University of Illinois Suicidal & Minority Groups Literature Review - Writing
Follow the guidelines and write a short literature review of 4 articles. 1200-1300 words.
lau_et_al__2002__correlates_of_suicidal_behaviors_among_asian_american_outpatients_youths.pdf
else_et_al__2009__the_relationship_between_violence_and_youth_suicide_indicators_among_asian_american_and_pacific_islander_youth.pdf
bennett_and_joe__2015__exposure_to_community_violence__suicidality__and_psychological_distress_among_african_american_and_latino_youths.pdf
deluca_et_al__2012__latina_adolescent_suicide_ideations_and_attempts.pdf
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Correlates of Suicidal Behaviors Among
Asian American Outpatient Youths
ANNA S. LAU
NADINE M. JERNEWALL
University of California, Los Angeles
NOLAN ZANE
University of California, Santa Barbara
HECTOR F. MYERS
University of California, Los Angeles
Medical record abstraction was conducted at an ethnic-specific mental health outpatient
clinic to identify correlates of suicidal behaviors in a sample of 285 Asian American
youths. Some risk factors, such as parent–child conflict and age, which have been associated with suicidality in majority group youths, predicted suicidality in this sample,
whereas other risk factors, such as gender, did not generalize to this sample. Acculturation interacted with the risk factor of parent–child conflict to predict suicidality. Less
acculturated Asian youths were at proportionally greater risk for suicidality under conditions of high parent–child conflict than were their more acculturated counterparts.
This finding underscores the importance of culture as a context for determining the
relevance of stressors for potentiating psychopathology.
• suicidal behaviors • acculturation • Asian American youths
• Anna S. Lau, Nadine M. Jernewall, and Hector F. Myers, Department of Psychology, University
of California, Los Angeles; Nolan Zane, Graduate School of Education, University of California,
Santa Barbara.
Anna S. Lau is now at the Child and Adolescent Services Research Center, Children’s Hospital, San Diego, California; Nadine M. Jernewall is now at the Department of Psychology, George
Washington University; and Nolan Zane is now at the Department of Psychology, University of
California, Davis.
This study was conducted with the support of the National Research Center on Asian American Mental Health and funded by a grant from the National Institute of Mental Health (No.
MH-44331). We thank the following individuals for their contributions to the project: Terry Gock
and staff at the Asian Pacific Family Center, Jeannie Huh-Kim, Betty Horng, Bob Chen, Takako
Hara, Ed Lee, Mike Shen, and Andrew Yamamoto.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Anna S. Lau, Child and Adolescent Services Research Center, 3020 Children’s Way, MC 5033, San Diego, California 92123.
E-mail: alau@casrc.org
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology
Vol. 8, No. 3, 199–213
Copyright 2002 by the Educational Publishing Foundation
1099-9809/02/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//1099-9809.8.3.199
199
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200
LAU, JERNEWALL, ZANE,
Nonfatal suicidal behaviors (i.e., suicidal
ideation, threats, gestures, and attempts)
are common symptoms among child psychiatric outpatients, with prevalence estimates
ranging between 15\% and 33\% (Milling, Gyure, Davenport, & Blair, 1991; Pfeffer,
Plutchik, & Mizruchi, 1986). The importance of symptoms of suicidality in youths
must be underscored because suicidal attempts and ideation are indicators of the severity, course, and outcome of depression
(Lewinsohn, Rohde, & Seeley, 1993) as well
as risks for completed suicide (Maris, 1991).
Across numerous studies, risk factors including psychopathology, female gender, and
maladaptive family situations have been associated with suicidal behaviors among
clinic-referred and hospitalized youths.
However, our understanding of risk factors
for suicidal behavior in children has been
based on data from predominantly Euro
American samples (e.g., Asarnow, 1992;
Harter, Marold, & Whitesell, 1992; Kovacs,
Goldston, & Gatsonis, 1993; Lewinsohn et
al., 1993).
Ethnic-specific studies may help provide
culturally relevant information on risk of
suicidality and needed interventions in historically underserved and understudied ethnic minority communities. Ethnic variations
in rates of completed and attempted suicide
have been widely documented. For example, Native Americans have the highest
rate of completed suicide of any ethnic
group (U.S. Congress, 1986), whereas African Americans are reported to have the lowest completed suicide rate (Bingham, Bennion, Openshaw, & Adams, 1994; U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1986). Comparisons
of suicide rates among other ethnic groups
yield differing conclusions. Some studies report that Euro Americans have higher rates
of completed suicide than Asian and Hispanic Americans (Hope & Martin, 1986;
Shiang, 1998), whereas others report similar
rates across these groups (Bingham et al.,
1994).
However, enumeration of completed suicide is problematic. Published suicide rates
may underestimate actual rates for ethnic
AND
MYERS
minorities because they rely on public records and official coroners’ verdicts that may
be biased with respect to ethnicity and national origin (Neeleman, Mak, & Wessely,
1997). For example, African American
youth suicide may be underenumerated because actual suicidal behavior may be
masked by high-risk behaviors, such as street
violence and substance abuse (Gibbs, 1990).
Nevertheless, there is ample evidence that
rates of suicidal behaviors vary by ethnic
group (Roberts, Chen, & Roberts, 1997),
and it is also likely that the correlates of
these behaviors vary by group and perhaps
within groups. For example, ethnic minority
status is a risk factor for suicide in areas in
which the density of ethnic minority groups
is low, but it appears to be a protective factor
in areas with large coethnic communities
(Neeleman & Wesseley, 1999). In this article, we hope to elaborate on risk factors for
suicidality for Asian American youngsters.
Asian American youths from predominantly immigrant families may encounter
unique developmental challenges not
shared by majority group youths. They are
faced with stressors associated with minority
and immigrant status, such as racism, discrimination, and cultural rifts within their
own families. In view of these ecological differences, it is unclear if the nature and extent of psychosocial risk factors for psychopathology among majority youths hold for
Asian American children and adolescents.
The present study had two important objectives. First, we sought to determine
whether risk factors for suicidal behaviors as
identified in studies of majority youths appear culture-bound or whether they are generalizable to Asian American outpatient
youths. We reviewed selected risk factors for
suicidality identified in studies of majority
group youths, including gender, internalizing and externalizing disorders, and poor
parent–child relationship. We also considered risk factors that may be culturally relevant to Asian American youths, including
stress associated with acculturation. One of
the major goals of ethnic minority psychology is to test the external validity of the con-
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This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
SUICIDAL BEHAVIORS
IN
ASIAN AMERICAN YOUTHS
clusions generated from the study of majority culture to culturally diverse groups. The
second aim of the study was to identify
within-group differences in risk factors for
suicidal behavior among Asian American
outpatient youths. The vast heterogeneity
within the Asian American population is
widely recognized (Uba, 1994), yet existing
research on Asian Americans often fails to
attend to issues of intragroup differences in
acculturation and ethnicity. Within the
Asian American population, some ethnic
groups (e.g., Southeast Asian, Korean) appear to have greater mental health needs
than others (e.g., Chinese, Japanese; Kuo,
1984; Uehara, Takeuchi, & Smukler, 1994;
Ying & Hu, 1994). These findings have been
attributed to differences in immigration history, refugee status, trauma experience, and
socioeconomic and acculturative stress.
These ethnic differences within the Asian
American population are obscured when
groups are combined in studies (Uehara et
al., 1994).
Risk Factors for Suicidality Among
Majority Group Youths
Studies of the correlates of suicidal behaviors among majority group youths indicate
that girls appear more likely to demonstrate
suicidal ideation and attempts than boys
(Kovacs et al., 1993; Woods et al., 1997).
This gender difference in suicidal behavior
may be related to the tendency for girls to
display more internalizing behavior problems (Achenbach, Bird, et al., 1990; Achenbach, Hensley, et al., 1990), which are in
turn consistently associated with increased
risk of suicidality (Lewinsohn et al., 1993).
Regardless of population (inpatient, outpatient, or community), depression is widely
recognized as the major risk factor for suicidal behavior. Youths displaying suicidal behaviors have high rates of diagnosable depression (e.g., Brent et al., 1988), and
depressed youngsters have elevated levels of
suicidal thoughts and attempts (e.g., Myers
et al., 1991).
201
Although depression is most commonly
thought of as a precursor to suicidal behavior, externalizing disorders have also been
implicated as conferring risk. Conduct disorder, antisocial behaviors, and substance
abuse are often associated with suicidal behavior, probably due to the shared impulsive
nature of these behavioral patterns (Brent et
al., 1988; Hoberman & Garfinkel, 1988; Kovacs et al., 1993). In various samples, between one third and one half of suicide attempters displayed antisocial behaviors or
substance abuse or conduct disorders
(Spirito, Stark, Hart, & Fristad, 1988; Trautman, Rotheram-Borus, Dopkins, & Lewin,
1991). However, the association between externalizing behavior problems and suicidal
behaviors has not been consistently replicated (e.g., Garrison, Jackson, Addy, McKeown, & Waller, 1991; Robbins & Alessi,
1985). Externalizing disorders may serve as
an aggravating condition rather than a primary risk factor for suicidal behaviors (Kovacs et al., 1993).
Another major risk factor for adolescent
suicidal behavior involves the lack of parental stability, warmth, or support (Summerville, Kaslow, Abbate, & Cronan, 1994). Suicide attempters have more instability with
regards to their caretakers and experience
more separations from a parent than do depressed and nondepressed adolescents (De
Wilde, Kienhorst, Diekstra, & Wolters,
1992). Just as lack of parental support is a
risk factor, high levels of parent–child conflict are associated with increased risk of suicidal behaviors in youths (Asarnow, 1992;
Hollis, 1996). The quality of relationships
with parents may be more directly related to
suicidal ideation than the quality of peer relationships (Harter et al., 1992).
Culturally Relevant Risk Factors for Asian
American Youths
In addition to the risk factors discussed
above, ethnic minority youths may have
unique experiences that potentiate distress
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202
LAU, JERNEWALL, ZANE,
and suicidal behaviors. Stressful conditions
associated with an ethnic minority child’s acculturation to the majority culture include
discrimination, feelings of alienation, and
identity confusion. These stressors may
heighten risk for poor self-esteem, hopelessness, depression, and suicide (Huang,
1994). In the process of acculturation, minority youths who fail to achieve bicultural
competence and an adaptive ethnic identity
are prone to maladjustment (Berry, Kim,
Minde, & Mok, 1987; Phinney, Lochner, &
Murphy, 1990). Liu, Yu, Chang, and Fernandez (1990) reported that the rate of completed suicide among foreign-born Asian
American youths is higher than for U.S.born Asian American youths. This study explored whether low levels of acculturation
are associated with risk for suicidal behaviors among Asian American youths.
In addition to the stress inherent in acculturation, increased levels of intergenerational conflict are associated with the acculturation gap between Asian American
parents and their children (Lee, Choe, Kim,
& Ngo, 2000). Typically, the ethnic minority
child acculturates more readily to the dominant culture than do their parents and
older generations. Conflicts can arise when
Asian American parents disapprove of their
children’s adoption of American values and
behaviors, taking these as evidence of laxed
morality and disregard for their native culture (Yew, 1987). Yet, Asian American parents may in some ways encourage rapid behavioral acculturation so that their children
may become interpreters and negotiators in
the new culture (Huang, 1994). Asian
American youths may experience confusion
and conflict when their parents send mixed
messages about acculturation.
Both acculturation stress and intergenerational acculturation conflicts have been
identified as contributing influences in suicidal behavior among Asian youths in Great
Britain, where young South Asian women
are overrepresented among patients who
have attempted suicide (Bhugra, Desai, &
Baldwin, 1999; Handy, Chithiramohan, Ballard, & Silveira, 1991; Merrill & Owens,
AND
MYERS
1986). Among Asian youths who received
emergency medical attention for suicide attempts, 76\% reported some form of cultural
conflict as a contributing factor to their attempt, with a disciplinary crisis between parent and child as the most common precipitating factor (Handy et al., 1991). These
cultural conflicts included disagreements
with parents over issues such as style of
dress, dating, relationships with Caucasian
peers, and rules governing communication.
The relationship between intergenerational conflict and child distress may be even
more pronounced for Asian American
youths than for Euro American youths. In
contrast to Western cultural norms valuing
individuation and independence, Asian cultural values are collectivistic in nature and
are governed by notions of hierarchy, role
obligations, and promotion of harmony.
The values of family and filial piety include
reverence for elders, obedience, and maintenance of family traditions. These tenets
discourage or prohibit open conflict between children and their parents. In the interest of maintaining harmony, individuals
are expected to avoid confrontation, conform to rules of propriety, and give “face” or
respect to others (Chan, 1992). Although
overt parent–child conflict is a normative
part of development in Euro American culture, it may be more distressing for Asian
Americans. Greenberger, Chen, Tally, and
Dong (2000) reported that the quality of
family relationships has stronger influences
on depression among Chinese youths than
among U.S. youths. We hypothesize that
parent–child conflict may be more distressing to less acculturated Asian American
youths who hold more traditional values
than it is to highly acculturated Asian American youths.
In a similar manner, acculturation may
moderate the association between diagnosis
and risk of suicidal behaviors. It has been
observed that there is cultural variability in
the expression and manifestation of depression (Marsella, Sartorius, Jablensky, & Fenton, 1985). For example, much has been
written about the tendency of Asians to re-
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SUICIDAL BEHAVIORS
IN
ASIAN AMERICAN YOUTHS
port a predominance of somatic complaints
and vegetative symptoms rather than the
core cognitive and affective components of
depression (Kleinman, 1977). If feelings of
existential despair and suicidal thoughts are
bound by ethnocultural lines and are associated with a Western manifestation of depression, we might expect that less acculturated depressed Asian American youths may
be less likely to exhibit suicidal behaviors
than their more highly acculturated counterparts. In this way, individual differences
in acculturation may moderate the relationship between a diagnosis of depression and
suicidality.
In summary, the present study explored
the following research questions: (a) Do the
risk factors for suicidality found in the general literature hold for Asian American
youths? (b) Are there ethnic differences in
risk of suicidality among Asian American
youths? (c) How do intragroup differences
in acculturation among Asian American
youths affect the risk of suicidal behaviors?
(d) Does one’s level of acculturation moderate the relationship between other risk
factors and suicidality?
Method
Sample
The participants were 285 Asian American
children and adolescents between the ages
of 4 and 17 years (M = 12.94) who had received outpatient mental health services at
the Asian Pacific Family Center in Rosemead, California, between March 1985 and
February 1993. The sample was comprised
of a complete enumeration of closed child
and adolescent cases at the time of data
collection in 1995. This clinic was established specifically to meet the cultural and
linguistic needs of the local Asian American
community.
The participants were defined either as
suicidal (displaying suicidal ideation at intake or having a history of suicide attempts
203
or gestures) or as nonsuicidal. Thirteen percent of the sample (n = 37) were categorized
in the suicidal group, and 87\% (n = 248)
were categorized as nonsuicidal. Of the 37
suicidal youths, 15 had a history of suicidal
self-injurious behavior, 12 displayed active
suicidal ideation at the time of intake, and
10 had both a history of suicide attempt and
displayed active ideation at intake. This rate
of suicidal involvement is on the low end of
the range found in previous studies of youth
outpatient samples (Milling et al., 1991;
Pfeffer et al., 1986).
Procedure
Undergraduate research assistants were
trained in data extraction procedures to
code information from closed client charts.
Coders were trained in a sequential method
of searching through standardized chart
forms for information pertinent to the variables of interest. Most forms were completed by the clinician, with one bilingual
form (English and client’s native language)
filled out by the parent. All forms in the
client charts were documented in English,
although clinical interviews may have occurred in the client’s native language. Thus,
no translation procedures were required for
data extraction.
Because all data were gathered from secondary sources (clinic archives), there was
no direct contact with participants, thus requirements for informed consent were
waived by the institutional review board governing this project. A National Institute of
Mental Health Certificate of Confidentiality
was issued to protect against third-party subpoena of data accessed for the study. All of
the research assistants were trained regarding research ethics and procedures for protecting the confidentiality of the participants. No primary identifying information
(e.g., names, social security numbers) was
extracted from the client records. Recording of secondary identifiers was avoided
(e.g., addresses, zip codes), with the exception of date of birth, which was used to calculate age. A team of 10 raters gathered and
204
LAU, JERNEWALL, ZANE,
coded the data, with each client chart being
independently coded by 2 raters.
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