workers. Yet, a thorough exploration of how financial
security operates within the nomological network of occupational and relational phenomena has been
lacking. This study enhances our understanding of financial security by exploring its dispositional and
relational antecedents, work attitude and strain correlates, and relational consequences at home and work.
Using a multidisciplinary, cross-context approach, this 3-study investigation provides construct validity
evidence for a brief measure of financial security and assesses its psychometric properties for employed
adults, dual-career couples, and salespeople. Results show acceptable internal consistency reliabilities for
the measure of financial security (with Cronbach’s ␣ ranging from .88 to .94) and evidence of convergent
and criterion-related validity. Specifically, we found that negative affectivity and number of dependents
were inversely related to financial security, whereas family income and partner reports of financial
security demonstrated convergent validity with financial security. We also find that financial security is
positively related to job satisfaction in 2 of 3 studies, relationship satisfaction in dual-career couples, and
client-reported relationship quality for salespeople, whereas financial security is negatively related to
burnout. These findings suggest that financial security is a useful construct with multidisciplinary
implications.
Keywords: financial security, job satisfaction, burnout, relationship satisfaction, dual-career
cial security. For example, SunTrust recently enacted a support
program to help its employees become more financially secure,
and anecdotal evidence has linked participation in this program to
gains in employee satisfaction, productivity, and retention
(PRNewsWire, 2017). Indeed, SunTrust managers found such
great success with the financial security program that they made it
available to corporate banking customers, and companies like
Delta Airlines, Home Depot, McKee Foods, and Waffle House
have now adopted this program to enhance the financial security of
their own employees (PRNewsWire, 2017).
Recent scholarly evidence suggests that financial security plays
an important role in bridging the domains of work and home. For
example, Lawrence, Halbesleben, and Paustian-Underdahl (2013)
conceptualized financial security as a resource state, finding it was
negatively related to work–family conflict following a lost-time
accident. Their investigation found that lost-time accidents drained
family financial resources, reducing financial security and increasing work–family conflict at home.
These anecdotal and empirical findings accord with the theory
of Brief and Atieh (1987), who conceptualized financial security as
a key influence on stress and strain processes over 30 years ago.
Specifically, drawing on appraisal theory (Lazarus & Folkman,
1984), Brief and Atieh viewed threats to financial security as a
harm–loss, proposing that such threats would elicit a strain re-
Employees often labor under difficult financial circumstances,
reflected by low personal savings rates, high levels of household
debt, and the threat of bankruptcy (Abate, 2006; Cussen, 2010). In
realization of these circumstances, organizations are increasingly
intervening to help their employees realize a better state of finan-
This article was published Online First July 11, 2019.
Timothy P. Munyon, Department of Management, The University of
Tennessee; Andrew M. Carnes, Department of Economics, Management,
and Project Management, Western Carolina University; Laci M. Lyons,
Department of Marketing and Management, University of Central Arkansas; Ingo Zettler, Department of Psychology, University of Copenhagen.
Portions of this article were presented at the 68th Annual Meeting of the
Academy of Management. We wish to acknowledge helpful feedback from
Lane Morris, Tom Wright, Annelis van Vianen, Marjan Gorgievski, Jack
Fiorito, Betsy Becker, Denise Breaux, Wayne Hochwarter, and James
Meurs. Finally, Study 2 is based on data from Timothy P. Munyon’s
dissertation, directed by Gerald Ferris. Andrew M. Carnes, Laci M. Lyons,
and Ingo Zettler contributed equally; the order of authorship is alphabetical.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Laci M.
Lyons, Department of Marketing and Management, University of Central
Arkansas, 201 Donaghey Avenue, Conway, AR 72035. E-mail: llyons@
uca.edu
159
MUNYON, CARNES, LYONS, AND ZETTLER
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
160
sponse in employees (see also Kim, Gutter, & Spangler, 2017).
Yet, although practice and theory all position financial security as
a key influencer in work and home domains, empirical inquiry has
lagged beyond the anecdotal and theoretical contributions. Furthermore, there is a need to extend the nomological network of
financial security, including understanding its antecedents and
consequences at work and home. Consequently, the purpose of this
investigation is to explore antecedents and consequences of financial security at work and home.
First, we discuss the nature of financial security. Second, we
hypothesize about the dispositional and relational antecedents to
financial security, considering how negative affectivity and relational dependents impact estimates of financial security. Third, we
shed new light on the nomological network and operation of
financial security at work, exploring its effects on job satisfaction,
job tension, and burnout. Fourth, we test the direct relational
consequences of financial security at home and work, representing
the first study, to our knowledge, to do so. Specifically, we test
how financial security affects relationship satisfaction within dualcareer couples and also model the effects of salesperson financial
security on client reports of relationship quality, bridging occupational health psychology and marketing literatures. Finally, we
model these effects by incorporating dyadic reports and multilevel
analyses, representing a methodological contribution intended to
improve the rigor of the findings.
Financial Security
Strumpel (1976) was among the first to consider the effects of
financial security, finding that financial security encompassed
traditional assessments of income and savings, but also a sense of
material security. Herzog and Rodgers (1981) explored the concept
of financial security further, finding that an individual’s perceived
ability to meet financial obligations was the most powerful influence on subjective well-being in the General Society Survey. On
the basis of these findings, Brief and Atieh (1987) postulated that
financial security would play a key role in stress and strain processes at work, particularly as events threatened or enhanced
financial security. Finally, Porter and Garman (1993) found that
access to credit, the presence or absence of other assets, and the
ability to manage emergencies all contributed toward perceived
financial security.
Several inferences may be gleaned from this body of existing
literature. Notably, research in financial security has extended
across decades of employment, changing work conditions, sometimes turbulent politics, and technological shifts, suggesting that it
remains an important life goal for workers. Similarly, although
multiple approaches have been used to measure financial security,
the literature generally characterizes financial security based on
the adequacy of a respondent’s current income, liquidity, and
assets for current and unforeseen demands. Finally, financial security would be expected to be generally stable across time, but
also subject to events (Brief & Atieh, 1987; Lawrence et al., 2013)
and conditions (Hobfoll, Halbesleben, Neveu, & Westman, 2018)
that change it positively or negatively. For example, relationship
status changes, the addition or loss of dependents, job changes,
chronic illness, inheritances, and even natural disasters would all
be expected to modify a respondent’s sense of financial security.
Therefore, given these precedents in the literature, we define
financial security as a subjective state reflecting the adequacy and
stability of monetary assets relative to liabilities. This conceptualization of financial security incorporates individual perceptions of
income, access to credit, personal savings, and other assets (Howell & Howell, 2008; Joo & Grable, 2004), and also considers the
adequacy of these resources for present and future financial contingencies (Brief & Atieh, 1987; Gorgievski-Duijvesteijn, Bakker,
Schaufeli, & van der Heijden, 2005; Porter & Garman, 1992).
Thus, individual estimates of financial security implicitly account
for current assets and liabilities and also perceived future threats or
opportunities that may impact this state (Brief & Atieh, 1987).
Given the multiple influences that affect these perceptions,
financial security can be considered phenomenological in nature
(Chan, Ofstedal, & Hermalin, 2002), acknowledging that perceptions of reality are often more important than the objective conditions of reality in understanding cognition and behavior (Lewin,
1936). Hence, although we expect objective financial circumstances (e.g., income, expenses, assets, and liabilities) to covary
with financial security, such relationships should generally be only
modestly correlated. Furthermore, specialization within personal
relationships implies that certain individuals may manage household finances and be responsible for financial decisions, creating
information asymmetries for partners who are less involved in
financial decision-making (Fonseca, Mullen, Zamarro, & Zissimopoulos, 2012). Therefore, we expect discrepancies within personal
and familial relationships regarding estimates of financial security,
even as partner estimates should show modest convergence with
one another.
Having defined financial security, it is important to differentiate
it from related constructs. First, financial security is distinct from
income (Brett, Brief, Burke, George, & Webster, 1990; George &
Brief, 1990); although, income has been shown to positively
influence perceptions of financial security (Joo & Grable, 2004).
Likewise, financial security is conceptually distinct from pay satisfaction (Brett et al., 1990; George & Brief, 1990). For example,
an individual may be highly dissatisfied with his or her pay (i.e.,
low levels of pay satisfaction) and still report high levels of
financial security, perhaps due to other sources of income and
assets, low levels of liabilities, or even optimistic perceptual biases
(Cassar, 2010). Finally, financial security is conceptually distinct
from financial need, which describes the extent to which employees rely on financial rewards to support life activities (Brett, Cron,
& Slocum, 1995; Doran, Stone, Brief, & George, 1991; George &
Brief, 1990; Shaw & Gupta, 2001). Specifically, financial need,
also referred to as financial requirements and economic dependence, primarily captures consumption patterns (e.g., marital status, number of children in the household) and alternative income
sources (e.g., number of income earners, number of hours worked
per week) to isolate the relative importance of a given job to an
employee. However, it does not measure access to credit, the
presence and absence of other assets, and the ability to manage
emergencies, which all conceptually contribute toward financial
security (Porter & Garman, 1992).
Antecedents of Financial Security
Having described the financial security construct, we now consider dispositional and relational antecedents to financial security.
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FINANCIAL SECURITY
Specifically, we consider how individual personality, captured by
negative affectivity, influences financial security, and also how
dependents affect estimates of financial security. In sum, these
factors represent theoretical examples of dispositional and relational antecedents to financial security.
Negative affectivity. Negative affectivity reflects the extent to
which individuals generally experience high levels of anxiety, fear,
hostility, and anger (Watson & Clark, 1984). Negative affectivity
is important in the current context because it shapes how individuals perceive the environment around them (Hochwarter, Perrewé,
Hall, & Ferris, 2005; Spector, Chen, & O’Connell, 2000; Spector
& Jex, 1998). Prior research also suggests that high levels of
negative affectivity facilitate a hyperresponsiveness to psychosocial stressors, meaning that even small exposures to stressors can
result in significant strains for individuals high in negative affectivity (Hochwarter et al., 2005). In sum, negative affectivity leads
individuals to perceive the environment around them negatively,
which may reduce estimates of financial security. Similarly, the
hyperresponsiveness of negative affectivity may make individuals
high in this trait sensitive to slight changes and fluctuations in their
financial standings, leading them to perceive low levels of financial security even when their actual financial standing may be
secure.
Negative affectivity also theoretically influences the incomeearning potential and available financial resources of individuals.
In support, Watson, Wiese, Vaidya, and Tellegen (1999) noted that
negative affectivity heightens anxiety and restricts the ability of
individuals to form high-quality relationships. Relatedly, Iverson,
Olekalns, and Erwin (1998) found that negative affectivity is
negatively related to social support, and in a study of work teams,
Lam, Van der Vegt, Walter, and Huang (2011) found that negative
affectivity was inversely related to cooperative team goals and
positively related to harming behavior and relational conflict
within the team. Consequently, individuals high in negative affectivity may have access to fewer financial resources and assets they
can leverage because of poor relational connections, reducing their
ability to manage emergent financial contingencies. Poor performance on teams and other work groups may also limit incomeearning potential through bonuses. Thus, in sum, individual negative affectivity should affect both the perception and objective
reality of one’s financial security, and we propose the following:
Hypothesis 1: Individual negative affectivity is negatively
related to financial security.
Dependents. Dependents reflect the number of individuals
that rely on the income and assets generated by a given individual
or family unit, and dependents exert several important influences
on financial security. Barnes, Lefter, Bhave, and Wagner (2016)
suggested that the number of dependents maintained by an individual impacts the temporal resources available to that person. By
extrapolation, as the number of dependents increases, available
time for work endeavors will decrease, reducing the incomeearning potential of an individual or family unit. Similarly, as the
number of dependents increases, so do the financial requirements
of caring for these dependents (Porter & Garman, 1993). Thus, the
expenses and liabilities of an individual grow as his or her dependents increase in number. Finally, as the number of dependents
increases, so does the risk of financial contingencies that may
161
affect the individual or family unit, decreasing the stability of
financial resources available to an individual or family unit. In
combination, we anticipate that the number of dependents will be
inversely related to financial security, and propose the following:
Hypothesis 2: Respondent number of dependents is inversely
related to financial security.
Convergent Validity
Convergent validity reflects the extent to which a measure
relates to similar constructs. Prior research has positively linked
income and financial security (Joo & Grable, 2004; Strumpel,
1976). Income is earned through wages, retirement accounts, interest or dividends from investments, trusts, and the sale of products or services, and may reflect the income of an individual,
dyadic relationship, and family unit. Thus, as income increases,
individuals generally experience greater financial security (cf.,
Porter & Garman, 1993), and we propose the following:
Hypothesis 3: Family income is positively related to financial
security.
Similarly, family systems theories would predict that financial
security is a shared perception among family members who are
cognizant of the family’s resources (Kim et al., 2017; White,
Klein, & Martin, 2014). Specifically, although individual differences, such as negative affectivity, and participation in financial
decision-making (Kim et al., 2017) theoretically influence perceptions of this state, we would expect that partner assessments of
financial security would be positively related to one another if
financial security is linked to the objective financial conditions of
the family unit. Thus, we propose the following:
Hypothesis 4: Within a marital relationship or committed
partnership, partner reports of financial security are positively
related to one another.
Criterion-Related Validity: Work Attitudes and
Strains
Having theorized about the antecedents and correlates of financial security, we now pivot to consider the consequences of financial security at work and home.
Job satisfaction. Job satisfaction is defined as a “positive (or
negative) evaluative judgment one makes about one’s job or job
situation” (Weiss, 2002, p. 175). Job satisfaction is one of the most
important work-related attitudes (Freeman, 1978) and is positively
related to employee performance (Bateman & Organ, 1983; Fassina, Jones, & Uggerslev, 2008; Judge, Thoresen, Bono, & Patton,
2001), with important ramifications for organizational functioning
(Harter, Schmidt, & Hayes, 2002). Locke (1969, 1970) theorized
that job satisfaction reflects the ability of employees to realize their
goals at work. As such, employees are more satisfied with their
jobs as they realize personal and professional goals (Munyon,
Hochwarter, Perrewé, & Ferris, 2010). Given that most employees
work to satisfy financial needs (for a related discussion, see Mitchell & Mickel, 1999), we anticipate that the realization of financial
security will elevate job satisfaction for the employee. Conversely,
the inability to become financially secure may reduce job satisfac-
162
MUNYON, CARNES, LYONS, AND ZETTLER
tion, as employees are unable to realize this desired state, despite
engaging in work intended toward this aim. Consequently, we
propose the following:
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