Fluent Essays

After reading Duran’s article, explain the difference between the konow and the jeliw. Briefly, what does each word mean? How are the social roles of each group of musicians different? And in what sense does the music of the konow represent a form of protest against existing social norms? British Forum for Ethnomusicology Birds of Wasulu: Freedom of Expression and Expressions of Freedom in the Popular Music of Southern Mali Author(s): Lucy Durán Reviewed work(s): Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 4, Special Issue: Presented to Peter Cooke (1995), pp. 101-134 Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060685 . Accessed: 15/02/2013 14:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected] . British Forum for Ethnomusicology is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to British Journal of Ethnomusicology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=bfe http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060685?origin=JSTOR-pdf http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp VOL 4 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY 1995 Birds of Wasulu: freedom of expression and expressions of freedom in the popular music of southern Mali Lucy Durdn Wassoulou is a type of semi-acoustic music that has been popular in Mali since the 1970s. This paper, an ethnography of wassoulou, traces its roots to the music of masquerade and the hunters' traditions of the Wasulu region in the south, and explores the ways in which the cultural worlds of these traditions are evoked through the music. Wassoulou performers are called birds (kono) and occupy a social r0le that allows them to comment on social issues with impunity, with gender playing an important part. INMALI, a type of music known as wassoulou has become increasingly popular in the past decade.1 Named after the Wasulu (Wasolon) region in southern Mali where the music originally developed, and with which it continues to be associated, it is of recent (post-independence) origin, though its roots are far older. It first emerged in Bamako, the capital of Mali, in the early 1970s, reaching a peak of success in 1989 with the release of a cassette by the female singer Oumou Sangare (Fig. 1). This cassette, entitled Moussolou ("women"), sold widely throughout West Africa, consolidating an international audience. There are currently dozens of young artists performing and recording wassoulou in Mali, Ivory Coast, and Europe. One of the most important characteristics of wassoulou is that its performers describe themselves as konow (sing. kono), meaning "birds". By doing so, they are differentiating themselves from the endogamous social group or "caste" of musicians, the Mande2 jeliw, who otherwise dominate musical life in western 1 To distinguish between Wasulu, the name of the region, and wassoulou, the style of music, I have adopted the two different spellings, and italicised the latter. The first (Wasulu) is in accordance with modem Bamana orthography; the second reflects common usage in the local music industry. 2 The use of "Mande" as opposed to "Manding" to denote a large group of West African peoples with a common ancestry and speaking the closely related languages of Maninka, Bamana, 101 This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp 102 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995) Fig. 1: Oumou Sangare (seated) with members of her group, backstage: singers Nabintou Diakite (left, standing), Alima Toure (right, standing), Kassim Sidibe (kamalengoni) and Basidi Keita (djembe), Lille, 1995. In background: bogolanfini cloth. Mali. Though they share many basic cultural expressions with the Mande, the performers of wassoulou see themselves as fulfilling a very different social r61e from the jeliw. The bird is a symbol of freedom, wisdom and beauty of voice in Mande. The konow are musicians by choice and natural ability, with a "bird's eye" view of society, allowing them to comment on social issues in "freer" musical and textual ways than those of the jeliw. Despite its popularity both in Mali and abroad, there have been no studies of wassoulou. This article presents an ethnography of the music,3 looking at its origins and development, and examining its representations of the world of Wasulu hunters. It explores the (hitherto unreported) significance of the use of "bird" as a term for singer/musician, and the roots of that metaphor in oral Wasulunke, Jula (etc.) is problematic. In accordance with most current Anglophone scholarship I have chosen "Mande" as the most convenient term. A description of the history of these terms and the confusion arising from them, plus some suggested solutions, can be found in Vydrine (1995). 3 Based on research carried out in Mali during one-month periods in 1986, 1987, 1991, 1993 and 1995, and extensive research with Malian musicians performing in Europe, from 1986 onwards. All interviews (listed at the end of this article) were conducted by myself; translations into English are my own. This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp DurAn: Birds of Wasulu 103 traditions that date back to the beginning of the Mande empire (13th century). It argues that part of the strength of wassoulou derives from its youth ethos. Wassoulou has created a space for youth in general, and unmarried women in particular, to challenge social norms, especially those affecting gender relations. The patrilineal and gerontocratic nature of Mande society has largely provided the cultural and social models for the modem nation-state of Mali, whose former two presidents, Modibo Keita (1960-68) and Moussa Traore (1968-91) were both members of aristocratic Mande lineages. In this model there has been little formal outlet for youth to assert themselves.4 During the late 1980s, when disenchant- ment with Traore's regime was reaching a peak, various youth and student movements played a significant rOle in precipitating political changes, ultimately leading to Traore's downfall in 1991, and transition to multi-party democracy in the following year.5 It is no coincidence that wassoulou achieved its widest audience precisely during this period. The reasons for this are embedded in the source traditions of wassoulou, which draws on three genres that are characteristic of the Wasulu region: kamalengoni, didadi, and sogoninkun. The first of these is the dominant style in modem wassoulou, and consists of the appropriation by unmarried youth of the ritual songs of hunters' societies. Didadi is a female harvest dance from the eastern part of Wasulu, and sogoninkun is a masquerade. The latter two are linked to festivities organised by age-set associations for agricultural cycles. These associations play a central role in Mande culture extending far beyond their original social contexts.6 Because of its origins, wassoulou music operates on a different "cultural axis" from the music of the jeliw who, as the hereditary musicians, have monopolised public performance. This contrast has given rise to a discourse, discussed further below, on the relative merits of each, reflecting changing attitudes towards established hierarchies of age and lineage. Jeliw from Mali draw on similar repertoire and performance styles to the jeliw of Guinea, Ivory Coast, and to some extent even from Senegal and Gambia. Wassoulou, on the other hand, is specifically Malian.7 Yet it has a wide constituency extending far beyond its regional or linguistic borders. It is in many ways analogous to Bamana mudcloth (bogolanfini)--a comparison that is not arbitrary given their common links with hunters. Bogolanfini is a type of cloth 4 In the context of this article, youth is defined primarily as unmarried youth, both as audiences of the music, and as performers, who are often in their teens. The song texts of female wassoulou singers are often from the perspective of the unmarried female or bride-to-be; e.g. Oumou Sangare's albums. 5 For an account of the economic and social problems facing Mali's urban youth, and their role in recent years as "political actors", see Brenner, forthcoming. 6 See Meillassoux 1968b. Brenner, forthcoming, describes how these associations have been re- created as grin, a type of informal urban youth club. 7 I have been unable to trace any versions of wassoulou as a modem popular genre in Guinea, despite the fact that Wasulu is also in Guinea. This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp 104 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995) dyed a dark brown or black from mud, usually with white patterns. Originally made by women and worn during circumcision and excision rites, also one of the ritual cloths worn by hunters, bogolanfini has become one of the most conspicuous symbols of Malian identity in recent years, especially since the democratic Third Republic. Within the country it has now become inter-ethnic and is widely used in fashion, art and textiles; musicians often wear costumes made from this cloth.s It is a symbol of tradition that also accommodates a broad range of contemporary expression.9 Both bogolanfini and wassoulou represent and encourage two-way links between city and countryside, tradition and innovation. For these reasons, an analysis of wassoulou opens up new perspectives not just on the study of Mande society, but also furthers our understanding of popular culture in West Africa today. Wasulu regional identity The representation of Wasulu ethnicity and regional identity plays a fundamental r^le in the music. As described below, the term wassoulou itself only appeared in the early 1970s; previously this music had been known by its constituent names. It began to be called wassoulou in response to the fact that it was being performed outside the region, and was therefore seen as a portrayal of regional "folklore". Wasulu is a geolinguistic area in southern Mali and eastern Guinea (though here we are concerned exclusively with Mali). The part of Wasulu that falls into present-day Mali lies within Mali's third administrative region, Sikasso, comprising the cercles (administrative regions) of Yanfolila, Kolondieba and Bougouni just south of the ancient heartland of the Mande (Mali) empire. It is generally described as remote and inaccessible (see Garrard 1995:31, 55, 139). Mande discourse often depicts Wasulu as a place of abundant crops, with much time for leisure and the pursuit of musical entertainment.10 There are many blacksmiths in the area, and strong pre-Islamic beliefs in occult power persist. The area is characterised by savannah forest, with agriculture and hunting as the main traditional occupations. The music associated with these activities has played a central rtle in the emergence of wassoulou as a popular style. According to some oral traditions, Wasulu was defined as a region during the reign of Sunjata Keita (c. 1230-55) with the settlement of a Fula brigand army under the Fula warrior Yoro, who also gave Wasulu its name when he declared in 8 This can be seen in the BBC television documentary "Under African skies: Mali" (1989), in which many of the bands shown wore bogolanfini. Oumou Sangare's musicians wore bogolanfini costumes during their recent tour of Europe (Nov-Dec 1995). For a discussion of bogolanfini see Imperato 1970. 9 Most recently it has also become (along with Kente cloth) a popular expression of African identity in the USA. 10 Sidibe interview 1989; Clemens Zobel, pers. comm. 1995. See also Imperato 1981: 47: "historical proof of abundant wildlife in southeastern Mali, and specifically Wassalu, has best been provided by A.H.W. Haywood, a British colonial official and hunting enthusiast who traversed the region on foot in the early part of the century." This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp Duran: Birds of Wasulu 105 Maninka "N te wa so toun: ne be n'solon ay la yan" ("I will not return home; I entrust myself to you here"), which became abbreviated to Wasolon (Cisse and Kamissoko 1991:172). Amselle, who has written extensively about Wasulu, gives several other etymologies (1990:123). The region came particularly to the attention of French colonial administrators (and ethnographers) during its conquest by the imam warrior Almamy Samory Toure (1835-1900). Samory Toure's military exploits are a subject of sogoninkun songs,11 as also of Mande jeliw's repertoire, but are conspicuously absent in the song texts of urban wassoulou, which evoke a sense of history in other ways. The origin legend cited above reflects the mixed identity of the region, which plays an important role in wassoulou. The people who call themselves Wasulunke define their ethnicity as tripartite: they are of Fula (Fulbe, Peul) lineage; their cultural framework falls within the Maninka-Bamana matrix; and these two identities intersect in configurations that are specific to the region. In addition, there is much interaction with neighbouring peoples such as the Senufo. Thus part of the character of Wasulu is its diversity. Imperato estimates the Wasulunke population at c. 100,000 (Imperato 1981), though this is not based on a firm census; many maps of ethnic groups and languages in Mali fail to cite the Wasulunke, classifying them as either Fula or Bamana. In addition, the Wasulunke have migrated widely both as seasonal workers to Bamako (Meillassoux 1968b:49, 96) and as settled communities to the Gambia,'2 the Ivory Coast and within Mali itself. Wasulunka is closely related to Maninka, the language of the Mande heartland (which borders on Wasulu), differing mainly through pronunciation and some vocabulary. Despite the fact that they do not speak Pulaar (the Fula language), and indeed do not appear to have done so for many generations (Amselle 1990:73), the Wasulunke maintain at least symbolically a strong sense of Fula heritage. The four main patronyms of Wasulu-Diallo, Diakite, Sidibe and Sangare- are clan lineages which are said to be descended from the four sons of one Fula woman (Amselle 1990:35; Cisse and Kamissoko 1991:160fn). As Amselle has shown, however (1990: ch.3), the notion of Fula ethnicity is ambiguous and mainly relevant in relation to neighbouring identities. Music is one way in which the Wasulunke reclaim their Fula heritage, particularly with groups who are outside the region as a statement of their own identity. It is significant that several contemporary wassoulou singers were born in Bamako (e.g. Oumou Sangare). Fula identity is symbolically emphasised in names of ensembles such as Wasolonfenin ("the cream of Wasulu")--a reference to the traditional occupation of the Fula as cow-herders and sellers of milk, as well as a metaphor meaning "the best of'.13 Certain songs in the wassoulou 11 See Imperato's account of Sogoninkun (1981: 46) and Meillassoux 1968b: 99. 12 For example it is said that the oldest section of Bakau, a small coastal town in the Gambia, was settled by people from Wasulu; this section is still called Wasulunkunda ("the Wasulu compound"). 13 Featured on Electric and acoustic Mali CD band 11 This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp 106 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995) Fig. 2: Kassim Sidibe (kamalengoni player), Lille, 1995 repertoire, such as Jula Samba, also make use of isolated Fula words.14 Two instruments widely associated with the Fula have been introduced into wassoulou ensembles in the past decade: the one-string horse-hair fiddle soku (literally "horse tail"; as used by e.g. Sali Sidibe); and the rim-blown cane flute fle, often substituted by an orchestral flute and violin.15s Most important is the use of the kamalengoni (youth harp; see Fig. 2), which is specific to Wasulu, and which has such a distinctive timbre that it immediately signals regional identity, much the same way that, for example, the sound of Uillean pipes signals Irish music. 14 The song, in praise of a Fula cow-herder called Samba, includes a chorus in a mixture of Pulaar and Mande words; cf. Sali Sidibe's Santana, from her cassette Sali Sidibe. 15 Note that the pentatonic scales render a Fula ethos to the combination of violin and flute, which otherwise is associated with the Cuban "charanga" orchestral formation, popular in Mali during the 1970s; cf. Oumou Sangare, Moussolou, CD. This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp Durin: Birds of Wasulu 107 This can also be seen as part of the trend of some wassoulou styles towards folklorisation, i.e. a conscious representation of inter-ethnicity, in which one can see the influence of cultural policies initiated after Mali's independence, such as the formation of regional and national ensembles. For example, some wassoulou ensembles have incorporated the bolon, the Maninka four-string bass harp formerly played to incite kings to war, and now rarely heard outside the context of state-subsidised regional ensembles. The large Senufo pentatonic gourd- resonated xylophone is also featured in many wassoulou ensembles, reflecting the proximity of Senufo culture in the Wasulu region (cf. Fig. 3). Another aspect of Wasulu identity, reinforced in virtually all forms of wassoulou, is the association with the cultural, moral and religious world of hunters, for which the region is famous. This will be discussed in more detail below. Fig. 3: Karinyan (iron scraper), kamalengoni (player wearing hunter's hat) and Senufo balafon; part of Sali Sidibe's ensemble, 1989 '1 ;L '6 '" ": " :,tY::: ?'i ?"' ~:~P?. *; .,;a~'~?~--'=:"?'~?~'' -? ?, r t-~ c P?:" -'? '76:: ?.?~ i- :? r ii r t X; .r :lb c .iE ?: This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp 108 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995) The kono (bird) as metaphor for musician One of the principal ways in which the performers of wassoulou articulate their sense of a distinctive identity is in the social r61e and status of their musicians. The key issue here is the designation "birds" (konow, sing. kono). The konow define themselves as musicians and singers by choice--not birth--who have the special r6le of conveying important messages. This sets them diametrically apart from the jeliw, the endogamous class of hereditary musicians, who underpin Mande social structure, and who specialise in narrative histories and genealogies of Mande lineages. No documentation appears to exist on kono as a general term for Wasulunke musicians. This is possibly because much of the music of the konow has not been studied, and also precisely because they do not constitute a distinctive social group. The term emerges primarily in their own discourse, as a way of differen- tiating themselves from the jeliw. Though no doubt this has become more of an issue since the emergence of wassoulou on the popular music scene, there is plenty of evidence to suggest that the term kono is far older than wassoulou itself. Indeed several key informants state that it is as old as the term jeli, though not as widespread.16 The metaphor of bird for singers is, of course, by no means exclusive to Wasulu. In many cultures around the world they signify great voices-for example the female Egyptian singer Um Kalthum was called the "nightingale of the Nile"; the Peruvian singer Victor Alberto Gil, popular during the 1970s, was known as "the hummingbird of the Andes"; while the canary in Spain and the mockingbird in Cuba are other examples of birds as metaphors for virtuosic voices.17 What is perhaps singular to Wasulu is the way in which the term "bird" is used not just as an epithet, but as a specific appellation for all musicians who perform music by choice. For example, the hunters' donsongoni player is called "string- playing bird" (jurufo kono) and the singer simply kono. In Cashion's transcription of the hunters' narrative Famori, Seydou Camara often refers to himself as both kono and jurufo kono, in such a way that it is clearly accepted usage; e.g. "will you not give some meat to the string-playing bird? I have given you renown" (I te ne jurufo kono son sobo la, n y'i son togo la), and "Hunters have gone to rest, Lore Tanin is not in the house...nostalgia entered the birds" (nyinansuma donin konoi la); "Mali money has been given to the bird, I thank you" (Mali wari dilen kono ma, ko barika). Cashion explains that "the 'birds' refers to those singers, both past and present, who sang their [the hunters'] feats" (1984.2: lines 85, 129, 180; p. 336 fn). He does not, however, make any reference to the term in his 16 Thus the kora player Sidiki Diabate states, "kono is how you call the singers who are not jeliw, there have always been konow" (interview 1995). 17 See Huaynos & huaylas: the real music of Peru, Globestyle CD ORBD 064, sleeve notes by L. DurAn, 1990. Feld has done extensive research on bird symbolism in the music of the Kaluli, Papua New Guinea (e.g. Feld 1982). This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp DurAn: Birds of Wasulu 109 description of the hunters' musician as performer, using instead the better known terms donsojeli and serewa (1984.1:286). In Mande, birds are a symbol of wisdom, the human spirit, and all forms of singing.18 In view of this, it is suprising that so little information on the kono as singer exists. The connection between birds and verbal skills in Mande is ancient and important. The Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta, who visited Mansa Sulyeman's court in Mali in 1355, describes the r6le of "poets" (whom Battuta also calls jali) on a feast day. Each of them has enclosed himself within an effigy made of feathers, resembling a [bird called] shaqshaq, on which is fixed a head made of wood with a red beak as though it were the head of a shaqshaq. They stand in front of the sultan in this comical shape and recite their poems. I was told that their poetry is a kind of exhortation in which they say to the sultan "This banbi on which you are sitting was sat upon by such and such a king and of his good deeds were so-and-so...so you do good deeds which will be remembered after you". Then the chief of the poets mounts the steps of the banbi and places his head in the lap of the sultan. Then he mounts to the top of the banbi and places his head on the sultan's right shoulder, then upon his left shoulder, talking in their language. I was informed that this act was already old before Islam, and they had continued to do it. (Ibn Battuta, in Levtzion and Hopkins 1981:293) Battuta makes another significant observation: Mansa Suleyman's "interpreter" was a musician called Dugha, who played an instrument that is clearly the balafon (ibid), in the tradition of Sunjata's own jeli, Bala Faseke Kouyate. Duga means "vulture", a symbol of bravery and wisdom in Mande, as in the proverb "the eldest/wisest bird is the vulture" (kono korolin ye duga ye) (Sangare interview 1995). In Mande culture generally, mastery is associated with the wisdom acquired through age and experience. Thus great kono singers are termed kono koroba ("old bird") and sometimes simply duga ("vulture") (Sangare ibid).19 Birds also feature in the Sunjata epic as conveyors of important messages. In Niane's version of the epic, they appear at various crucial moments. On the eve of the decisive battle at Kirina in which Sunjata finally defeats his enemy Sumaoro, the latter "decided to assert his rights before joining battle. Sumaoro knew that Sundiata also was a sorcerer, so, instead of sending an embassy, he committed his words to one of his owls. The night bird came and perched on the roof of Djata's tent and spoke. The son of Sogolon in his turn sent his owl to Sumaoro" (Niane 1965:61). The owl (gwingwin) is "the bird that sees all, both in daylight and darkness" and is one of many symbols of occult power in hunters narratives (Cashion 1984.2:7, 335). As in many cultures, birds are considered omens in Mande. The best known example of this is the "black bird of misfortune" who heralded Somaoro's defeat 18 I am grateful to Cherif Keita for elucidating many aspects of bird symbolism in Mande culture to me; pers. comm., 1995. 19 Masterjeliw are by contrast called ngara, "master musician"; see Durdn 1995. This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp 110 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 4 (1995) at Kirina (Niane 1965:65). This is the bird that gave rise to the Kono cult celebrated annually at Kirina, one of six initiatory societies in Mande. It involves a masquerade with a mask that is part-elephant, part-bird, representing "man's capacity for thought", which is a "bird capable of lifting an elephant and carrying it away". The songs of the cult reveal "how self-knowledge may lead to satisfaction or to remorse, and how the 'interior voice' commands or forbids such and such an action" (Zahan 1974:19). While the kono singers of today's wassoulou do not acknowledge any direct relationship with the Kono cult, this statement echoes with remarkable accuracy their own discourse on their r61e and function, as described below. There are several Mande bird masquerades in Mali today (McNaughton 1988; Arnoldi 1983). In addition to the Kono secret society, there are also kono masquerades of age-set associations in Bougouni cercle in which the mask represents the hornbill, whose "shrewdness and intelligence are hidden beneath a maladroit exterior". Imperato (1980:54) reports witnessing a performance in which female singers accompanied on drums sang kono si te kamale kono bo ("no bird is as fine as the young people's bird"). Birds are represented as symbols of wisdom and ancestry in masquerades and sculptures among other neighbouring cultures, e.g. the Senufo and the Dan (Garrard 1995:457; Zemp 1993). The nightingale (sorofe) also has strong associations in Mande culture with verbal arts.20 It may be relevant to cite here another use of the term kono: Leynaud reports on the r61e of a child termed kono, in the selection process for the head of a senior Mande lineage.21 The kono in the musicians' discourse To understand the significance of kono status, it is necessary to summarise here the position of musicians generally among the Mande. The three social classes of the Mande-the horon (freeborn; descendants of Sunjata and his generals); the nyamakala (craft-professions--music, praise, smithery, leatherworkers); and the jon (descendants of slaves), have been much researched and debated (see Conrad and Frank 1995). The hereditary musicians (jeliw) belong to the nyamakala class, and sing the histories, praises, and genealogies of the horon, with whom they have a patron-client relationship. Similar endogamous groups exist among neighbouring peoples and are indeed also characteristic of Wasulu. The jeliw tend to monopolise most forms of public and professional performance (see Charry 1992; Camara 1992; Conrad and Frank 1995), with the exception of some forms 20 As in the cassette Jamana Sorofe, which features interviews with four leading jeliw on the nature of their musical and verbal art. 21 E. Leynaud (1960) Les cadres sociaux de la vie rurale dans la Haute-Vallge du Niger, Paris, pp.23-4, cited in Meillassoux 1968b. This content downloaded on Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:45:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp Dur-n: Birds of Wasulu 111 of drumming.22 Social attitudes towards the jeliw and the nyamakala as "people of caste" have had a profound effect on those few individuals who, …