short answer - Humanities
Describe three ways in which The Seven Year Itch supports Richard Dyer’s argument that Marilyn Monroe embodied the values that were important to 1950s audiences.How does the clipping from Picturegoer magazine reflect the Playboy discourse as described by Richard Dyer?What evidence does Dyer use to support his argument that Monroe’s star image reflected the mid twentieth-century discourse about female sexuality? Describe one example that Dyer uses to support his claim.Richard Dyer argues that, in order to understand why Marilyn Monroe continues to resonate with audiences today, we need to understand how she embodies contemporary values. Select one example of a way in which Monroe continues to circulate (). What values are represented in this impersonation or reference? Why do these values resonate today? You may choose from the following or find your own example: makeup tutorials and drag shows on YouTube; impersonations by celebrities like Kylie and Kendall Jenner, Kim Kardashian, Katy Perry, Beyoncé, or Dove Cameron; the advertisements for Snickers or Zales; Niki Minaj’s “Marilyn Monroe,” Madonna’s “Material Girl”; or the trailer for My Week with Marilyn starring Michelle Williams as Monroe. In your answer, be sure to identify the quality that is being referenced (Monroe’s beauty, sexiness, innocence, vulnerability, etc.) and explain how this quality is being used in the example.
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1. Describe three ways in which The Seven Year Itch supports Richard Dyer’s argument
that Marilyn Monroe embodied the values that were important to 1950s audiences.
2. How does the clipping from Picturegoer magazine reflect the Playboy discourse as
described by Richard Dyer?
3. What evidence does Dyer use to support his argument that Monroe’s star image
reflected the mid twentieth-century discourse about female sexuality? Describe one
example that Dyer uses to support his claim.
4. Richard Dyer argues that, in order to understand why Marilyn Monroe continues to
resonate with audiences today, we need to understand how she embodies
contemporary values. Select one example of a way in which Monroe continues to
circulate (). What values are represented in this impersonation or reference? Why do
these values resonate today? You may choose from the following or find your own
example: makeup tutorials and drag shows on YouTube; impersonations by celebrities
like Kylie and Kendall Jenner, Kim Kardashian, Katy Perry, Beyoncé, or Dove Cameron;
the advertisements for Snickers or Zales; Niki Minaj’s “Marilyn Monroe,” Madonna’s
“Material Girl”; or the trailer for My Week with Marilyn starring Michelle Williams as
Monroe. In your answer, be sure to identify the quality that is being referenced
(Monroe’s beauty, sexiness, innocence, vulnerability, etc.) and explain how this quality
is being used in the example.
Chapter 1
Monroe and sexuality
Richard Dyer, Heavenly Bodies 2nd Edition. (New York: Routledge,
2004).
The denial of the body is delusion. No woman transcends her body.
Joseph C. Rheingold
Men want women pink, helpless and do a lot of deep breathing.
Jayne Mansfield
Stars matter because they act out aspects of life that matter to us; and
performers get to be stars when what they act out matters to enough people.
Though there is a sense in which stars must touch on things that are deep
and constant features of human existence, such features never exist outside
a culturally and historically specific context. So, for example, sexual intercourse takes place in all human societies, but what intercourse means and
how much it matters alters from culture to culture, and within the history of
any culture. The argument in this chapter is that, in the fifties, there were
specific ideas of what sexuality meant and it was held to matter a very great
deal; and because Marilyn Monroe acted out those specific ideas, and
because they were felt to matter so much, she was charismatic, a centre of
attraction who seemed to embody what was taken to be a central feature of
human existence at that time.
My method is to read Monroe through the ideas about sexuality that
circulated in the fifties, ideas that I centre on two strands, the one most
forcefully represented by Playboy magazine, the other concerned with comprehending female sexuality. I want to use the term ‘discourse’ for these
strands, to indicate that we are not dealing with philosophically coherent
thought systems but rather with clusters of ideas, notions, feelings, images,
attitudes and assumptions that, taken together, make up distinctive ways of
thinking and feeling about things, of making a particular sense of the world.
A discourse runs across different media and practices, across different cultural levels – from the self-conscious Playboy ‘philosophy’ to the habitual
forms of the pin-up, from psychoanalytic theory through psychotherapeutic
practices to the imagery of popular magazines and best-selling novels.
18
Monroe and sexuality
To a large extent, the analysis which follows stays ‘within’ discourse.
Though I do make some reference to the material world which discourse
itself refers to, I don’t really analyse it in any detail. As far as my argument
goes, Monroe is charismatic because she embodies what the discourses designate as the important-at-the-time central features of human existence. In
this way I want to avoid a simplistic correlation between Monroe and either
the actual social structures of the fifties or the lived experience of ‘ordinary’
women and men. However, this is a limitation of my approach and I
wouldn’t want to give the impression that there is no correlation between
discourses, structures and experiences. If the discourses (and Monroe) did
not in fact have some purchase on how people lived in the social and economic conditions of their time, I do not see how they could have in any sense
worked or been effective; I don’t think people would have paid to go and see
her. But I do not show here just what the precise nature of the connections
between discourses, social structures and experiences are in this case.
In stressing the importance of sexuality in Marilyn Monroe’s image, it
might seem that I am just another commentator doing to Monroe what was
done to her throughout her life, treating her solely in terms of sex. Perhaps
that is a danger, but I hope that I am not just reproducing this attitude to
Monroe but trying to understand it and historicise it. Monroe may have
been a wit, a subtle and profound actress, an intelligent and serious woman;
I’ve no desire to dispute this and it is important to recognise and recover
those qualities against the grain of her image. But my purpose is to understand the grain itself, and there can be no question that this is overwhelmingly and relentlessly constructed in terms of sexuality. Monroe = sexuality
is a message that ran all the way from what the media made of her in the
pin-ups and movies to how her image became a reference point for sexuality
in the coinage of everyday speech.
She started her career as a pin-up, and one can find no type of image
more single-mindedly sexual than that. Pin-ups remained a constant and
vital aspect of her image right up to her death, and the pin-up style also
indelibly marked other aspects, such as public appearances and promotion
for films. The roles she was given, how she was filmed and the reviews she
got do little to counteract this emphasis.
She plays, from the beginning, ‘the girl’, defined solely by age, gender and
sexual appeal. In two films, she does not even have a name (Scudda Hoo!
Scudda Hay! 1948 and Love Happy 1950) and in three other cases, her
character has no biography beyond being ‘the blonde’ (Dangerous Years
1948, The Fireball 1950 and Right Cross 1950). Even when any information
about the character is supplied, it serves to reinforce the basic anonymity of
the role. For instance, when the character has a job, it is a job that – while it
may, like that of secretary, be in fact productive – is traditionally (or cinematically) thought of as being one where the woman is on show, there for
Monroe and sexuality
19
the pleasure of men. These jobs in Monroe’s early films are chorus girl
(Ladies of the Chorus 1948 (Figure 1.1) and Ticket to Tomahawk 1950),
actress (All About Eve 1950 – the film emphasises that the character has no
talent) or secretary (Home Town Story 1951, As Young As You Feel 1951
and Monkey Business 1952). There is very little advance on these roles in her
later career. She has no name in The Seven Year Itch 1955, even in the
credits she is just ‘the Girl’. She is a chorus girl in Gentlemen Prefer Blondes
1953, There’s No Business Like Show Business 1954, The Prince and the
Showgirl 1957 and Let’s Make Love 1960, and a solo artiste of no great
talent in River of No Return 1954, Bus Stop 1956 and Some Like It Hot
1959. She is a model (hardly an extension of the role repertoire) in How to
Marry a Millionaire 1953 and The Seven Year Itch 1955, and a prostitute in
O. Henry’s Full House 1952. Thus even in her prestige roles, Bus Stop and
The Prince and the Showgirl, the social status of the person she plays
remains the same (this does not mean, of course, that there is no difference
between these characters or their portrayal). The tendency to treat her as
nothing more than her gender reaches its peak with The Misfits 1961,
where, from being the ‘girl’ in the early films, she now becomes the ‘woman’,
or perhaps just ‘Woman’ – Roslyn has no biography, she is just ‘a divorcee’;
the symbolic structure of the film relates her to Nature, the antithesis of
culture, career, society, history . . .
There is no question that Monroe did a lot with these roles, but it is
nearly always against the grain of how they are written, and how they are
Figure 1.1 Monroe as chorus doll in Ladies of the Chorus 1948
20
Monroe and sexuality
filmed too. She is knitted into the fabric of the film through point-of-view
shots located in male characters – even in the later films, and virtually
always in the earlier ones, she is set up as an object of male sexual gaze.
Frequently too she is placed within the frame of the camera in such a way
as to stand out in silhouette, a side-on tits and arse positioning obsessively
repeated throughout her films. One of the most sustained treatments of her
as sexual spectacle is in The Prince and the Showgirl, a film produced by her
own company and directed by Sir Laurence Olivier, a film you might expect
to be different in approach. Superficially it is – the lines more theatrically
witty, the sets more tastefully dressed than in her Twentieth Century Fox
extravaganzas. Yet the film constantly plays with our supposed desire to see
Monroe as sexual spectacle. The first few minutes of the film concerning the
Monroe character, Elsie, are set backstage at ‘The Cocoanut Girl’, in and
around the showgirls’ dressing room. Such settings always raise voyeurs’
hopes, and the film teases them. One shot follows the call boy along the
passage to the dressing room that Elsie shares with the other girls; he
knocks and enters, leaving the door open, but from where the camera is
positioned we can’t see the girls; after a moment, however, the camera
cranes round so that it/we can see in on the girls, but the tease is also a cheat
– they are all fully dressed. Later in the film Monroe and Olivier are posed
on either side of the screen (Figure 1.2). Olivier is face-on, in a shapeless
dressing-gown against a dark background of bookshelves – his figure is not
clearly visible and the mise-en-scène identifies him with the intellect
(books). Monroe is posed side-on, in a tight dress that facilitates another
tits and arse shot as in earlier films. Behind her is a nude female statuette.
Her figure is thrust at us, and the mise-en-scène identifies her with womanas-body, woman-as-spectacle.
Hardly surprisingly, the reviewers also saw her overwhelmingly in terms
of sex.1 Typical of the early period are descriptions of her as ‘a beautiful
blonde’ in The Asphalt Jungle 1950, ‘curvey Marilyn Monroe’ in As Young
As You Feel, as having a ‘shapely chassis’ and being ‘a beautiful blonde’ in
Let’s Make It Legal 1951. Just on the brink of full stardom (and after
having, as we now suppose, made a mark, beyond that of sex object, in The
Asphalt Jungle and All About Eve), a critic writes, à propos of We’re Not
Married 1952, ‘Marilyn Monroe supplies the beauty at which she is Hollywood’s currently foremost expert’. Barbara Stanwyck recalls the gentlemen
of the press, when they visited the lot of Clash By Night 1952, announcing
that they were not interested in her, Stanwyck, the star of the film – ‘We
don’t want to speak to her. We know everything about her. We want to talk
to the girl with the big tits’. Again, even as late as Some Like It Hot and
Let’s Make Love, the same kind of remarks are found among the reviews –
of the former: ‘. . . Miss Monroe, whose figure simply cannot be overlooked
. . .’ and of the latter: ‘. . . the famous charms are in evidence’. Thus the
direct physical presence of Monroe is never lost sight of behind other later
Monroe and sexuality
21
Figure 1.2 Monroe and Laurence Olivier in The Prince and the Showgirl © 1957
Marilyn Monroe Productions Inc. All rights reserved.
emphases, such as her wit or acting abilities, though it is true that there is a
certain jokey defensiveness about much of the later reviews’ harping on sex
appeal, as if in acknowledgement of the other claims made for Monroe in
the period.
Given this emphasis in the pin-ups, movies and reviews, it is not surprising
that Monroe became virtually a household word for sex. It is, for obvious
reasons, harder to marshal the evidence for this. I recall it myself and many
people I have spoken to remember it too. A couple of quotations may bring
it to life.
The first, in the sociological study Coal Is Our Life by Norman Dennis,
Fernando Henriques and Clifford Slaughter, records the impact of Monroe’s appearance in Niagara 1953 on a group of miners and their wives in
the north-east of England. This is particularly interesting. So much is Monroe part of the coinage of everyday speech, she can be used to exemplify
quite different ways of thinking and feeling about sex:
In the bookie’s office or at the pit they made jokes about the suggestiveness of Miss Monroe, about her possible effect on certain persons
22
Monroe and sexuality
present, and about her nickname, ‘The Body’. Indeed any man seemed to
gain something in stature and recognition if he could contribute some
lewd remark to the conversation. On the other hand, in private conversation with a stranger the same men would suggest that the film was at best
rather silly, and at worst on the verge of disgusting. Finally, the men’s
comments in the presence of women were entirely different. In a group
of married couples who all knew each other well, the women said that
they thought Miss Monroe silly and her characteristics overdone; the
men said that they liked the thought of a night in bed with her. The more
forward of the women soon showed up their husbands by coming back
with some remark as ‘You wouldn’t be so much bloody good to her
anyway!’ and the man would feel awkward.
(Dennis et al. 1969: 216)
The second quotation is from Marilyn French’s novel, The Women’s Room.
Much of this book is set in the fifties, among a group of newly-weds on a
suburban estate. In one section, the narrator (who is also one of the characters) discusses their feelings about sex. This is revealing not only for the
inevitability of the Monroe reference, but also for the way it touches upon
aspects of sexuality that I’ll be dealing with in the rest of this chapter.2
Sex was for most of the men and all of the women a disappointment they
never mentioned. Sex, after all, was THE thing that came naturally, and
if it didn’t – if it wasn’t for them worth anywhere near all the furtiveness
and dirty jokes and pin-up calendars and ‘men’s’ magazines, all the shock
and renunciation of hundreds of heroines in hundreds of books – why
then it was they who were inadequate . . . Probably because most people
have an extremely limited sexual experience, it is easy for them, when
things are wrong, to place the blame on their partner. It would be different if, instead of graying Theresa with her sagging breasts, her womb
hanging low from having held six children, Don were in bed with –
Marilyn Monroe, say.
(French 1978: 106–7, my emphasis)
As The Women’s Room makes clear, sex was seen as perhaps the most
important thing in life in fifties America. Certain publishing events suggest
this: the two Kinsey reports (on men, 1948; on women, 1953), the first
issues of Confidential in 1951 and Playboy in 1953, both to gain very rapidly
in circulation; best-selling novels such as From Here To Eternity 1951, A
House is Not a Home 1953, Not As a Stranger 1955, Peyton Place 1956,
Strangers When We Meet 1953, A Summer Place 1958, The Chapman
Report 1960, Return to Peyton Place 1961, not to mention the thrillers of
Monroe and sexuality
23
Mickey Spillane. Betty Friedan in The Feminine Mystique quotes a survey
by Albert Ellis, published as The Folklore of Sex in 1961, which shows that
‘[i]n American media there were more than 2½ times as many references to
sex in 1960 as in 1950’ (Friedan 1963: 229), and she considers that ‘[f]rom
1950 to 1960 the interest of men in the details of intercourse paled before
the avidity of women – both as depicted in these media, and as its audience’
(ibid.: 230). Nor is this just a question of quantity; rather it seems like a
high point of the trend that Michel Foucault has discussed in The History
of Sexuality as emerging in the seventeenth century, whereby sexuality is
designated as the aspect of human existence where we may learn the truth
about ourselves. This often takes the form of digging below the surface, on
the assumption that what is below must necessarily be more true and must
also be what causes the surface to take the form it does. This is equally the
model with the psychoanalytical enquiry into the unconscious (peel back
the Ego to the truth of the Id), the best-selling novel formula of ‘taking
the lid off the suburbs’ (Peyton Place ‘tears down brick, stucco, and tarpaper to give intimate revealing glimpses of the inhabitants within’, said the
Sunday Dispatch), or in the endless raking over the past of a star, like
Monroe, to find the truth about her personality. And the below-surface that
they all tend to come up with in the fifties is sex.
The assumption that sex matters so much is granted even by writers who
attacked the directions that they saw sexuality taking. Howard Whitman in
his book The Sex Age, published in 1962, declares in his foreword: ‘Of all
areas, sex is perhaps the most personal. But it is also a reflection of all of
life and of the whole of a culture’. He quotes a Midwest minister as saying:
‘When men and women come to me with their problems, nine times out
of ten as soon as we scratch the surface we find that sex is involved’.
(Whitman 1963: 3).
Whitman’s message is a familiar enough anti-promiscuity, antisexualvariety, anti-pornography package, but its starting point is that sex is the
key to life. For this reason he is anti the wrong kind of sex, but very far from
being anti-sex altogether. He quotes H.G. Wells on his title page – ‘The
future of sex is the center of the whole problem of the human future’. Hard
to get a clearer declaration than that of how much sex was held to matter in
the fifties.
Probably the most lucid interpretation of the fifties’ discourses on sexuality remains Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, first published in 1963
and clearly a major influence on everything since written about the fifties.
Friedan suggests that sexuality at that time became constructed as the
‘answer’ to any of the dissatisfactions or distress that might be voiced by
women as a result of living under ‘the feminine mystique’, or what Friedan
also calls ‘the problem that has no name’. Time and again in interviewing
women, she would find that they would ‘give me an explicitly sexual answer
to a question that was not sexual at all’ (Friedan 1963: 226), and she argues
24
Monroe and sexuality
that women in America ‘are putting into the sexual search all their frustrated needs for self-realisation’ (ibid.: 289). Similarly, in her survey of some
films of the fifties, On the Verge of Revolt, Brandon French argues that the
films ‘reveal how sex and love were often misused to obscure or resolve
deeper sources of female (and male) dissatisfaction’ (B. French 1978: xxii).
If in Foucault’s account sexuality is seen as a source of knowledge about
human existence, Friedan and French show how that knowledge is also
offered as the solution to the problems of human existence. All argue that
sexuality, both as knowledge and solution, is also the means by which men
and women are designated a place in society, and are kept in their place.
In line with these wider trends in society, sexuality was becoming increas ...
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