Holocaust: History and Memory - Humanities
Reading materials and answer the following two questions Separately, EACH 150 wordsPlease write professional responses of only 2-3 paragraphs(150 words) for each questions(Do not answer together, answer separately, write two responses), No grammar and punctuation errors1)The Protocols of the Elders of Zion is one of the most famous forgeries, and most influential anti-Semitic texts, ever written. What modern, perceived crises does this selection of the document pin on Jews?2)In Family Papers, you are introduced to a Sephardic family from Salonica (present-day Thessaloniki, Greece). To what extent were they integrated into their city and state(s) prior to the Second World War?
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To three good people I love to walk with: Fred, Ira, and Julius
Kamina kon buenos, te hazeras uno de eyos.
Walk with good people and you will become one of them.
5
6
WRITERS
7
This is the story of a single Sephardic family whose roots connect them to a
place and community that no longer exist. The place was the port city of
Ottoman Salonica, present-day Thessaloniki, Greece, one of the few cities in
modern Europe ever to claim a Jewish majority. The community was made
up mostly of Ladino- (or Judeo-Spanish) speaking Jews—Sephardic families
who traced their ancestry back to Sepharad, medieval Iberia, from which
they were expelled in the 1490s, but who, for the next five centuries, called
the Ottoman Empire, southeastern Europe, and Salonica home.
Today, the papers of the Levy family are spread across nine countries
and three continents. The single largest collection, the papers of Leon Levy,
is kept by his four grandchildren in a private vault in Rio de Janeiro. It
consists of nearly five thousand handwritten and typed letters, telegrams,
photographs, legal and medical documents, and miscellanea—address books,
expired passports, and more: by far the largest private archive I have
encountered as a professional historian and near obsessive document hunter.
In a suitcase in a spare garage, in a retirement village outside
Johannesburg, there is another repository of Levy family papers. Smaller
than the Rio collection, the South African one is nonetheless of
immeasurable historical value. It includes such cherished souvenirs as a
silhouette cut in Salonica in 1919 capturing the likeness of a young woman
about to emigrate from her native city, never to return.
Other family papers have turned up in private hands in England. One
collection, boxed up in a home in London, has survived multiple migrations,
from Greece to Great Britain to Germany to India, back to Great Britain and
on to the United States. Another, housed in a scenic village outside
Manchester, contains fragile glass slides taken in 1917 in Salonica’s Jewish
cemetery, then the largest Jewish cemetery in Europe.
Yet more documents, photographs, and objects have materialized in
Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Israel,
Italy, Portugal, and the United States: not only family-owned papers, but
documents and photographs held by thirty archives. Travel documents;
naturalization papers; birth, death, and medical records; letters exchanged by
relatives, lovers, and friends; business papers; even a baptismal certificate.
All told, these scattered sources have allowed me to trace an intimate arc of
the twentieth century.
The Levy family papers catalogue the lives and losses of multiple
generations, contain papers written in eight languages, and reflect
correspondence among members of a single family spanning the globe. This
8
is a Jewish story, an Ottoman story, a European story, a Mediterranean
story, and a diasporic story, a story of how women, men, and children
experienced wars, genocide, and migration, the collapse of old regimes and
the rise of new nations. The Levy papers also reveal how this family loved
and quarreled, struggled and succeeded, clung to one another and watched
the ties that once bound them slip from their grasp.
As the first papers in the Levy family collections were amassed, around
the time of the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), Salonica and its Jewish
community were undergoing an irrevocable transformation. Nationalism
provoked the transition of Salonica from an Ottoman city with a Jewish
plurality to a Greek city with a Christian majority. Emigration drove the
city’s Jews, and the Levy family, across the globe.
Map of the Levy family diaspora
Ladino speakers began to abandon their language in favor of various
adopted tongues. Genocide eradicated 98 percent of the Jews who remained
in Salonica during the Second World War, leaving survivors crippled by one
of the highest rates of annihilation to affect a single community in Europe.
The Levy family lived all this. They knew Salonica when one was more
likely to hear Ladino on the street than any other language. As leading
publishers and editors in the city, they helped chronicle and shape modernity
9
as it was experienced by Sephardic Jews. Wars redrew borders around them,
transforming them from Ottomans to Greeks. Family members moved
across boundaries and hemispheres, with some leaving in optimism and
others in shame. The Holocaust eviscerated their clan, destroying entire
branches of the family tree. The losses that so devastated those left behind
disrupted intimacies and led to new relationships among survivors driven
together by grief, seeking solace in one another and, in some cases,
cooperating to file reparation claims from Germany. Slowly, agonizingly,
they rebuilt.
My encounter with the Levy family has its roots in another book, one I
coedited with my colleague, former teacher, and friend, Aron Rodrigue. In
2012, Aron and I published a translation of the first known Ladino memoir
(Isaac Jerusalmi, zikhrono livrakha [z”l], of blessed memory, served as
translator).1 The memoir was composed by a Levy patriarch, Sa’adi Besalel
Ashkenazi a-Levi (1820–1903), whom contemporaries called Sa’adi.
Sa’adi’s memoir fills ninety-five pages of a humble notebook—the sort of
ledger a small-business owner might use to keep track of expenses. Written
in elegant soletreo, the unique cursive handwriting of Ladino, the pages are
dotted with Hebrew words in calligraphic block letters. The margins show
Sa’adi’s meticulous additions and corrections, some in blue pencil. Sa’adi
would revise and polish the document for a decade, until blindness overtook
him. A lifelong publisher, Sa’adi made this notebook his last and most
intimate creation.
Astonishingly, Sa’adi’s notebook passed through four generations of his
family, traveling from Salonica to Paris, from Paris to Rio de Janeiro, and,
finally, from Rio to Jerusalem—somehow eluding destruction, even in the
face of the dispersal of Sa’adi’s descendants over multiple countries and the
annihilation of Salonica’s Jewish community. Later, after I spent years
grappling with Sa’adi’s words, I wondered what had become of this
remarkable family from Ottoman Salonica.
The slenderest of leads enabled me to write this book. In 1977, Sadi
Silvio (Sylvain) Levy, the great-grandson of Sa’adi Besalel Ashkenazi aLevi, had donated the sole copy of Sa’adi’s memoir to the National Library
of Israel, then known as the Jewish National and University Library.
Because Sephardic Jews tend to name children after living forebears, I
reasoned that names would persist in the Levy family, even in the émigré
outpost of Brazil. The hunch eventually led me to Silvio Vieira Ferreira Levy
—Sa’adi’s Rio-born great-great-grandson. In time, Silvio told me about the
Levy collection in its vault in Rio and, with the blessing of his three siblings,
shared his family’s papers with me. The discovery began a decade-long
historical journey.
The Levy family was known variously across the years. In nineteenth-
10
century Ottoman Salonica, when the Levys were among the city’s cultural
elite, they were called a-Levi. (A contemporary Hebrew speaker might
render the name Ha-Levy, but this fails to reflect the pronunciation of
Hebrew among Ladino speakers of the era.) Certain family members who
went to France removed the prefix and added an accent, a stroke that would
testify to their Frenchness: Lévy. Those who moved through Germany
considered embracing Lewy, but, in the end, did not. The Brazilian branch
favored Levy, which would be more recognizable to Portuguese speakers.
Women in the family, meanwhile, adopted married names, all significant to
Sephardic history: Amariglio (Amarilio), Carmona, Errera, Florentin, Hasson,
Matalon, Molho, Salem, Sarfatti, and more.
In this family, as in every family, much remained unspoken, unwritten.
There were facts family members could not know, secrets they would not
tell. The most devastating drama of this book—the ghastly transgressions
and ultimate trial and execution of a Second World War criminal who was
also one of Sa’adi’s great-grandchildren—makes no explicit appearance in
family correspondence. Evidence of this person has also been left out of all
the family trees I have encountered. In the immediate aftermath of the
Holocaust, relatives hinted at the trauma in letters, alluding to conversations
they had had or would have about their disgraced kin. But never did they put
the offender’s name (let alone details of his crimes) in print. This was a
shared secret, not meant for the eyes of a historian.2
Of course, a historian is not charged with perpetuating or concealing her
subjects’ secrets. Still, the discovery of this dark chapter of Levy history has
weighed heavily on me, presenting ethical dilemmas I have struggled to
resolve. Few of Sa’adi’s living descendants could be familiar with this
tortured chapter prior to reading this book. For some, it may prove painful,
for others, a distant scandal. In the end, my decision to tell this anomalous
and disturbing story emerged out of a desire to write as complete and
nuanced a family history as sources permitted. To do less would allow a
sanitized version of the past to prevail over the messy, sometimes ugly,
unshakably human one that resonates with truth.
The Levys wrote each other to give and ask for money, to share
expressions of grief, to announce achievements, to conduct business, and to
reveal secrets. They wrote to maintain connection over time and distance, to
propose marriage, and to plan for divorce. They wrote because they had
regrets and were lonely, at times simply because they were family. Papers
held them together—until distance, time, and history finally tore them apart.
So it is that after a diasporic Sephardic family frays, what remains is the
fragile tissue that once held them together: neither blood nor belief, but
paper.
DNA tests and genealogical websites have turned the search for ancestry
11
into a booming industry, with spit and computers its essential tools. Yet in an
era of expanding family trees, digital relationships, and instantaneous
communication, writing or receiving letters is something few of us do—or
have ever done, depending on our age. It is uncommon, in today’s world, to
anticipate a letter, to relish its arrival, to stain it with tears, or to pass it to
children or grandchildren as an inheritence. We have infinite ways to
connect. But what have we relinquished, along with family papers?
12
OTTOMANS
Those Levys were dangerous. All they needed was an idea to come
to them like a little birdie, and they’d start chasing after it. And
this idea never rested until it became a reality.
—The Memoirs of Doctor Meir Yoel, 19001
13
SA’ADI
Does every generation believe it exists at a moment of transition? Looking
around him, Sa’adi Besalel Ashkenazi a-Levi saw a world that scarcely
resembled the one into which he was born. Young women and men dressed
differently from their parents, maintained a looser relationship to religion.
New train tracks connected his city, Ottoman Salonica, to Belgrade, and
from there to all of Europe. His children, like so many Jewish youth, spoke
languages a previous generation did not know. They were moving far from
home, assuming new jobs, attempting to realize their own utopian dreams.
Sa’adi’s city, Ottoman Salonica, was among the few cities in the modern
world to have a Jewish plurality, if not a Jewish majority. Jews numbered
between 60,000 and 100,000 of Salonica’s residents in the nineteenth
century, when roughly 50 percent of the city’s residents were Jews.1 The
majority of Salonica’s Jews were Sephardic, descendants of Jews expelled
from medieval Iberia (“Sepharad” in Hebrew) in the late fifteenth century.
Pushed from their homes, these expelled women, men, and children
scattered northward to France and the Spanish Netherlands, and southward
to Morocco. The largest number, however, moved east to the Ottoman
Empire, an expanding state that would, at its height, reach across
southeastern Europe, through the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa,
and eastward to the border of what is today Iran. To the Ottoman lands the
Iberian Jewish exiles brought their religion, their memories, their cultural
practices, and their craft, including printing, which was the a-Levi family
trade. So, too, did the exiles transport their tongue—a Judeo-Spanish
language they sometimes called muestro espanyol, which today is known as
Ladino.2 Over the course of 450 years, Jews became an integral part of the
Ottoman imperial social mosaic. They were particularly influential in cities
like Salonica, where they constituted a large enough group to conduct affairs
in their own language.
When Sa’adi commissioned a scribe to transcribe his memoir, Salonica
was the third most important port in the Ottoman Empire and a link between
Europe and the Levant. The cosmopolitan city, home to Jews, Muslims,
Dönme (descendants of Jews who followed the self-proclaimed messiah
14
Shabbetay Sevi into Islam after he converted in 1666), and Greek Orthodox
and other Christians, boasted more than fifty synagogues. The Sabbath was
celebrated on three different days by Salonica’s multisectarian residents.
Still, to its early-twentieth-century Jewish residents, the city was hailed as a
Jewish capital, the “Jerusalem of the Balkans.”3 So at ease were Jews in the
city that they could be found praying on the quay, obstructing the path of
pedestrians.4
A Jewish industrial-class, working-class, and middle-class workforce
fueled Salonica’s economy. Jews were prominent among both the stevedores
who manned the port and the women and men, girls and boys who dried
tobacco and shaped bricks in the city’s factories. Jews owned many of the
shops, cafés, and bars that lined Salonica’s streets, and were teachers in the
city’s schools.5 The city’s most popular newspapers were also edited,
printed, and written by Jews, including Sa’adi and his sons. Indeed, the aLevi family introduced printing to Salonica, in much the same fashion as
Sephardic Jews introduced printing to the Ottoman Empire.6
Ottoman Salonica, c. 1860s
Like most of Salonica’s nineteenth-century Jews, Sa’adi counted Ladino
as his mother tongue. It was the language in which he spoke to his wife and
children, wrote his memoir, and published some of his newspapers and the
ephemera that earned him a living. Still, his family line was the product of
intersecting Jewish worlds that merged in Salonica, reaching back to Iberia as
well as to Amsterdam and Italy. As culturally Sephardic as the family came
15
to be—and as influential to the shaping of modern Judeo-Spanish letters—
the a-Levi line braided Sephardic (Iberian Jewish) and Ashkenazic
(European Jewish) heritage. The family’s Ashkenazi lineage was for a time
preserved and even flaunted by the family through select customs and
through their use of the surname Ashkenazi, a name common among Jews in
the Balkans and Turkey, which in many cases signaled a non-Sephardic
inheritance. Sa’adi’s father, Besalel a-Levi Ashkenazi, his grandfather Rabbi
Yeuda a-Levi Ashkenazi, and his Amsterdam-born great-grandfather, Besalel
a-Levi Ashkenazi, went by this name, as did Sa’adi himself.7 The next
generation would not emulate this practice, probably out of a desire to
simplify and Westernize their family names.
Sa’adi was losing his vision in the early 1880s when he began composing
his memoir. The work suggests that he was sanguine about many of the
changes that were transforming Jewish Salonica. The city had only recently
spilled over its medieval walls, and its sea walls had been freshly demolished
in favor of a waterfront promenade. New, wealthy districts were being built
on Salonica’s eastern edge, and within the city, water, electricity, paved
streets, and tramlines were updating the urban landscape.8 Sa’adi didn’t
dwell on these developments in his memoir. Nor did he seem terribly
bothered that his children’s generation did not cling to the laws and mores of
the past, that they embraced new political movements and fashions, or that
women and men were both increasingly defiant about traditional gender
roles. None of this fundamentally seemed to disturb Sa’adi—or, at least, this
is not what comes through in his memoir. For Sa’adi was something of a
freethinker. What he could not abide was obstructionism on the part of the
city’s Jewish religious elite. Though religiously observant himself, Sa’adi
believed that Salonica’s rabbis were fearful leaders threatened by modernity.
Sa’adi battled with Salonica’s religious elite throughout his life. He
triggered their ire with words, both sung and written. By vocation Sa’adi was
a printer and editor, by avocation an accomplished composer and singer.
Like his grandfather Rabbi Yeuda a-Levi Ashkenazi, Sa’adi was a virtuoso
of Ottoman Jewish music. His training had come at the feet of two Ottoman
musical masters—one Muslim, the other Jewish—who taught him the full
Ottoman and Jewish repertoires. Sa’adi also practiced and performed with
the maftirim choirs of Salonica. Composed of Jewish, Sufi, and Muslim
musicians, the maftirim performed mystical texts from a variety of
traditions, blending their melodies and composition into a unique (and today
almost lost) art form. The kind of musical blending that Sa’adi excelled at
was quintessentially Ottoman, reflective of the cultural melding that was
inextricable from Salonica’s multiethnic, multisectarian, multilingual
environment.9 Music brought Jews and non-Jews together, allowing them to
share a cultural voice. No wonder it proved an irritant to a rabbinical
16
leadership that wished to fortify the boundaries around Judaism.
While still in his teenage years, Sa’adi was commissioned by the head of
one of Salonica’s greatest yeshivas to sing at the wedding of his son. For the
occasion, Sa’adi composed a melody based on a secular Turkish song, to
which he set the kaddish, a traditional Jewish hymn of prayer to God. The
day of the nuptials, the grand synagogue was packed—filled, in Sa’adi’s
words, with “the entire aristocracy of Salonica.” Enter the groom, enveloped
in turban and robes. Sa’adi intoned the words of the kaddish, sending his
newly composed secular melody echoing throughout the sacred building. His
voice had “the purity of crystal, a nuanced and captivating sweetness.”10
The crowd was overwhelmed. All except one. “When [Rabbi Shaul] went
home accompanied by eight to ten of his friends, he removed his cape and
sat on his elevated cushion for some rest.” Asked if he had enjoyed Sa’adi’s
performance, “the sinyor rav hit the roof … saying ‘What a wicked person
to sing a Turkish melody in the synagogue!’”11 To this antimodernist fearful
of losing influence and control, the blurring of musical boundaries, a
celebrated tradition in the Ottoman world, seemed threatening. In Rabbi
Shaul’s eyes, Sa’adi was less a budding maestro than a firebrand. It wa ...
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