Waldorf University Human Species Evolution Development Essay - Humanities
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Article 29_______ _
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The Birth of Childhood
Unlike other apes, humans depend on their parents for a long period
after weaning. But when—and why—did our long childhood evolve?
Ann Gibbons
el was just 3.5 years old when his mother died of
ancient children and have now developed an arsenal of tools to
pneumonia in 1987 in Tanzania. He had still been
better gauge how childhood has changed over the past 3 mil
nursing and had no siblings, so his prospects were
lion years. Researchers are scanning skulls and teeth of every
grim. He begged weakly for meat, and although adults gaveknown
him
juvenile with electron microscopes, micro-computed
scraps, only a 12-year-old named Spindle shared his food regu
tomography scans, or powerful synchrotron x-rays and apply
larly, protected him, and let him sleep with him at night. When
ing state-of-the-art methods to create three-dimensional vir
Spindle took off for a month, another adolescent, Pax, came to
tual reconstructions of the skulls of infants and the pelvises of
Mel’s rescue, giving him fruit and a place to sleep until Spindle
mothers. They’re analyzing life histories in traditional cultures
returned. Mel survived to age 10.
to help understand the advantages of the human condition.
Fortunately for Mel, he was an orphan chimpanzee living in
In addition, some new fossils are appearing.... Researchers
the Gombe Stream National Park rather than a small child living
report the first nearly complete pelvis of a female Homo erec
in the slums of a big city. With only sporadic care from older
tus, which offers clues to the prenatal growth of this key human
children, a 3-year-old human orphan would not have survived.
species.
Mel’s story illustrates the uniqueness of one facet of human
All of this is creating some surprises. One direct human
life: Unlike our close cousins the chimpanzees, we have a pro
ancestor, whose skeleton looks much like our own, turns out
longed period of development after weaning, when children
to have grown up much faster than we do. The life histories of
depend on their parents to feed them, until at least age 6 or 7.
our closest evolutionary cousins, the Neandertals, remain con
Street children from Kathmandu to Rio de Janeiro do not
troversial, but some researchers suspect that they may have had
survive on their own unless they are at least 6. “There’s no
the longest childhoods of all. The new lines of evidence are
society where children can feed themselves after weaning,”
helping researchers close in on the time when childhood began
says anthropologist Kristen Hawkes of the University of
to lengthen. “Evidence suggests that much of what makes our
Utah in Salt Lake City. By contrast, “chimpanzees don’t have
life history unique took shape during the evolution of the genus
childhoods. They are independent soon after weaning,” says
Homo and not before,” says anthropologist Holly Smith of the
anthropologist Barry Bogin of Loughborough University in
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Leicestershire, U.K.
Humans are also the only animals that stretch out the teen
Live Fast, Die Young
age years, having a final growth spurt and delaying reproduc
tion until about 6 years after puberty. On average, women’s first
Back in 1925, Australian anatomist Raymond Dart announced
babies arrive at age 19, with a worldwide peak of first babies at
the discovery of that rarest of rare specimens, the skull of an
age 22.5. This lengthy period of development—comprised of
early hominin child. Dart estimated that the australopithecine he
infancy, juvenile years, and adolescence—is a hallmark of the
called the Taung baby had been about 6 years old when it died
human condition; researchers have known since the 1930s that
about 2million years ago, because its first permanent molar had
we take twice as long as chimpanzees to reach adulthood. Even
erupted. As modern parents know, the first of the baby teeth fall
though we are only a bit bigger than chimpanzees, we mature
out and the first permanent molars appear at about age 6. Dart
and reproduce a decade later and live 2 to 3 decades longer,
assumed that early hominins—the group made up of humans
says Bogin.
and our ancestors but not other apes—matured on much the
Given that we are unique among mammals, researchers
same schedule as we do, an assumption held for 60 years. Grow
have been probing how this pattern of growth evolved. They
ing up slowly was seen as a defining character of the human
have long scrutinized the few, fragile skulls and skeletons of
lineage.
M
144
Article 29. The Birth of Childhood
Childhood Stages
Chimpanzees, Pan troglodytes
Lucy, Australopithecus afarensis
Homo erectus
Modern humans, Homo sapiens
Age at
Weaning
(Years)
4.0
4.0?
?
2.5
Age at
Eruption of First
Molar (Years)
4.0
4.0?
4.5
6.0
Female Age at First
Breeding (Years)
(Estimated by 3rd Molar
Eruption in Fossils)
11.5
11.5
14.5 (est.)
19.3
Average
Maximum
Life Span
(Years)
45
45
60? (est.)
70
Milestones. Key events show that modern humans live slower and die later than our ancestors did.
Then in 1984, anatomists Christopher Dean and Timothy
Bromage tested a new method to calculate the chronological
ages of fossil children in a lab at University College London
(UCL). Just as botanists add up tree rings to calculate the age
of a tree, they counted microscopic lines on the surface of teeth
that are laid down weekly as humans grow. The pair counted the
lines on teeth of australopithecine children about as mature as
the Taung child and were confounded: These hominin children
were only about 3.5 years old rather than 6. They seemed to be
closer to the chimpanzee pattern, in which the first permanent
molar erupts at about age 3.5. “We concluded that [the australopithecines] were more like living great apes in their pace of
development than modem humans,” says Dean.
Their report in Nature in 1985 shook the field and focused
researchers on the key questions of when and why our ancestors
adopted the risky strategy of delaying reproduction. Many other
slow-growing, large-bodied animals, such as rhinos, elephants,
and chimpanzees, are now threatened with extinction, in part
because they delay reproduction so long that their offspring risk
dying before they replace themselves. Humans are the latest to
begin reproducing, yet we seem immune from those risks, given
that there are 6.6 billion of us on the planet. “When did we
escape those constraints? When did we extend our childhood?”
asks biological anthropologist Steven Leigh of the University of
Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.
The Taung baby and the other australopithecine children,
including the relatively recent discovery of a stunning fossil
of a 3-year-old Australopithecus afarensis girl from Dikika,
Ethiopia, show that it happened after the australopithecines. So
researchers have zeroed in on early Homo, which appeared in
Africa about 2 million years ago.
Unfortunately, there are only a few jaw bits of early Homo
infants and young children to nail down their ages. Most of what
we know comes from a single skeleton, a H. erectus boy who
died about 1.6 million years ago near Lake Turkana, Kenya.
H. erectus was among the first human ancestors to share many key
elements of the modem human body plan, with a brain consider
ably larger than that of earlier hominins. And unlike the petite
australopithecines, this Turkana youth was big: He weighed
50 kilograms, stood 163 centimeters tall, and looked like he was
13 years old, based on modem human standards. Yet two indepen
dent tooth studies suggested ages from 8 or 9 to 10.5 years old.
145
Now a fresh look at the skeleton concludes that, despite the
boy’s size, he was closer to 8 years old when he died. Dean and
Smith make this case in a paper in press in an edited volume,
The First Humans: Origin of the Genus Homo. The skeleton
and tooth microstructure of the boy and new data on other mem
bers of his species suggest that he attained more of his adult
height and mass earlier than modem human children do. Today,
“you won’t find an 8-year-old boy with body weight, height,
and skeletal age that are so much older,” says Dean.
He and Smith concluded that the boy did not experience a
“long, slow period of growth” after he was weaned but grew
up earlier, more like a chimpanzee. They estimate the species’
age at first reproduction at about 14.5, based on the eruption of
its third molar, which in both humans and chimpanzees erupts
at about the age they first reproduce. This 8-year-old Turkana
Boy was probably more independent than a 13-year-old mod
em human, the researchers say, suggesting that H. erectus fami
lies were quite different from ours and did not stay together as
long.
The new, remarkably complete female pelvis, however, sug
gests that life history changes had begun in H. erectas. Research
ers led by Sileshi Semaw of the Stone Age Institute at Indiana
University, Bloomington, found the pelvis in the badlands of
Gona, Ethiopia. They present a chain of inference that leads
from pelvis, to brain size, to life history strategy.
They assume that the nearly complete pelvis belongs to
H. erectus, because other H. erectus fossils were found nearby
and because it resembles fragmentary pelvises for the species.
Lead author Scott Simpson of Case Western Reserve University
in Cleveland, Ohio, paints a vivid picture of a short female with
wide hips and an “obstetrically capacious” pelvic opening that
could have birthed babies with brain sizes of up to 315 milli
liters. That’s 30\% to 50\% of the adult brain size for this species
and larger than previously predicted based on a reconstruction
of the Turkana Boy’s incomplete pelvis. However, the new esti
mate does match with newborn brain size predicted by the size
of adult brains in H. erectus, says Jeremy DeSilva of Worcester
State College in Massachusetts, who made such calculations
online in September in the Journal of Human Evolution.
The wide pelvis suggests H. erectus got a head start on its brain
development, putting on extra gray matter in utero rather than
later in childhood. That’s similar to living people, whose brains
ANNUAL EDITIONS
weeks last year imaging juvenile Neandertals and early member
of H. sapiens, and they expect to publish within a year.
Meanwhile, new data with implications for Neanderta
growth rates are coming in from other sources. The brain size
of a Neandertal newborn and two infants show that they were a
the upper end of the size range for modern humans, suggestin
that their brains grew faster than ours after birth, according t(
virtual reconstructions by Christoph Zollikofer and anthropolo
gist Marcia Ponce de León of the University of Zurich {Science
12 September, p. 1429).
Those rapidly growing brains don’t necessarily imply a rapie
life history, warn Zollikofer and Ponce de León. They argue tha
because Neandertals’ brains were more massive, they did no
complete brain growth earlier than modern humans even thougl
they grew at a faster rate. “They have to get those bigger brainj
somehow,” says Holly Smith. For now, Neandertals’ life history
remains controversial.
grow rapidly before birth, says Simpson. But if H. erectuss
fetal growth approached that of modem humans, it built propor
tionately more of its brain before birth, because its brain never
became as massive as our own.
Thus, H. erectus grew its brain before birth like a modern
human, while during childhood it grew up faster like an ape.
With a brain developing early, H. erectus toddlers may have
spent less time as helpless children than modern humans do,
says paleoanthropologist Alan Walker of Pennsylvania State
University in State College. This suggests H. erectus children
were neither chimplike nor humanlike but perhaps somewhere
in between: “Early H. erectus possessed a life history unlike
any species living today,” write Dean and Smith. “If you look
at its morphology, it fits in our genus, Homo, says Smith.
“But in terms of life history, they fit with australopithecines.”
Live Slow, Die Old?
If H. erectus was just beginning to slow down its life history,
when did humans take the last steps, to our current late-maturing
life plan? Three juvenile fossil members of H. antecessor, who
died 800,000 years ago in Atapuerca, Spain, offer tantalizing
clues. An initial study in 1999, based on rough estimates of tooth
eruption, found that this species matured like a modem human,
says José María Bermúdez de Castro of the Museo Nacional de
Ciencias Naturales in Madrid. Detailed studies of tooth micro
structure are eagerly awaited to confirm this.
In the meantime, another recent study has shown that
childhood was fully extended by the time the first members
of our species, H. sapiens, appeared in northern Africa about
200,000 years ago. In 2007, researchers examined the daily,
internal tooth lines of a H. sapiens child who lived 160,000
years ago in Jebel Irhoud, Morocco. They used x-rays from
a powerful particle accelerator in Grenoble, France {Science,
7 December 2007, p. 1546), to study the teeth without destroy
ing them and found that the 8-year-old Jebel Irhoud child
had grown as slowly as a modern 8-year-old, according to
Harvard University paleoanthropologist Tanya Smith, who
coled the study.
That analysis narrowed the window of time when humans
evolved the last extension of our childhood to between 800,000
years ago and 200,000 years ago. To constrain it still further,
Tanya Smith and her colleagues recently trained their x-ray
vision on our closest relatives: the extinct Neandertals, who
shared their last ancestor with us about 500,000 years ago. First,
the researchers sliced a molar of a Belgian Neandertal that was
at the same stage of dental development as the 8-year-old Jebel
Irhoud child and counted its internal growth lines. They found
that it had reached the same dental milestones more rapidly and
proposed that Neandertals grew up faster than we do. That sug
gests that a fully extended childhood evolved only in our spe
cies, in the past 200,000 years.
But Tanya Smith’s results conflict with earlier studies by Dean
and colleagues who also sliced Neandertal teeth and found that
they had formed slowly, like those of modem humans. The case is
not closed: Smith and paleontologist Paul Tafforeau of the Euro
pean Synchrotron Radiation Facility in Grenoble, France, spent
Why Wait?
If childhood began to change in H. erectus and continued to gel
longer in our own species and possibly Neandertals, then the
next question is why. What advantage did our ancestors gain
from delaying reproduction so long? Many researchers agree that
childhood allows us to learn from others, in order to improve our
survival skills and prepare us to be better parents. Historically,
researchers have also argued that humans need a long childhood
to allow enough time for our larger brain to mature.
But in fact, a big brain doesn’t directly cause the extension of
childhood, because the brain is built relatively early. “Everyone
speaks about slow human development, but the human brain
develops very fast,” says Zollikofer. It doubles in size in the
first year of life and achieves 95\% of its adult size by the age of
5 (although white matter grows at least to age 18). “We get our
brains done; then, we sit around for much longer than other spe
cies before we reproduce,” says Leigh. “It’s almost like humans
are building the outside, getting the scaffolding of the house up
early, and then filling in after that.”
However, there’s a less direct connection between brains and
life history: Big brains are so metabolically expensive that pri
mates must postpone the age of reproduction in order to build
them, according to a paper last year in the Journal of Human
Evolution {Science, 15 June 2007, p. 1560). “The high meta
bolic costs of rapid brain growth require delayed maturation
so that mothers can bear the metabolic burdens associated with
high brain growth,” says Leigh. “Fast brain growth tells us that
maturation is late.”
That’s why Ponce de León and Zollikofer think that the
Neandertals’ rapid brain growth implies late, rather than early,
maturation: Neandertal mothers must have been large and
strong—and by implication, relatively old—to support infants
with such big, fast-growing brains. Indeed, say the Zurich pair,
Neandertals may have had even longer childhoods than we do
now. Childhood, like brain size, may have reached its zenith
in Neandertals and early H. sapiens. As our brains got smaller
over the past 50,000 years, we might have begun reproducing
slightly earlier than Neandertals.
146
Article 29. The Birth of Childhood
To explore such questions, recent interdisciplinary studies are
teasing out the reproductive advantages of waiting to become
parents. Many analyses cite an influential life history model by
evolutionary biologist Eric Charnov of the University of New
Mexico, Albuquerque. The model shows that it pays to have
babies early if parents face a high risk of death. Conversely,
mammals that face a lower risk of dying benefit if they wait
to reproduce, because older mothers can grow bigger, stronger
bodies that grow bigger babies, who are more likely to survive.
“The driving force of a prolonged life history schedule is almost
certainly a reduction in mortality rates that allows growth and
life span to extend and allows for reproduction to extend further
into adulthood in a more spread-out manner,” says Dean.
Researchers such as Loughborough’s Bogin have applied
Chamov’s model to modem humans, proposing that delaying
reproduction creates higher quality human mothers. Indeed,
humans start having babies 8 years later than chimpanzees, and
both species stop by about age 45 to 50. But once human moth
ers begin, they more than make up for their delayed start, push
ing out babies on average 3.4 years apart in traditional forager
societies without birth control, compared with 5.9 years for wild
chimpanzees, says Bogin. This rapid-fire reproduction produces
more babies for human hunter-gatherers, who have peak fertil
ity rates of 0.31 babies per given year compared with 0.22 for
chimpanzees. And human mothers who start even later than age
19 have more surviving babies. For example, in the 1950s, the
Anabaptist Hutterites of North America, who eschewed birth
control, had their first babies on average at age 22 and then bore
children every 2 years. They produced an amazing nine children
per mother, says Bogin, who has studied the group.
Such fecundity, however, requires a village or at least an
extended family with fathers and grandmothers around to help
provision and care for the young. That’s something that other
primates cannot provide consistently, if at all, says Hawkes (Sci
ence, 25 April 1997, p. 535). She proposed that grandmothers’
provisioning allows mothers to wean early and have babies more
closely together, a vivid example of the way humans use social
connections to overcome biological constraints—and allow
mothers to have more babies than they could raise on their own.
“Late maturation works well for humans because culture lets us
escape the constraints other primates have,” says Leigh.
The key is to find out when our ancestors were weaned, says
Holly Smith. Younger weaning implies that mothers had enough
social support to feed weaned children and space babies more
closely. “Weaning tells us when Homo species start stacking
their young,” says Smith. Indeed, Dean and Louise Humphrey
of the Natural History Museum in London are testing a method
that detects the chemical signature of weaning in human teeth.
Humans may be slow starters, but our social safety net has
allowed us to stack our babies closely together— ...
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