Fluent Essays

Hi, I will give you 10 terms, readings and lecture notes. Please giving definitions of terms and connecting them to historical events based on readings and lecture notes. Each term should be half page. 12 fonts. double space. _terms.docx lecture_06___labour_rights_in_canada_.pptx preibisch__kerry_and_gerardo_otero___does_citizenship_status_matter_in_canadian_agriculture.pdf yates__c._and_coles__a.___party_on_or_party_s_over___organized_labour_and_canadian_politics.pdf lecture_05___women_s_rights_in_canada.pptx Unformatted Attachment Preview 10 Terms 1. Two Row Wampum Belt 2. Genocide 3. UNDRIP 4. The Personal is Political 5. Inside-Outside Activism 6. Intersectionality 7. MMIWGs 8. The Welfare State 9. Neoliberalism 10. Seasonal Agricultural Workers Progra HIST-2512 HR-2200 HISTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CANADA HISTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CANADA Labour Rights in Canada M o n d a y, M a y 2 5 t h , 2 0 2 0 . FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics C h a r l o t t e Ya t e s a n d A m a n d a C o l e s ( 2 0 1 4 ) Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What is the labour movement? FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What is the labour movement? • The labour movement includes unions who play a central but not exclusive role in advancing the collective interests of working people at work and in society. • While their main responsibilities lie in collective bargaining, they connect with other social movements to promote social justice. FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What are the historical antecedents of the labour movement in Canada? FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What are the historical antecedents of the labour movement in Canada? • While WWI produced important labour initiatives, it was The Great Depression of the 1930s which organized labour into unions. • Labour would take-up formal political channels through the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, the forerunner to the New Democratic Party of Canada today. FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What were the experiences of labour in the post -war period of the late 1940s to the 1980s? FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What were the experiences of labour in the post -war period of the late 1940s to the 1980s? • The Canadian Welfare State was established in this period – universal health care, minimum wage, social assistance, parental leave, public pensions, publically-funded education. • The welfare state was based off of the male breadwinner and by the late 1970s, national unions were pushed to enhance equality for women and also promote equity across race, sexuality, age and ability. FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics How were the advances made by the welfare state inhibited by the rise of neo-liberal politics? FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics How were the advances made by the welfare state inhibited by the rise of neo-liberal politics? • Neo-liberalism is designed “not to contain labour but to roll back the gains it made during the post-war period.” • Neo-liberalism – A public policy approach that prioritizes individualism, free-markets, international trade liberalization, privatization and deregulation. • The state is a facilitator of market activity rather than an investor in ensuring the substantive rights of its citizens. FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics How has the neo-liberal consensus influenced the labour movements’ support of political parties in Canada? FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics How has the neo-liberal consensus influenced the labour movements’ support of political parties in Canada? • The 1988 election was decided on whether or not to pursue Free Trade with the United States. • The Liberal Party of Canada outflanked the NDP on the left side of the political spectrum contesting free trade and with the vote split saw the Progressive Conservative victory and the neoliberal consensus enshrined. FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics How has the neo-liberal consensus influenced the labour movements’ support of political parties in Canada? • The politics of pragmatism has witnessed unions vote strategically to support either Liberal or NDP parties. The Liberal Party was in power throughout much of the 1990s yet significant austerity measures were put in place. Throughout the 2000s, strategic voting failed to prevent Conservative rule in Canada much to the detriment of unions. FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What are the state of unions in Canada today? FR Party On or Party’s Over? Organized Labour and Canadian Politics What are the state of unions in Canada today? • Union membership since the 1980s has dropped from 37.6\% to 31.8\% as of 2015. • Unions are increasingly supporting newcomer improvements (Migrant Workers Alliance) and enhanced grassroots activism (Occupy Movement). • Union renewal will require enhanced mobilization and broad-based connections because the politics of pragmatism is failing in the neo-liberal era. FR FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? Workplace Health and Safety for Migrant and Immigrant Labour Kerry Preibisch and Gerardo Otero (2014) Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What is the relationship between agricultural work, migration and citizenship in Canada? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What is the relationship between agricultural work, migration and citizenship in Canada? • Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) – Established in 1966 between Canada and Jamaica, it has since expanded to 11 Caribbean countries and Mexico. • The program permits an 8-month period of work for migrants made available to farmers to engage in work labeled ‘low-skilled’. FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? Why is agricultural worker a precarious form of employment? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? Why is agricultural worker a precarious form of employment? • Limited worker involvement in a worker’s contract. • Farm work require inconsistent, demanding and unconventional hours. • Wage structures vary between hourly and piece-work. • Legally prevented from unionization. FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What occupational hazards exist for agricultural workers? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What occupational hazards exist for agricultural workers? • Exposure to agrochemicals. • Hazards posed by machines, vehicles and confined spaces. • Repetitive and stressful ergonomic positions. “They ask us to cut 13 boxes of [green peppers] per hour per person, so you have to work very fast, and I’ve cut myself twice.” (Mexican migrant) FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What barriers do migrants face to addressing occupational hazards? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What barriers do migrants face to addressing occupational hazards? • Limited information. • Limited legal protection. • Limited health insurance coverage. • Migrant workers tend to work through pain to maintain wages while wishing to refrain from reporting to maintain their employment. “I’m still in pain, but I’ve decided not to say anything because I’m ashamed [and] afraid the boss will send me back to Mexico” (Mexican migrant). FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What is the relationship between citizenship and lived experiences for migrant workers? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What is the relationship between citizenship and lived experiences for migrant workers? • Labour markets are becoming stratified according to migratory status rendering temporary workers vulnerable to precarious status. • Migrant farmworkers are offered no route to permanent residency and policies are in place to discourage bringing dependents to Canada. • Labourers are only able to work for their contracted employer and are unable to work with another employer in Canada. FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What is the relationship between migrant workers and their employers? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What is the relationship between migrant workers and their employers? • When respondents were asked to express their level of agreement with the statement “My boss does what is necessary to guarantee the health and safety of his workers,” 42 percent of Mexican migrant farmworkers disagreed. • When South Asian farmworkers were asked to indicate their level of agreement with the statement “The owner of the farm cared about the health and safety of his workers,” 29 percent disagreed. FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What needs to be done to improve the rights of migrant agricultural workers? FR Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? What needs to be done to improve the rights of migrant agricultural workers? • A national strategy to commit provincial governments and other stakeholders to address serious shortcomings in the legislation protecting agricultural labor, strengthen monitoring and enforcement, and find new solutions to improving employer compliance. • A restructured immigration system that would accept applications for permanent residency for agricultural workers. • At the very least, migrants should be offered untied, sectoral work permits to enable their mobility within the agricultural labor market. FR Rural Sociology 79(2), 2014, pp. 174–199 DOI: 10.1111/ruso.12043 Copyright © 2014, by the Rural Sociological Society Does Citizenship Status Matter in Canadian Agriculture? Workplace Health and Safety for Migrant and Immigrant Laborers* Kerry Preibisch Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of Guelph Gerardo Otero Department of Sociology Simon Fraser University Abstract This article explores how precarious legal status circumscribes differential inclusion in the agricultural labor market and affects workers’ lives through a comparative study of workplace health and safety among temporary migrant guest workers and immigrants in Canada. Original, multimethod research with South Asian immigrant and Mexican migrant farmworkers examines employment practices, working conditions, and health-care access. We find that both groups engage in precarious work, with consequences for their health and safety, including immigrant workers with citizenship. Nevertheless, migrant guest workers are subject to more coercive forms of labor discipline and a narrower range of social protection than immigrants. We argue that while formal citizenship can mitigate some dimensions of precariousness for farmworkers racialized as non-white, achieving a more just, safer food system will require broader policies to improve employer compliance and address legislative shortcomings that only weakly protect agricultural labor. Introduction Like most advanced capitalist countries in the “global age of migration” (Castles and Miller 2009), Canada has dramatically increased its noncitizen, migrant population since the 1970s. In 2011, Canada welcomed a historically high number of migrants on temporary employment * We are grateful to the many people who contributed to this study in diverse ways. In particular, we thankfully acknowledge funding from WorkSafeBC (the Workers Compensation Board of British Columbia); the research assistance of Pat Burnett, Sarb Gill, Christina Hanson, Hayley Jones, Ruman Kang, and Jasmeet Mangat; the intellectual contributions of our collaborators on the Community University Research Alliance “Economic Security,” Marjorie Cohen, Seth Klein, David Fairey, Erika Fuchs, Christina Hanson, Arlene McLaren, Adriana Paz, and Mark Thompson; the access to workers facilitated by Gurcharan Dhillon, Lucy Luna, Stan Raper, Abbotsford Community Services, and the United Food and Commercial Workers Union; the invaluable contributions of our research participants; and the critical feedback we received on this article, both from Luin Golding and our anonymous Rural Sociology reviewers. We dedicate this article to the farmworkers who inspired our study. Does Citizenship Status Matter — Preibisch and Otero 175 authorization, marking a significant policy shift for a nation with “an unusually strong immigration tradition” (Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield 1994:119). Unlike the United States, where unauthorized immigrants add some 8.3 million workers to the labor force (Passel and Cohn 2009), or the European Union, where the common labor market resulted in significant movement from eastern to western member states following the 2004 enlargement (Holland 2012), Canada’s large increases in labor migration have occurred largely through the country’s suite of temporary migration programs. The latest rise in temporary migration has been most pronounced in the West, where temporary worker entries began outpacing those of permanent residents by 2007 in Alberta and 2008 in British Columbia (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2012). Rising numbers of temporary workers have been opposed by anti-immigrant campaigners (Centre for Immigration Reform 2013; Immigration Watch Canada 2012) and the general public (Tomlinson 2013), but most forcefully by a growing social movement that identifies a range of exploitative practices emerging from the citizenship and immigration restrictions placed on migrants excluded from the rights and entitlements granted to citizens and permanent residents (Alberta Federation of Labour 2009; Justicia for Migrant Workers 2013; Migrant Workers Alliance for Change 2013; United Food and Commercial Workers of Canada and Agriculture Workers Alliance 2011). At the heart of this movement is the demand to grant migrant workers permanent resident status on arrival, that is, a removal of conditions on their right to remain. The problems identified with temporary migration programs find support in the academic literature. Although policymakers laud the benefits of managed migration schemes (see Hennebry and Preibisch 2010), scholars have pointed to their overly exploitative nature (Bakan and Stasiulis 2003; Binford 2009; Griffith 2006; Mannon et al. 2012). Canada’s Temporary Foreign Worker Program, an umbrella program encompassing numerous initiatives, has been criticized for creating a system of legislated inequality (Lenard and Straehle 2012) and even global apartheid (Sharma 2006; Walia 2010). Critics allege that temporary migrants should be theorized as unfree participants in the national labor market (Bakan and Stasiulis 2003; Basok 2002; Satzewich 1991; Sharma 1995). The principal basis of migrants’ unfreedom is their categorization as “foreign workers,” a move that allows the state to legally deny them the rights and entitlements associated with citizenship and to impose restrictions on their labor mobility, such as closed permits or requirements to live in or on their employer’s property (Bakan and Stasiulis 2012; Sharma 2006). For migrant workers in low-skilled 176 Rural Sociology, Vol. 79, No. 2, June 2014 occupations, these restrictions are compounded by poor working conditions and substandard wages (Piper 2008). Migrant employment tends to reinforce these jobs as low-paid, difficult, and dangerous (Saucedo 2006; Waldinger and Lichter 2003). It has also allowed employers to exercise labor arrangements that would be difficult to implement with an allcitizen labor force (Rogaly 2008). Since citizens also work in these occupations, researchers have thus cautioned against associating extreme forms of labor exploitation exclusively with migrant status (Goldring and Landolt 2012; Scott, Craig, and Geddes 2012). Indeed, the employment of migrants may entrench precarious labor regimes within an industry, holding consequences for all workers, including those with formal citizenship or landed immigrant status, who may find it difficult to exit these jobs no matter how undesirable they become. In this article, we address the extent to which citizenship status makes a difference in agricultural labor market insertion. Specifically, we explore the comparative consequences in health and safety for two groups of farmworkers in Canada: migrants from Mexico under the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) and immigrants from India holding Canadian citizenship or permanent residency. “Migrant” here refers to foreigners on temporary employment authorization, unless specified otherwise, and “immigrant” refers to foreign-born naturalized citizens or permanent residents (landed immigrants). Unauthorized migrants compose a marginal segment of the agricultural labor force so were not included (Basok and Rivas 2012). We conducted field research in British Columbia, Canada’s westernmost province and fourth-largest agriculture and food processing labor market, which only began hiring Mexican migrants in 2004. Since British Columbia’s agricultural employers had been prevented from using the SAWP before this date due to provincial government attempts to protect the domestic labor market that, until then, was almost exclusively composed of South Asian immigrants, this case study allowed us to study migrant incorporation at the outset. Although there are other immigrant and Canadianborn farmworkers employed in agriculture, including whites, our study comprises the bulk of the workforce. The research took place between 2007 and 2009 and included faceto-face questionnaires with 200 farmworkers (100 Mexican migrants, 100 South Asian immigrants), 53 in-depth interviews with stakeholders (farmworkers, growers, industry representatives, Canadian and Mexican civil servants, and advocacy groups), and a detailed review of secondary data. Survey participants were chosen intentionally to meet the criteria for inclusion in the study. Since no list of the total farmworker population exists, precluding random sampling, we recruited participants from Does Citizenship Status Matter — Preibisch and Otero 177 the three valleys that together account for nearly three quarters of British Columbia’s horticultural farms. We contacted Mexican participants at churches, supermarkets, or migrant support centers and South Asian farmworkers through service providers. Our research team conducted interviews and questionnaires in Spanish, Punjabi, or English, fostering rapport through shared language, skills of empathetic listening, and a conversational approach. We anonymized survey respondents and treated all data confidentially. We used N-Vivo and SPSS to manage our data and aid analysis. We first chart changes in temporary migration in Canada with respect to agriculture and food industries. Second, we situate agricultural employment as precarious work, explore the nascent Canadian literature on migrant health, and position our research within the literature on precarious legal status. We then turn to our field results on workplace health and safety, where we explore a range of findings regarding coercive labor practices, working hours, and labor intensity; workplaces, transportation, and housing; training and language barriers; and access to health care. Canadian Immigration Policy and Agrifood Labor Markets Since the mid-1970s, a significant shift in migration to Canada has been the relative decline in numbers of new permanent residents alongside rising numbers of migrants on temporary employment authorization, in other words, from a flow of people to a flow of labor power (Arat-Koc 2009; Sharma 2012). This trend has become pronounced in recent years: since 2000, temporary migrant entries have more than tripled to reach a high of 300,211 in 2011 as a result of policies to expand the authorized use of migrants in jobs designated as low-skilled (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2012:59). Prior to 2002, agriculture and domestic work were the only occupations classified as low-skilled that had formalized tempo ... Purchase answer to see full attachment