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an_overview_of_the_us_impeachment_process.pdf
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An Overview of the
US Impeachment Process
November 2019
Under Article II, Sec. 4 of the US Constitution, Congress has the
power to impeach the President, the Vice President and “all civil
Officers of the United States” for “Treason, Bribery, or other high
Crimes and Misdemeanors.” If the House approves one or more
articles of impeachment by a simple majority vote, the Senate
conducts a trial that will result in a removal from office only if twothirds of the Senate votes to convict.
This publication examines (I) the process of impeachment, (II) the
two prior instances in which a US President has been impeached,
but not convicted (as well as the instances in which judges have
been impeached) and (III) the impeachment efforts targeting US
President Donald Trump.
The Process of Impeachment
The impeachment process formally begins in the House of
Representatives, with the filing of articles of impeachment, and is
followed by a trial in the Senate. Impeachment proceedings can be
triggered by lawmakers or prompted by individuals outside the US
Congress, such as through recommendations from entities like the
Judicial Conference of the United States, independent counsels with
substantial and credible information that could constitute grounds
for impeachment, or a charge from a state or territorial legislature or
grand jury. But, whatever the source, the process cannot begin until
one or more Members of Congress formally introduces a resolution
setting forth the basis for impeachment.
Although the Constitution speaks in terms of “Treason, Bribery, or
other high Crimes and Misdemeanors,” non-criminal activity has
also served as grounds for impeachment. Grounds for impeachment
fall into three broad categories: (1) conduct unsuited to the function
or purpose of the office, (2) abuse of office for personal gain or
an improper purpose and (3) improperly exceeding or abusing the
powers of the office.
Historically, the first category includes actions such as providing
false information on federal income tax forms, appearing on the
bench intoxicated, alleged sexual assault and judicial favoritism.
President Clinton’s 1998 impeachment articles most closely fall
into this category, as lying to a grand jury and obstructing justice
are considered unsuited to the presidency. The second category,
abusing the office for personal gain or improper purpose, has
involved false contempt charges, receiving payments and favors in
exchange for judicial outcomes and influencing cases.
Two federal judges have been removed under the third category
for abuse of power. President Andrew Johnson’s impeachment,
involving the removal of a cabinet member, can also be seen
as exceeding his presidential powers. These categories are not
definitive or exhaustive, but exist to summarize the majority of
impeachment proceedings conducted thus far in the US.
Each individual charge of alleged wrongdoing is an article;
together, the charges are the articles of impeachment. The articles
are generally referred to the House Judiciary Committee, which
conducts an initial investigation and then votes on a resolution
of one or more articles. Next, the entire House considers the
resolution. Members can adopt the resolution as a whole or vote on
each article individually. If a simple majority of the House votes in
favor of one or more of the articles, then the individual is considered
impeached by the House.
After the House votes to impeach, “managers,” who will act as the
prosecution during the Senate trial, are selected from among House
members. Once the proceedings move to the Senate, the individual
will enter a pleading and a “trial date” is set. There are no formal
rules governing how the trial will be conducted. In practice, the
Senate Majority Leader and the Senate Minority Leader negotiate
terms broadly acceptable to their respective caucuses, which then
are voted upon.1 During the trial, witnesses can be subpoenaed,
evidence considered and testimony taken, either by the full Senate
or a committee of Senators selected by the Presiding Officer. The
Presiding Officer is traditionally the Vice President, acting in his
role as the President of the US Senate. Notably, however, the Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court presided over the two instances where
a sitting US president was impeached, as discussed in Section II.
At the close of the trial, the Senate deliberates and votes on each
individual article. A two-thirds vote of Senators present is required
for conviction. Because each article contains a separate charge,
an individual may be convicted of all, some or none of the articles.
Conviction on a single article will result in removal from office. The
Senate may then vote to disqualify the individual from ever serving
in an “office of public trust” in the US again. This vote requires only
a simple majority to pass.
Notably, the Constitution specifies that an individual is not immune
from criminal liability once convicted. An individual who is facing
impeachment, or who has already been impeached, may face
separate criminal proceedings.
1
For more information on the politics of this process during President Bill Clinton’s
impeachment trial, see https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/10/23/
tom-daschle-trent-lott-senate-can-hold-fair-impeachment-trial-we-did-it/
Historical US Impeachments
Nineteen individuals have been impeached by the House, but three
individuals resigned after the House took action, resulting in only
16 full impeachment trials in the Senate. These 16 trials resulted in
eight convictions, all of them federal judges.
Only two presidents have been impeached: Andrew Johnson and
Bill Clinton. They are discussed, in turn, below.2
Andrew Johnson
In 1868, the House of Representatives adopted 11 articles of
impeachment against Andrew Johnson. Many of them dealt with
President Johnson’s violation of the Tenure of Office Act – he
replaced his Secretary of War in violation of the Act. The Senate
only voted on three of the articles, each of which fell one vote
short of the two-thirds majority required for conviction. After
the three votes failed, the trial adjourned without votes on the
remaining articles. That year, President Johnson failed to receive the
Democratic nomination for president necessary for reelection and
left office at the end of his term in 1869.
Bill Clinton
In 1998, House lawmakers considered four articles of impeachment
against Bill Clinton. During a sworn deposition for a sexual
harassment lawsuit stemming from his time as Governor of
Arkansas, President Clinton denied a sexual relationship with White
House intern Monica Lewinsky. This relationship later proved to
be true and President Clinton was impeached on two articles: lying
to a grand jury and obstruction of justice. President Clinton was
ultimately found not guilty under both articles.
Impeachment Efforts Targeting US
President Donald Trump
115th Congress
Demands for President Donald Trump’s impeachment began
before his swearing in. However, these demands did not reach the
floor of the House of Representatives until months into his term.
On May 17, 2017, Rep. Al Green (D-Texas) called for President
Trump’s impeachment while on the House floor. Rep. Brad Sherman
(D-California) joined Rep. Green in drafting articles of impeachment,
which they formally introduced in H. Res. 438. In the articles, they
alleged that the President obstructed and impeded the investigation
of Russian interference in the 2016 election. Rep. Green introduced
a second set of articles in December 2017 that alleged President
Trump “associated the Presidency with White Nationalism, NeoNazism, and Hatred.”
2
Impeachment proceedings began against a third, Richard Nixon, and reached the
House Judiciary Committee stage before President Nixon resigned. As impeachment
is meant to remediate bad players within the government, and has no bearing on
criminal liability, impeachment proceedings against President Nixon stopped once
he resigned. He was spared any criminal prosecution by President Gerald Ford, who
issued a full and unconditional pardon of President Nixon’s activities while president.
Lawmakers introduced another set of articles after the August
2017 “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. Seventeen
Democratic Representatives signed onto H. Res. 621, which accused
President Trump of undermining the freedom of the press and
obstruction of justice, along with other charges.
All three sets of proposed articles failed to gain traction, and
expired with the end of the 115th Congress on January 3, 2019.
116th Congress
Early Efforts
With the change in majority in the House of Representatives in
2019, the topic of impeachment again emerged. At an event in
January, newly elected Representative Rashida Tlaib (D-Michigan)
made headlines when she told an audience that Democrats were
going to “impeach the mother----er.”
However, many of the Democrats elected in the recent blue wave
represent more moderate districts, whose constituents may
not support impeachment. Democratic leadership did not make
impeachment a large issue in the 2018 election, in part due to fear
of backlash from moderate and independent voters.
Democratic leaders, such as Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-California) and
House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Maryland), largely avoided
impeachment talk for most of 2019. Hoyer, for example, called it
a “distraction” from other Democratic priorities. Senate Minority
Leader Chuck Schumer (D-New York) has been more outspoken on
the issue – when asked in September 2018 when President Trump
would be impeached, he said “the sooner the better,” though
Senator Schumer’s spokesperson later reported that the Senator had
misunderstood the question.
September and October 2019
On September 24, 2019, Speaker Pelosi announced that the House
would begin an impeachment inquiry of President Trump in the midst
of allegations that the President and top administration officials
pressured the leader of Ukraine to advance the President’s political
interests. The inquiry will allow lawmakers to investigate what,
if any, “high crimes and misdemeanors” the President may have
committed. Given the nature of the issue, the impeachment inquiry
is in the hands of the House Intelligence Committee, the House
Committee on Oversight and Reform, and the House Foreign Affairs
Committee. Should a resolution containing articles of impeachment
be introduced, it will be referred to the House Judiciary Committee.
Although House Democrats have been conducting multiple
investigations through these and other committees, the
impeachment now appears to be focused on President Trump’s
July 2019 exchanges with Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky.
A recent whistleblower complaint claims President Trump, along
with personal attorney Rudy Giuliani, repeatedly pushed President
Zelensky to investigate Democratic presidential contender Joe
Biden and his son Hunter Biden in an effort to solicit information
for the 2020 US election. The complaint also alleged that President
Trump threatened to withhold US$400 million in US military aid from
Ukraine if President Zelensky failed to comply with the demands
and that several White House officials attempted to cover up the
contents of the phone call.
In a response to the allegations, the Trump Administration released
a five-page transcript of the phone call, which confirmed that
President Trump asked President Zelensky to “look into the Biden
controversy.”
In response to the whistleblower complaints, the chairs of key House
committees – Intelligence, Foreign Affairs and Oversight – issued
subpoenas to both Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and President
Trump’s personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, to determine their participation
in the phone call in July 2019. The chairs demanded that all relevant
documents and communications be submitted by October 15, 2019.
In addition to issuing subpoenas to Secretary Pompeo and Rudy
Giuliani, the House Committees have issued multiple other
subpoenas to a variety of Trump Administration offices. The list
includes Vice President Mike Pence and Energy Secretary Rick
Perry, along with other senior officials, many of whom have refused
to cooperate with subpoena requests. White House counsel Pat
Cipollone has deemed the impeachment inquiry “a one-sided effort
by House Democrats to gather information favorable to their views
and to selectively release it as only they determine.”
Although senior officials have ignored requests, many lower-level
subpoenaed officials have agreed to testify. However, in an effort
to persuade officials to keep silent, the Trump Administration sent
warning letters to individuals who testified before Congress. One
such witness, Laura Cooper, a Pentagon official, received a warning
letter stating that her testimony would be legally invalid without
agency counsel and that “Executive Branch personnel cannot
participate in the impeachment inquiry under these circumstances.”
While the White House continues efforts to shut down the inquiry
by claiming that it violates a constitutionally mandated due process,
Chief Judge Beryl A. Howell of the Federal District Court for the
District of Columbia ruled that the House Judiciary Committee
was entitled to view secret grand jury evidence. The Trump
Administration is likely to appeal the ruling. Speaker Pelosi has
not set any timeline for the House committees to complete their
work, although she did call for a vote on a resolution formalizing
the procedures of the impeachment inquiry on October 31. The vote
was 232-196, largely on party lines, with only two Democrats voting
against the resolution. Broadly, the resolution clarifies procedurally
how the House will progress with moving the impeachment inquiry
into its next phase.
The House will begin public impeachment hearings the week of
November 11.
The congressional investigations section of our Public Policy team
is closely monitoring the current impeachment proceedings and will
provide regular updates to this historic process.
Members of our congressional investigations team have
worked with the Democratic and Republican staffs on the major
investigative committees in the House and Senate. We have an
unparalleled insider’s knowledge of the congressional investigations
process, key members and staff, and how to prepare for and respond
to document requests, subpoenas and hearings. We understand the
relationships in Congress that drive the decisions members make.
Our team includes white collar and general litigators who coordinate
to guard against any adverse collateral impacts. We represent
corporations, private individuals and public officials prior to and at
different stages during an investigation.
Our team stands ready to address your questions.
Contacts
Margaret E. Daum
Partner, Washington DC
T +1 202 457 6468
E margaret.daum@squirepb.com
Pablo E. Carrillo
Of Counsel, Washington DC
T +1 202 457 6415
E pablo.carrillo@squirepb.com
Jeffrey L. Turner
Partner, Washington DC
T +1 202 457 6434
E jeff.turner@squirepb.com
Ludmilla L. Kasulke
Associate, Washington DC
T +1 202 457 5125
E ludmilla.kasulke@squirepb.com
Elaine M. Hillgrove
Associate, Washington DC
T +1 202 457 6437
E elaine.hillgrove@squirepb.com
The contents of this update are not intended to serve as legal advice related to individual situations or as legal opinions
concerning such situations, nor should they be considered a substitute for taking legal advice.
© Squire Patton Boggs.
squirepattonboggs.com
All Rights Reserved 2019
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