Week 8 Lost Honor of Katharina Blum Paper - Humanities
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Week 8: Screening Terror and Its Discontents
Class work due by the next Tuesday morning (May 26th) before 10 am.
1. Please watch video lecture 1 (German Terrorism (Links to an external site.))
2. Please read sections from Christine Gerhardt Screening the Red Army Faction
2018; read pages 1-23 and 35-36).
3. Please watch video lecture 2 (The Lost Honor of Katharina Blum; Böll (Links to an
external site.))
4. Please watch Margarethe von Trotta and Volker Schlöndorff. Lost Honor of
Katharina Blum (Links to an external site.)(1975).
5. Please watch video lecture 3 (The Lost Honor of Katharina Blum (Links to an
external site.); Trotta and Schlöndorff), contribute to discussion 1 (opening sequence)
and discussion 2 (Surveillance and Gazing).
6. Please complete the writing assignment.
Guideline: Discussion 1 opening sequence
Discussion (Lost Honor of Katharina Blum) 1
Please view this clip (Links to an external site.) from the opening sequence of The
Lost Honor of Katharina Blum (1975).
What is the relationship between the film’s camera position and the camera within the
scene? Where does the relationship between these two cameras place the film’s
audience and shape the viewer’s understanding of the film? (250 words)
Guideline: Discussion 2 Surveillance and Gazing
Discussion (The Lost Honor of Katharina Blum) 2
In her essay, Gerhardt points to this scene (Links to an external site.) and suggests at
least two possible interpretations of the camera perspective: The wide-angle shot
allows the viewer to see the numerous police officers, who move between the camera
and Katharina, searching her apartment for evidence. The shot could draw on the
viewers empathy, as Katharina is forced to undress in front of the officers, all of
whom, except for the woman who accompanied her, are male. Or it could put the
viewer in a voyeuristic position, watching her undress (page 21).
How do you interpret this scene? What does it say about the films representation of
acts of surveillance, of gazing at others and placing them under scrutiny? (250
words)
Guideline: Writing assignment
Writing (Lost Honor of Katharina Blum)
As Gerhardt observes in her essay, the film closes with the journalist’s funeral
and “an address in which the speaker states the shots fired hit not only Tötges [the
journalist] but also the freedom of the press and democracy in general. The talk
serves as a rallying call to uphold journalistic rights, without engaging or putting into
question the dubious methods used to gather information or his ethical violations”
(pages 15-6). Based on your viewing of the film, how does this ending affirm or
subvert the film’s depiction of the relationship between the media, state security
forces, and democratic governance? (500 words)
Christina Gerhardt, Screening the Red Army Faction (Bloomsbury 2018)
3
How Violence Comes about and to
What It Can Lead:
The RAF, Surveillance, and the German
Autumn in Cinema, 1966-78
If the decade of the long sixties (1957-72) marks one of the most incredible histo1ical
mptures world\\�de mth changes demanded at work, the university, school, and home, the
decade of the long seventies (1967-82) showed a reb·eat to the domestic sphere and was a
watershed for the rise in secmity discourse, both as a result of the laws passed and surveillance
apparatuses implemented.! Near the outset of this long decade, in 1969, the Social Democratic
Party (SPD, Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutsch/ands) was in power under Chancellor Willy
Brandt (1969-74), followed by Helmut Schmidt (SPD, 1974-82); by the long decades end, the
chancellorship returned to the Chtistian Democratic Union (CDU, Christlich Demokratische
Union). While West Genuanys political and legal systems sought to counteract terro1ism by
ratifying legislation and developing security systems,i cinematic representations of terro1ism
focused mainly on two issues. First, at the beginning of the long 1970s, students of the then
newly established Gennan Film and Tele,�on Academy Berlin (dffb, Deutsche Film- and
Femsehakademie Berlin) picked up on the late 1960s discourse about the consistently hostile
depictions of tl1e student movements in media, especially of the Sptinger press, discussed in
Chapter 2, and engaged it in their films. Second and subsequently, 1970s New German Cinema
-coupling this concern mth tl1e ratification of the numerous repressive laws and increased se
cmity apparatuses of the state-noted the heightened surveillance and atmosphere of fear, and
questioned the relationship among institutions of power, such as mechanisJns of governance,
jmidical institutions, and corporate media.:!
The laws that were passed over the course of the 1970s had created an increasingly tense
political environment. On May 30, 1968, the Emergency Laws (Notstandsgesetze), a stipulation
1
of the occupying Western Allies after the Second World War and first drafted in 1958, were
ratified.4 Initially, the SPD had taken a firm stance against the proposed laws. But, as argued
in Chapter 1, in the 1959 Godesberg Program and onward over the course of the 1960s, the
SPDs politics slid across the political spectrum to the right. By 1966 the SPD changed its polit
ical course to such an extent that it formed a Grand Coalition with the conservative CDU and
signed off on the laws. Social movements had consistently protested the ratification since they
allowed the suspension of civil liberties, permitting the government to intercept personal mail
or telephone communications when a state of emergency was declared. Yet as historian Josef
Foschepoth argues in Uberwachtes Deutsch/and (Surveilled Germany), this type of intercep
tion of communications had taken place in West Germany since its founding, at the insistence
of the occupying allied forces, in particular, the United States and the United Kingdom.5
Additional new legislation placed civil servants under particular scmtiny. On January
28, 1972, the West German government passed the Basic Principles on the Question of Anti
Constitutional Personnel in the Public Service (Die Grundsiitze ziir Frage der ve,fassungs
feindlichen Kriifte im offentlichem Dienst), known as theAnti-Radical Decree (Radikalen
erlass) in common parlance and as theCareer Ban (Berufsverbot) by its critics.§ This law
allowed firing of ch�) servants who expressed opinions deemed to stand in opposition to the
West German constitution (to be ve1fassungswidrig), which, as a direct consequence of the
fascist era, states explicitly that one cannot threaten the existence of the state as a democracy.
Moreover, indicative of the new Cold War era, membership in a political party, such as the
German Communist Party (DKP, Deutsche Kommunistische Parter), reestablished in 1968,
constituted grounds for a questionable allegiance to the constitution.z As a result of this law,
which is still in effect in some German states, intelligence agencies checked the political beliefs
of about 3.5 million persons and passed on the names of 35,000 suspect applicants to hiring
authorities, who barred approximately 2,250 applicants for political reasons. In addition, 2000
to 2100 public servants were subject to disciplinary proceedings, and 256 were dismissed.§.
The ratification of the Emergency Laws in 1968 and the Professional Ban in 1972 kicked off a
decade of heightened state security.9
This state of security was also in evidence in tl1e ramped up federal agencies. The Federal
Criminal Office (BKA, Bundeskriminalamt) tripled its staff. Over the course of the 1970s, the
BKAs efforts to combat terrorism were centralized and expanded considerably under Horst
Herold, who directed the agency from 1971 to 1981 and was the main figure associated mtl1 the
states security efforts.lJ! In 1971, the taskforce on terrorism (S011derko111111issio11 Terrorismus)
was set up.!! Alfred Klaus played a key role in its founding and its focus on the Red Army Fae2
tion (RAF). He was known for visiting the family of the Red Anny Faction members, in order to
get a sense of their familial background. In 1972 Herold, nicknamed Commissar Computer,
consolidated and computerized criminal technology and research, establishing a database, the
INPOL (information system of the police), which located the data dragnet (Raste1fahnd11ng)
at the BKA. The database penuitted gathered data to be so1ted for specific clues found in re
lationship to RAF members-for example, the tendency to use a fake name on leases or to pay
rent and utility bills in cash rather than through a bank transfer-against the patterns of other
people in an attempt to filter and track down fmther members. In 1975, a bureau dedicated to
fighting te!1orism was established within the BKA and headed by Gerhard Boeden.
Additionally, the elite countertel1orism taskforce unit, the GSG 9 (Grenzsc/111tzgr11ppe 9 or
Border Protection Group 9), was set up in response to the hostage c1isis at the 1972 Olympics
in Munich, in which eight members of the Palestinian terro1ist group Black Septemberll took
eleven Israeli athletes hostage. They demanded that 234 Palestinian p1isoners held in Israel as
well as Andreas Baader, Gudmn Ensslin, Ubike Meinhof, and others, such as Okamoto Kozo
(Japanese Red Anny),!.3 be freed.!4 In the ensuing standoff witl1 the West Genuan police, all
eleven hostages, one police officer, and five of the eight terro1ists were killed..!!i In response, the
West Gennan Ministry of tl1e Interior not only established the GSG 9 but also tiiggered the
Blitish and the French to establish elite counte1terrorism teams of their own..l!i The GSG 9, still
extant, trains specifically to fight terrorism, disarm bombs, and free hostages; and it can, �th
permission of the host countly, be deployed in other countries. Over the course of the 1970s, the
GSG 9 would play a cmcial role in the increasing number of hijackings and hostage c1ises, for
example, in the liberation of hostages from the Lufthansa jet Landshut hijacked by RAF ter
r01ists to Mogadishu in 1977 dming the events of German Autumn.
Not only the Professional Ban but also numerous laws ratified in the decade between 1967
and 1977 increased federal scrutiny of political ,�ews, in pa1ticular those deemed to be sedi
tious. In 1976, Section 88a of the Criminal Code was passed, making it a crime to challenge or
advocate a challenge to the West Genuan constitution, since it established and guaranteed the
democratic order. In October of 1976, Section 129 of the Climinal Code, which banned fonning,
promoting, or pa1ticipating in a climinal organization, was expanded to Section 129a, making
it a crime to fonn, support, or promote a domestic terrorist organization.!2 And in 1976, Section
130a of the Criminal Code was passed, making it a c1ime to \\�ite, publish, or distribute texts
advocating violence.
Taken together, these laws created and added to the starkly bifurcated political climate
characterizing 1970s West Germany.!l! In light of tl1e terro1ist attacks that took place dming
3
this decade, some believed the best way to protect the democracy was to turn to an increas
ingly authoritarian government, continuing the concept of a militant democracy (streitbare
Demokratie), which the CDU championed between 1949 and 1969.!.!l For others, the laws
passed did not strengthen but rather undermined the democracy and the civil libe1ties it should
accord its residents. Justified or not, the laws and the ramped up security apparatus-which
included increased police sweeps, street roadblocks for identification paper checks and car
searches, police presence on public transportation, as well as federal information-gathering
and storing in a centralized databank-led to an increasingly tense atmosphere in West Ger
many over the course of the 1970s. As Jeremy Varon argues in Bringing the War Home: 11,e
Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction and the Revolutionary Violence ofthe 1960s
and the 1970s, What people remember about the era is typically not only the pervasive fear of
terrorist violence but also the tremendous constriction of thought and feeling caused by height
ened demands for loyalty to the state, enforced, in part, by repression.2°
Cinema of what I am calling the long seventies (1967-82) shows visible signs of this
constriction and fear,l! and a shift in debates around terrorism. In the late 1960s, early films of
the dffb picked up on discourses discussed in Chapter 2 and focused on the corporate medias
depiction of student movements. By the early 1970s, New German Cinema films marked the
change in politics and discourse: while they still considered the role of media, a new preoccu
pation with surveillance mechanisms, a heightened state of security, and its effects on personal
lives had come to the fore.
As will be discussed subsequently, these twin considerations of media and surveillance man
ifest thematically and aesthetically in the mid-decade film, directed by Volker Schlondorff and
Margarethe von Trotta, Lost Honor of Katharina Blum (1975). Toward the end of this decade,
Germany in Autumn (1978), created by eleven New German Cinema directors, traced the im
pact of the decades repression on media and on personal lives.
dftb Films of the Late 1960s: Protest Move
ments and Media Coverage
In the late 1960s, as the social movements were approaching their peak, the German Film and
Television Academy Berlin, or dffb, was established in 1966 in West-Berlin at the front lines of
the uprisings.gg As a result, students of the early dffb often engaged its main preoccupations,
focusing, among other things, on tl1e 1960s consistently hostile depictions of social movements
4
in corporate media, especially of the Springer press. Not only did the students concentrate
on the uprisings thematically, they also acted in solida1ity.1.1 When the Emergency Laws were
passed, students occupied the dffb from May 30 to June 10, 1968, renaming it the Dziga Vertov
School. 111ese students were expelled on November 18, 1968, for trespassing and occupying the
school.� According to one account, a higher court later dismissed the decision and reinstituted
the students 1ight to attend the dffb.£5
The dffb was founded, in part, in response to the Oberhausen Manifesto, an appeal put for
ward by twenty-six directors on Febmary 28, 1962, that demanded, not explicitly but de facto,
a radical revamping of the West Gennan television and film industry, its funding mechanisms,
as well as the establishment of schools.� In 1962, Oberhausen signatories Alexander Kluge
and Detten Schleienuacher, together with Edgar Reitz, cofounded West Germanys first film
school, the Ulm Institute for Film Design (Institut fiir Filmgestaltung Ulm) at the Hochsch11/e
fiir Gestaltimg Ulm (School of Design Ulm). As Eric Rentschler, Wliting about the Oberhausen
Manifesto on the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary, pointed out, Despite substantial opposi
tion, the initiative proved a valuable catalyst with significant and lasting results, including, but
not limited to the founding of film academies in Ulm, West Berlin and Munich.12 The Uni
versity of Television and Film in Munich (hff, Hochsch11/efiir Femsehen 1111d Film Miinchen),
which was established on July 19, 1966, officially opened on November 6, 1967.28 While the so
cial movements of the late 1960s discussed in Chapter 1 have become canonical for histolies of
the era, and New Genuan Cinema has become memo1ialized as the best-known post-Second
World War West German school of filmmaking, and across the border in France, the earlier
French New Wave films directed by Jean-Luc Godard and the subsequent Left Bank cinema
of Cluis Marker and Agnes Varda is tied inextlicably to the social movements, West Germanys
connection to its own peliod of expelimental or avant-garde filmmaking has been radically
overlooked.&!! Yet it is manifest in the early work of the dffb, where experiments with fonn and
engagement with politics converged. Revisiting them, on the one hand, pro,�des a new angle
on the political preoccupations of the time, and, on the other hand, contributes a new reading
to West Genuan film history of the 196os.3Q
On September 17, 1966, West-Berlin mayor Willy Brandt and founding codirectors Erwin
Leiser and Heinz Rathsack cut the Iibbon, thereby officially opening the dffb. Of over 800 ap
plicants, 35 were selected for the dffbs inaugural class.3.! It included Jorg-Michael Baldenius,
Johannes Beringer, Hartmut Bitomsky, Karl Dieter Briel, Gerd Conradt, Lutz Eisholz, Hamn
Farocki, Bernd Fielder, Wolf Grenun, Frank Griitzbach, 1110mas Hartwig, Holger Meins, Hans
Riidiger Minow, Thomas Mitscherlich, Wolfgang Petersen, Helke Sander, Daniel Schmid,
5
Gerry Schumm, Irena Vrkljan, Max Wilutzki, and Christian Ziewer.ll Fassbinder, whose work
will be discussed in greater detail further on in this chapter, was turned down in 1966 with the
assessment that he lacked the requisite training/Knowledge Films: insufficient.33 His subse
quent application in 1967 was also rejected. Accepted students of the early dffb included future
RAF member Holger Meins and future June 2 Movement member Philip Werner Sauber.
Along with Ha1tmut Bitomsky, Hamn Farocki was among the dffbs first generations best
known directors. Farocki remained affiliated with the school, influential in his o,�11 right and
through his work ,�ith the contemporary Berlin School director, Christian Petzold, up to his
death in 2014.&1 Although many of Farockis early films of the late 1960s thematically relate
directly to the social movements, his first film, Zwei Wege (1\vo Ways or 1\vo Paths, 1966),
produced for German television, engages conceptually with the late 1960s discourse about
how to read corporate media depictions of the student uprisings. Farockis film, stylistically,
offers two ways to interpret-in this case, an image or an oil painting-through its use of close
ups, breaking down the image \\�th the camera, as Tilman Baumgii1tel described the film
on Farockis website.35 While the film dovetails with Farockis later oeuvre-for example, as
Baumgartel states, Farocki would return to questions of how to read images in his later essay
films of the 1980s, Wie man sieht (How One Sees, 1986) and Bilder der Welt (Images of the
World, 1988}-it also illuminates the eras preoccupation with competing narratives about then
occurring events. Vitally, Farockis film underscores the importance of aesthetics or form, in
tandem 1,�th thematics, which informs the subsequent dffb films discussed.
One of his best-known films of the era, Die �Vorte des Vorsitzenden (The Words of the
Chairman, 1967), consists of quotations from Maos Little Red Book.3§ Pages from the book
are torn out and while Helke Sander (off screen) reads quotations from Marshal Lin Biaos
introduction, the pages are folded into little paper airplanes, affLxed to a pin, and launched.
They land in the soup plates of two persons seated at a white tablecloth draped and well-set
table. The two people wear the paper bags over their heads, mentioned in Chapter 1, adorned
with the images of the Shah of Iran and his wife, and worn by students at the June 2, 1967,
demonstrations (see Figures 1.1 and 1.2). The film was created in October 1967, after the June
2, 1967, demonstrations, which Farocki, writing about the film on his website, states he had
missed, as he had just departed on a ship bound for Venezuela, in one of the numerous signs
of the movements international ties.32 The idea for this film, he states, came to him aboard the
ship. In the film, he writes, the words metaphorically become weapons. TI1e film was screened
regularly at teach-ins in West-Berlin in the late 1960s and garnered intense if not necessarily
uniform responses.al! It aired on June 27, 1969, on the West German tele�sion channel ZDF.
6
Helke Sanders film Brecht die Mach ...
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