Holocaust: History and Memory - Humanities
Reading materials and answer the following two questions Separately, EACH 150 wordsPlease write professional responses of only 2-3 paragraphs(150 words) for each questions(Do not answer together, answer separately, write two responses), No grammar and punctuation errors1)The Protocols of the Elders of Zion is one of the most famous forgeries, and most influential anti-Semitic texts, ever written. What modern, perceived crises does this selection of the document pin on Jews?2)In Family Papers, you are introduced to a Sephardic family from Salonica (present-day Thessaloniki, Greece). To what extent were they integrated into their city and state(s) prior to the Second World War? .1___family_papers_a_sephardic_journey_through_the_twentieth_century.pdf protocols_of_the_elders_of_zion.pdf Unformatted Attachment Preview 1 2 Begin Reading Table of Contents A Note About the Author Copyright Page Thank you for buying this Farrar, Straus and Giroux ebook. To receive special offers, bonus content, and info on new releases and other great reads, sign up for our newsletters. Or visit us online at us.macmillan.com/newslettersignup For email updates on the author, click here. 3 The author and publisher have provided this e-book to you for your personal use only. You may not make this e-book publicly available in any way. Copyright infringement is against the law. If you believe the copy of this e-book you are reading infringes on the author’s copyright, please notify the publisher at: us.macmillanusa.com/piracy. 4 To three good people I love to walk with: Fred, Ira, and Julius Kamina kon buenos, te hazeras uno de eyos. Walk with good people and you will become one of them. 5 6 WRITERS 7 This is the story of a single Sephardic family whose roots connect them to a place and community that no longer exist. The place was the port city of Ottoman Salonica, present-day Thessaloniki, Greece, one of the few cities in modern Europe ever to claim a Jewish majority. The community was made up mostly of Ladino- (or Judeo-Spanish) speaking Jews—Sephardic families who traced their ancestry back to Sepharad, medieval Iberia, from which they were expelled in the 1490s, but who, for the next five centuries, called the Ottoman Empire, southeastern Europe, and Salonica home. Today, the papers of the Levy family are spread across nine countries and three continents. The single largest collection, the papers of Leon Levy, is kept by his four grandchildren in a private vault in Rio de Janeiro. It consists of nearly five thousand handwritten and typed letters, telegrams, photographs, legal and medical documents, and miscellanea—address books, expired passports, and more: by far the largest private archive I have encountered as a professional historian and near obsessive document hunter. In a suitcase in a spare garage, in a retirement village outside Johannesburg, there is another repository of Levy family papers. Smaller than the Rio collection, the South African one is nonetheless of immeasurable historical value. It includes such cherished souvenirs as a silhouette cut in Salonica in 1919 capturing the likeness of a young woman about to emigrate from her native city, never to return. Other family papers have turned up in private hands in England. One collection, boxed up in a home in London, has survived multiple migrations, from Greece to Great Britain to Germany to India, back to Great Britain and on to the United States. Another, housed in a scenic village outside Manchester, contains fragile glass slides taken in 1917 in Salonica’s Jewish cemetery, then the largest Jewish cemetery in Europe. Yet more documents, photographs, and objects have materialized in Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Israel, Italy, Portugal, and the United States: not only family-owned papers, but documents and photographs held by thirty archives. Travel documents; naturalization papers; birth, death, and medical records; letters exchanged by relatives, lovers, and friends; business papers; even a baptismal certificate. All told, these scattered sources have allowed me to trace an intimate arc of the twentieth century. The Levy family papers catalogue the lives and losses of multiple generations, contain papers written in eight languages, and reflect correspondence among members of a single family spanning the globe. This 8 is a Jewish story, an Ottoman story, a European story, a Mediterranean story, and a diasporic story, a story of how women, men, and children experienced wars, genocide, and migration, the collapse of old regimes and the rise of new nations. The Levy papers also reveal how this family loved and quarreled, struggled and succeeded, clung to one another and watched the ties that once bound them slip from their grasp. As the first papers in the Levy family collections were amassed, around the time of the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), Salonica and its Jewish community were undergoing an irrevocable transformation. Nationalism provoked the transition of Salonica from an Ottoman city with a Jewish plurality to a Greek city with a Christian majority. Emigration drove the city’s Jews, and the Levy family, across the globe. Map of the Levy family diaspora Ladino speakers began to abandon their language in favor of various adopted tongues. Genocide eradicated 98 percent of the Jews who remained in Salonica during the Second World War, leaving survivors crippled by one of the highest rates of annihilation to affect a single community in Europe. The Levy family lived all this. They knew Salonica when one was more likely to hear Ladino on the street than any other language. As leading publishers and editors in the city, they helped chronicle and shape modernity 9 as it was experienced by Sephardic Jews. Wars redrew borders around them, transforming them from Ottomans to Greeks. Family members moved across boundaries and hemispheres, with some leaving in optimism and others in shame. The Holocaust eviscerated their clan, destroying entire branches of the family tree. The losses that so devastated those left behind disrupted intimacies and led to new relationships among survivors driven together by grief, seeking solace in one another and, in some cases, cooperating to file reparation claims from Germany. Slowly, agonizingly, they rebuilt. My encounter with the Levy family has its roots in another book, one I coedited with my colleague, former teacher, and friend, Aron Rodrigue. In 2012, Aron and I published a translation of the first known Ladino memoir (Isaac Jerusalmi, zikhrono livrakha [z”l], of blessed memory, served as translator).1 The memoir was composed by a Levy patriarch, Sa’adi Besalel Ashkenazi a-Levi (1820–1903), whom contemporaries called Sa’adi. Sa’adi’s memoir fills ninety-five pages of a humble notebook—the sort of ledger a small-business owner might use to keep track of expenses. Written in elegant soletreo, the unique cursive handwriting of Ladino, the pages are dotted with Hebrew words in calligraphic block letters. The margins show Sa’adi’s meticulous additions and corrections, some in blue pencil. Sa’adi would revise and polish the document for a decade, until blindness overtook him. A lifelong publisher, Sa’adi made this notebook his last and most intimate creation. Astonishingly, Sa’adi’s notebook passed through four generations of his family, traveling from Salonica to Paris, from Paris to Rio de Janeiro, and, finally, from Rio to Jerusalem—somehow eluding destruction, even in the face of the dispersal of Sa’adi’s descendants over multiple countries and the annihilation of Salonica’s Jewish community. Later, after I spent years grappling with Sa’adi’s words, I wondered what had become of this remarkable family from Ottoman Salonica. The slenderest of leads enabled me to write this book. In 1977, Sadi Silvio (Sylvain) Levy, the great-grandson of Sa’adi Besalel Ashkenazi aLevi, had donated the sole copy of Sa’adi’s memoir to the National Library of Israel, then known as the Jewish National and University Library. Because Sephardic Jews tend to name children after living forebears, I reasoned that names would persist in the Levy family, even in the émigré outpost of Brazil. The hunch eventually led me to Silvio Vieira Ferreira Levy —Sa’adi’s Rio-born great-great-grandson. In time, Silvio told me about the Levy collection in its vault in Rio and, with the blessing of his three siblings, shared his family’s papers with me. The discovery began a decade-long historical journey. The Levy family was known variously across the years. In nineteenth- 10 century Ottoman Salonica, when the Levys were among the city’s cultural elite, they were called a-Levi. (A contemporary Hebrew speaker might render the name Ha-Levy, but this fails to reflect the pronunciation of Hebrew among Ladino speakers of the era.) Certain family members who went to France removed the prefix and added an accent, a stroke that would testify to their Frenchness: Lévy. Those who moved through Germany considered embracing Lewy, but, in the end, did not. The Brazilian branch favored Levy, which would be more recognizable to Portuguese speakers. Women in the family, meanwhile, adopted married names, all significant to Sephardic history: Amariglio (Amarilio), Carmona, Errera, Florentin, Hasson, Matalon, Molho, Salem, Sarfatti, and more. In this family, as in every family, much remained unspoken, unwritten. There were facts family members could not know, secrets they would not tell. The most devastating drama of this book—the ghastly transgressions and ultimate trial and execution of a Second World War criminal who was also one of Sa’adi’s great-grandchildren—makes no explicit appearance in family correspondence. Evidence of this person has also been left out of all the family trees I have encountered. In the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust, relatives hinted at the trauma in letters, alluding to conversations they had had or would have about their disgraced kin. But never did they put the offender’s name (let alone details of his crimes) in print. This was a shared secret, not meant for the eyes of a historian.2 Of course, a historian is not charged with perpetuating or concealing her subjects’ secrets. Still, the discovery of this dark chapter of Levy history has weighed heavily on me, presenting ethical dilemmas I have struggled to resolve. Few of Sa’adi’s living descendants could be familiar with this tortured chapter prior to reading this book. For some, it may prove painful, for others, a distant scandal. In the end, my decision to tell this anomalous and disturbing story emerged out of a desire to write as complete and nuanced a family history as sources permitted. To do less would allow a sanitized version of the past to prevail over the messy, sometimes ugly, unshakably human one that resonates with truth. The Levys wrote each other to give and ask for money, to share expressions of grief, to announce achievements, to conduct business, and to reveal secrets. They wrote to maintain connection over time and distance, to propose marriage, and to plan for divorce. They wrote because they had regrets and were lonely, at times simply because they were family. Papers held them together—until distance, time, and history finally tore them apart. So it is that after a diasporic Sephardic family frays, what remains is the fragile tissue that once held them together: neither blood nor belief, but paper. DNA tests and genealogical websites have turned the search for ancestry 11 into a booming industry, with spit and computers its essential tools. Yet in an era of expanding family trees, digital relationships, and instantaneous communication, writing or receiving letters is something few of us do—or have ever done, depending on our age. It is uncommon, in today’s world, to anticipate a letter, to relish its arrival, to stain it with tears, or to pass it to children or grandchildren as an inheritence. We have infinite ways to connect. But what have we relinquished, along with family papers? 12 OTTOMANS Those Levys were dangerous. All they needed was an idea to come to them like a little birdie, and they’d start chasing after it. And this idea never rested until it became a reality. —The Memoirs of Doctor Meir Yoel, 19001 13 SA’ADI Does every generation believe it exists at a moment of transition? Looking around him, Sa’adi Besalel Ashkenazi a-Levi saw a world that scarcely resembled the one into which he was born. Young women and men dressed differently from their parents, maintained a looser relationship to religion. New train tracks connected his city, Ottoman Salonica, to Belgrade, and from there to all of Europe. His children, like so many Jewish youth, spoke languages a previous generation did not know. They were moving far from home, assuming new jobs, attempting to realize their own utopian dreams. Sa’adi’s city, Ottoman Salonica, was among the few cities in the modern world to have a Jewish plurality, if not a Jewish majority. Jews numbered between 60,000 and 100,000 of Salonica’s residents in the nineteenth century, when roughly 50 percent of the city’s residents were Jews.1 The majority of Salonica’s Jews were Sephardic, descendants of Jews expelled from medieval Iberia (“Sepharad” in Hebrew) in the late fifteenth century. Pushed from their homes, these expelled women, men, and children scattered northward to France and the Spanish Netherlands, and southward to Morocco. The largest number, however, moved east to the Ottoman Empire, an expanding state that would, at its height, reach across southeastern Europe, through the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa, and eastward to the border of what is today Iran. To the Ottoman lands the Iberian Jewish exiles brought their religion, their memories, their cultural practices, and their craft, including printing, which was the a-Levi family trade. So, too, did the exiles transport their tongue—a Judeo-Spanish language they sometimes called muestro espanyol, which today is known as Ladino.2 Over the course of 450 years, Jews became an integral part of the Ottoman imperial social mosaic. They were particularly influential in cities like Salonica, where they constituted a large enough group to conduct affairs in their own language. When Sa’adi commissioned a scribe to transcribe his memoir, Salonica was the third most important port in the Ottoman Empire and a link between Europe and the Levant. The cosmopolitan city, home to Jews, Muslims, Dönme (descendants of Jews who followed the self-proclaimed messiah 14 Shabbetay Sevi into Islam after he converted in 1666), and Greek Orthodox and other Christians, boasted more than fifty synagogues. The Sabbath was celebrated on three different days by Salonica’s multisectarian residents. Still, to its early-twentieth-century Jewish residents, the city was hailed as a Jewish capital, the “Jerusalem of the Balkans.”3 So at ease were Jews in the city that they could be found praying on the quay, obstructing the path of pedestrians.4 A Jewish industrial-class, working-class, and middle-class workforce fueled Salonica’s economy. Jews were prominent among both the stevedores who manned the port and the women and men, girls and boys who dried tobacco and shaped bricks in the city’s factories. Jews owned many of the shops, cafés, and bars that lined Salonica’s streets, and were teachers in the city’s schools.5 The city’s most popular newspapers were also edited, printed, and written by Jews, including Sa’adi and his sons. Indeed, the aLevi family introduced printing to Salonica, in much the same fashion as Sephardic Jews introduced printing to the Ottoman Empire.6 Ottoman Salonica, c. 1860s Like most of Salonica’s nineteenth-century Jews, Sa’adi counted Ladino as his mother tongue. It was the language in which he spoke to his wife and children, wrote his memoir, and published some of his newspapers and the ephemera that earned him a living. Still, his family line was the product of intersecting Jewish worlds that merged in Salonica, reaching back to Iberia as well as to Amsterdam and Italy. As culturally Sephardic as the family came 15 to be—and as influential to the shaping of modern Judeo-Spanish letters— the a-Levi line braided Sephardic (Iberian Jewish) and Ashkenazic (European Jewish) heritage. The family’s Ashkenazi lineage was for a time preserved and even flaunted by the family through select customs and through their use of the surname Ashkenazi, a name common among Jews in the Balkans and Turkey, which in many cases signaled a non-Sephardic inheritance. Sa’adi’s father, Besalel a-Levi Ashkenazi, his grandfather Rabbi Yeuda a-Levi Ashkenazi, and his Amsterdam-born great-grandfather, Besalel a-Levi Ashkenazi, went by this name, as did Sa’adi himself.7 The next generation would not emulate this practice, probably out of a desire to simplify and Westernize their family names. Sa’adi was losing his vision in the early 1880s when he began composing his memoir. The work suggests that he was sanguine about many of the changes that were transforming Jewish Salonica. The city had only recently spilled over its medieval walls, and its sea walls had been freshly demolished in favor of a waterfront promenade. New, wealthy districts were being built on Salonica’s eastern edge, and within the city, water, electricity, paved streets, and tramlines were updating the urban landscape.8 Sa’adi didn’t dwell on these developments in his memoir. Nor did he seem terribly bothered that his children’s generation did not cling to the laws and mores of the past, that they embraced new political movements and fashions, or that women and men were both increasingly defiant about traditional gender roles. None of this fundamentally seemed to disturb Sa’adi—or, at least, this is not what comes through in his memoir. For Sa’adi was something of a freethinker. What he could not abide was obstructionism on the part of the city’s Jewish religious elite. Though religiously observant himself, Sa’adi believed that Salonica’s rabbis were fearful leaders threatened by modernity. Sa’adi battled with Salonica’s religious elite throughout his life. He triggered their ire with words, both sung and written. By vocation Sa’adi was a printer and editor, by avocation an accomplished composer and singer. Like his grandfather Rabbi Yeuda a-Levi Ashkenazi, Sa’adi was a virtuoso of Ottoman Jewish music. His training had come at the feet of two Ottoman musical masters—one Muslim, the other Jewish—who taught him the full Ottoman and Jewish repertoires. Sa’adi also practiced and performed with the maftirim choirs of Salonica. Composed of Jewish, Sufi, and Muslim musicians, the maftirim performed mystical texts from a variety of traditions, blending their melodies and composition into a unique (and today almost lost) art form. The kind of musical blending that Sa’adi excelled at was quintessentially Ottoman, reflective of the cultural melding that was inextricable from Salonica’s multiethnic, multisectarian, multilingual environment.9 Music brought Jews and non-Jews together, allowing them to share a cultural voice. No wonder it proved an irritant to a rabbinical 16 leadership that wished to fortify the boundaries around Judaism. While still in his teenage years, Sa’adi was commissioned by the head of one of Salonica’s greatest yeshivas to sing at the wedding of his son. For the occasion, Sa’adi composed a melody based on a secular Turkish song, to which he set the kaddish, a traditional Jewish hymn of prayer to God. The day of the nuptials, the grand synagogue was packed—filled, in Sa’adi’s words, with “the entire aristocracy of Salonica.” Enter the groom, enveloped in turban and robes. Sa’adi intoned the words of the kaddish, sending his newly composed secular melody echoing throughout the sacred building. His voice had “the purity of crystal, a nuanced and captivating sweetness.”10 The crowd was overwhelmed. All except one. “When [Rabbi Shaul] went home accompanied by eight to ten of his friends, he removed his cape and sat on his elevated cushion for some rest.” Asked if he had enjoyed Sa’adi’s performance, “the sinyor rav hit the roof … saying ‘What a wicked person to sing a Turkish melody in the synagogue!’”11 To this antimodernist fearful of losing influence and control, the blurring of musical boundaries, a celebrated tradition in the Ottoman world, seemed threatening. In Rabbi Shaul’s eyes, Sa’adi was less a budding maestro than a firebrand. It wa ... Purchase answer to see full attachment
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Develop a community-wide intervention to reduce elevated blood pressure and hypertension in the State of Alabama that in in body of the report Conclusions References (8 References Minimum) *** Words count = 2000 words. *** In-Text Citations and References using Harvard style. *** In Task section I’ve chose (Economic issues in overseas contracting)" Electromagnetism w or quality improvement; it was just all part of good nursing care.  The goal for quality improvement is to monitor patient outcomes using statistics for comparison to standards of care for different diseases e a 1 to 2 slide Microsoft PowerPoint presentation on the different models of case management.  Include speaker notes... .....Describe three different models of case management. visual representations of information. They can include numbers SSAY ame workbook for all 3 milestones. You do not need to download a new copy for Milestones 2 or 3. 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Throughout your nurse practitioner program Vignette Understanding Gender Fluidity Providing Inclusive Quality Care Affirming Clinical Encounters Conclusion References Nurse Practitioner Knowledge Mechanics and word limit is unit as a guide only. The assessment may be re-attempted on two further occasions (maximum three attempts in total). All assessments must be resubmitted 3 days within receiving your unsatisfactory grade. You must clearly indicate “Re-su Trigonometry Article writing Other 5. June 29 After the components sending to the manufacturing house 1. In 1972 the Furman v. Georgia case resulted in a decision that would put action into motion. Furman was originally sentenced to death because of a murder he committed in Georgia but the court debated whether or not this was a violation of his 8th amend One of the first conflicts that would need to be investigated would be whether the human service professional followed the responsibility to client ethical standard.  While developing a relationship with client it is important to clarify that if danger or Ethical behavior is a critical topic in the workplace because the impact of it can make or break a business No matter which type of health care organization With a direct sale During the pandemic Computers are being used to monitor the spread of outbreaks in different areas of the world and with this record 3. Furman v. Georgia is a U.S Supreme Court case that resolves around the Eighth Amendments ban on cruel and unsual punishment in death penalty cases. The Furman v. Georgia case was based on Furman being convicted of murder in Georgia. Furman was caught i One major ethical conflict that may arise in my investigation is the Responsibility to Client in both Standard 3 and Standard 4 of the Ethical Standards for Human Service Professionals (2015).  Making sure we do not disclose information without consent ev 4. Identify two examples of real world problems that you have observed in your personal Summary & Evaluation: Reference & 188. Academic Search Ultimate Ethics We can mention at least one example of how the violation of ethical standards can be prevented. Many organizations promote ethical self-regulation by creating moral codes to help direct their business activities *DDB is used for the first three years For example The inbound logistics for William Instrument refer to purchase components from various electronic firms. During the purchase process William need to consider the quality and price of the components. In this case 4. A U.S. Supreme Court case known as Furman v. 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The team is currently using an I would start off with Linda on repeating her options for the child and going over what she is feeling with each option.  I would want to find out what she is afraid of.  I would avoid asking her any “why” questions because I want her to be in the here an Summarize the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psychological research (Comp 2.1) 25.0\% Summarization of the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psych Identify the type of research used in a chosen study Compose a 1 Optics effect relationship becomes more difficult—as the researcher cannot enact total control of another person even in an experimental environment. Social workers serve clients in highly complex real-world environments. 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After establishing where each member is in relation to the family A Health in All Policies approach Note: The requirements outlined below correspond to the grading criteria in the scoring guide. At a minimum Chen Read Connecting Communities and Complexity: A Case Study in Creating the Conditions for Transformational Change Read Reflections on Cultural Humility Read A Basic Guide to ABCD Community Organizing Use the bolded black section and sub-section titles below to organize your paper. For each section Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident