Watch: Wonder Woman Read: Cocca “It’s About Power and It’s About Women”,write a discussion(1 page). - Writing
Class participation (i.e. discussion board posts) is an irreplaceable part of the learning process in this course. You will be evaluated on the QUALITY of your contributions and insights. A quality comment possesses one or more of the following properties:Offers a different and unique, but relevant, perspectiveContributes to moving the discussion and analysis forwardBuilds on other commentsIncludes evidence, argumentation, or reflective thinking while moving beyond opinion or value judgment.Note: While points allocated will not be based on length or number of words, it will be exceedingly difficult to achieve the above benchmarks in one or two sentences.Film Writing: Best PracticesAs this course is mainly engaged with film, you will be required to use time markers for each in-text citation: (Title of the Film Hour:Min:Sec) eg. (Batman 01:23:15). Because you will need to reference a fair amount of evidence in your analysis and writing (direct quotes, scenes from the films, articles, etc.), I highly suggest that you watch the film with subtitles on so you are able to write down the exact quote. You are expected to read and watch the entirety of whatever is assigned. If you take notes as you read, you will be much more prepared for the written assignments. Also, remember to save all of your work often and in multiple locations.
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Chapter Sixteen
“It’s about Power and It’s about
Women”
Gender and the Political Economy of Superheroes in
Wonder Woman and Buffy the Vampire Slayer
Carolyn Cocca
Earth girls can stop men’s power for evil when they refuse to be dominated by
evil men. —Diana (Wonder Woman), in Wonder Woman Vol. 1 #5, by creator
William Moulton Marston, 1943
It’s about power and it’s about women, and you just hate those two words in
the same sentence, don’t you? —Buffy (the Vampire Slayer), in Buffy Season
8 #4, by creator Joss Whedon, 2007
POWER AND WOMEN
Wonder Woman debuted seventy years ago, and Buffy, twenty years ago. 1
Their male creators intended the two characters to build male acceptance of
female power. 2 As strong community-minded “woman warriors” who consult, protect, and rely on friends, both of these superheroes present an alternative to a hierarchical, individualistic, patriarchal society. But at the same
time, both conform to some gender stereotypes, as they are white, heterosexual, and middle (to upper) class, battling their enemies while managing to
keep their long hair, beautiful faces, and attractive bodies unharmed. That the
characters embody these seeming contradictions broadens their potential audiences as well as widening the possibilities for different receptions by those
audiences.
215
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216
Carolyn Cocca
In this chapter, I analyze the transgressive possibilities of and the constraints on the portrayals of gender and power in Wonder Woman comics
(1941–2012) and the Buffy television show and comics (1997–2012). To do
so, I approach comics as interactive public spheres in which editorial boards,
writers and artists, parent companies, and competing constituent audiences
empower and constrain each other as to how articulations of gender are
produced and how they are received. 3
I find that moments of more fluid representations of gender in most of
Wonder Woman’s history were followed by periods of backlash and containment, that the similarities between the two characters illuminate how female
heroes are produced for maximum resonance (and maximum profit) across
different audiences, and that the differences between the two characters are
related to their bodies and their sexuality. I conclude with reflections on how
the Third Wave feminist sensibilities and aesthetics of Buffy, and of Wonder
Woman in the 2000s, may serve to moderate those cyclical swings and those
differences by simultaneously embodying, parodying, and subverting traditional articulations of gender.
WONDER WOMAN FROM THE 1940S TO THE 1990S:
TRANSGRESSION AND CONTAINMENT
William Moulton Marston created Wonder Woman in 1941. His Princess
Diana of the Amazons was “a woman with the eternal beauty of Aphrodite
and the wisdom of Athena, yet whose lovely form hides the agility of Mercury and the steely sinews of Hercules.” Her mission was to subdue Axis spies,
common criminals, and mythical characters, as well as to teach “Man’s
World” the peaceful and equal ways of the Amazons. 4 She and her female
friends often had to rescue her boyfriend Steve Trevor as well. Diana loved
Steve, but refused his proposals: “If I married you, Steve, I’d have to pretend
that I’m weaker than you are to make you happy—and that, no woman
should do.” 5 Space for such subversion of gendered binaries was created
through the wartime flux of gender roles. 6
After the war, all of this changed. Comics were among the many sites that
materially articulated multiple Cold War ideologies that worked to construct
an American national consensus, reconfiguring order in the face of numerous
challenges. 7 Femininity and marriage became central in Wonder Woman. A
backup feature called “Wonder Women of History” that profiled prominent
(mostly white) women was replaced in 1950 by “Marriage a la Mode,” which
documented marriage customs around the world; similar romance supplements continued for twenty years. 8 Diana’s costume covered less, her boots
were replaced with laced sandals, and her hair grew longer and her eyes
larger. Steve’s (and others’) marriage proposals became constant. Instead of
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“It’s about Power and It’s about Women”
217
fighting fascism and crime with other women, she fought fantastic monsters
alone, sometimes infantilized as herself at younger ages, “Wonder Girl” and
“Wonder Tot.” These changes cast her more as object than subject; it became
more difficult to read the character as presenting challenges to traditional
hierarchies.
“I’ll lose him forever if I don’t do something to keep him interested in
me!” lamented Diana in 1968, as she gave up her powers to be with Steve. 9
While the creative team saw this big change as feminist in that she would
have to rely on her wits and not her superpowers, 10 some fans and some
feminists didn’t see it that way. 11 After lobbying by these groups, her powers
were restored in 1973. But under the next editor, who said he “never cared
for Wonder Woman,” many of the 1970s and early 1980s stories showed
Diana in a smaller costume and more suggestive poses as she fought similarly curvy women. 12 Gender-neutral public service announcements and romance supplements were replaced by ads for BB guns and bodybuilding, and
letter authors were more often male and adult. 13 From 1974 to 1983, only a
handful of letters referred to her as a feminist icon. 14 The portrayals were
often campy, sometimes with “battle of the sexes” stories that negatively
stereotyped feminism as antimale rather than proequality, 15 indicative of
misunderstandings of and backlash against the civil rights movements of the
previous decades.
But this would change in the late 1980s when DC Comics relaunched its
superhero titles in order to increase profits. The question was whether the
crosscutting pressures of the times would push those titles toward the increasingly homogenous fan market and the conservatism that could be inferred by its demographics (male, white, and older) 16 or toward a more
inclusive readership and authorship represented by the underground comix
movement, identity politics activism, and the growing diversity of writers
and artists in mainstream comics.
Wonder Woman’s reboot was shepherded by writer and artist George
Pérez, who represented the latter trend. His Amazons were created by Greek
goddesses from the souls of women who’d been murdered by their male
partners. As in the 1940s, Diana forged a new circle of female friends who
worked with her to bring “lessons of peace and equality” to Man’s World. 17
Pérez drew the Amazons as a more diverse group and implied they might be
in relationships with one another. He drew Diana as looking more “ethnic,”
saying, “I picture her with a deep tan and a foreign accent.” 18 She had a
strong, fit body with a costume that covered her, wore flat instead of heeled
boots, and battled Greek mythological foes.
This portrayal was out of step with most superhero comics at the time, as
others had begun to feature hypersexualized, violent “Bad Girls.” Why Wonder Woman was not pushed in this direction (yet) seems to be because Pérez’s vision was supported by three female DC editors, including the title’s
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218
Carolyn Cocca
first female editor, Karen Berger. 19 She wrote, “The overwhelming majority
of comics [are] geared to and read by males. . . . [This] new Wonder Woman
comic . . . serves as a great role model to young women, but also contains
many elements that appeal to males as well. Wonder Woman crosses the
gender line.” 20 Fan letters were very positive. “You can’t keep a good feminist down! WW is back and looking better than ever!” 21 “I fully agree with
your perception of Wonder Woman as a positive and strong model for girls/
women. It also, hopefully, will take some of the chauvinism out of the male
readers brought up on macho men and weak women.” 22 Pérez’s run sold
quite well and remains a touchstone for fans and creators alike.
But by the mid-1990s, the superhero comics market crashed, reduced to
the base noted above: about 90 percent male, predominantly white, heterosexual, and young adult. 23 In contrast to Pérez’s run, Diana’s look was
changed drastically as DC Comics played to the presumed wishes of the base
fans, “emphasizing her sexuality and downplaying her feminism.” 24 This
recalls the way in which the 1950s and 1960s hyperfeminized Diana followed the more hybridized gender portrayals of the 1940s. Written by
William Messner-Loebs and drawn by Mike Deodato Jr., Diana was often
portrayed fighting in a hyperviolent manner, and was often posed in sexually
objectified ways. 25 Deodato noted that he asked to draw Wonder Woman,
even though, as he said, “I hate drawing women. I prefer drawing monsters
and stuff like that.” But he also noted the sales success of the run: “In three
months, the sales doubled and tripled or something like that. . . . Every time
the bikini was smaller, the sales got higher.” 26
Letters from several issues praise Deodato’s art: “Mike Deodato, Jr. is
brilliant!” 27 “Mr. Deodato drew at once a beautiful princess and a fierce
warrior.” 28 Others were not thrilled with the objectification: “That thongback thing is not flattering. . . . Through the entire comic, every woman’s
cheeks are out flapping in the breeze. Give them some rear coverage and
some dignity.” Another wrote, “Personally, it’s a little heavy on the T&A for
me, but then, I’m female and that’s to be expected. . . . [P]lease get Diana out
of that slutty new outfit.” 29 There was criticism of the content, too: “The
stereotype that men are stronger than women is affirmed.” 30 Editor Paul
Kupperberg responded that male superheroes were also drawn as “idealized
versions of men” and said, bristling with annoyance, “I am, both by temperament and by politics, a feminist.” 31
As with the portrayals of the late 1960s and early 1970s, when Diana lost
her powers, the writer and editor in the mid-1990s felt they were presenting a
feminist character and comic. But in both time periods, the way in which the
character was often drawn as object rather than subject skewed toward the
presumed base audience of young adult white males in a way that undercut a
feminist reading of the material for others.
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“It’s about Power and It’s about Women”
219
BUFFY THE VAMPIRE SLAYER ENTERS THE DARK ALLEY IN
THE DARK AGE OF COMICS: THE LATE 1990S AND EARLY 2000S
As this time period in comics was described by writer Grant Morrison, “the
gender confusions and reorganizations of masculine-feminine boundaries
that marked the eighties had outgrown their welcome, so men became lads
and women were babes.” 32 Wonder Woman fell squarely into this area. Further, wrote Morrison, “no story could pass without at least one sequence
during which an unlikely innocent would find herself alone and vulnerable in
some completely inappropriate inner-city back alley setting . . . a skimpily
attired naïf penetrating the seedy underbelly of the urban nightmare.” Threatened, she would always be rescued at the last minute by a superhero. 33 Joss
Whedon thought the hero should be the skimpily attired naïf: “There’s the
girl in the alley . . . and then the monster attacks her and she kills it.” 34
Whedon both subverted the genre and made a political point: the petite
Valley girl cheerleader, societally dismissed as frivolous, has superstrength
and is critical to the world’s safety. 35 Enter Buffy.
The Buffy the Vampire Slayer film ran in theaters in 1992; the television
series, darker in tone and much closer to its creator’s vision, premiered in
1997. This was at a time during which the Third Wave of feminism became
more prominent, grounded as it was by young women organizing in reaction
to the conservative politics of the 1980s and 1990s. It retains the Second
Wave’s emphasis on equality but extends it by building on critiques by
feminists of color who saw the Second Wave as having a predominantly
white, heterosexual standpoint. The Third Wave sensibility is antiessentialist
and nonjudgmental, embracing not only a variety of identities among people
but also within people. This includes not only openness to a continuum of
race and sexuality but also the reclamation of signs of femininity as empowering. While the slogan “girl power” was used by some Third Wavers early
on, it rather quickly became depoliticized and commodified, a slogan on Tshirts to be purchased rather than a description of a collective movement by
young women. However, capitalizing on the marketization of the term probably enabled shows such as Buffy to get on the air. 36 Pop culture and mass
media are important in the Third Wave, not just for deconstruction but also
for production, which foregrounds personal narrative and tonally is often
playful, campy, and ironic—using humor rather than preachiness to move
people toward feminist ideals. Such a frame easily encompasses a female
superhero who is comfortably strong in her body and sexuality and is also
vulnerable in love, who uses humor and fights injustice, who is inclusive and
compassionate and decisive and deadly.
Although they appear quite different at first glance, Diana and Buffy
share a number of commonalities. Both superheroes have an origin and mission that stresses their uniqueness; both are referred to as “the chosen.” 37
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220
Carolyn Cocca
Both repeatedly show transgressors compassion and allow them a path of
redemption. Both have a relationship with a military man that shows a traditional view of opposite-sex relationships and how our heroes do not fit so
neatly into such gendered binaries. But at the same time, both characters
have a number of “others” that serve to construct them, in their white, heterosexual, middle-class-ness, as “normal” females.
Both, before and after the deaths of their (single) mothers, surround themselves with, love, and rely on others. The ways in which they encourage these
chosen families to work with them makes them unlike most other superheroes, male or female. 38 For both characters, these families include their foils:
for Diana, this is Artemis; for Buffy, it is Faith. 39 The characterizations of
Artemis and Faith can be read as shoring up the main characters as “proper”
female warriors, but can also be read as challenging what it means to be a
“good” superheroine. Readers and viewers were clear that they wanted both
the hero and the dark doppelganger. Writers listened and had both Faith and
Artemis eventually embraced by other characters, fighting alongside them. 40
Both Diana and Buffy were constructed to unsettle gender boundaries and
especially to push males to embrace strong females. Just as Wonder Woman
creator William Moulton Marston sought to engender “male acceptance of
female love power,” Buffy creator Joss Whedon said, “The one thing I had
hoped to take part in was a shift in popular culture in the sense of people
accepting the idea of the female hero.” 41 As “others” among us, they live in a
liminal space in which they embody gender norms while also questioning
and subverting them. In this way the characters can open up more of a “range
of gender possibilities” that “baffles the binary” and “create a new gender
system in which [they] can enact ‘woman’ in nontraditional ways.” 42
CONVERGENCE IN THE 2000S: FEMINISM WITH IRONY AND
HUMOR
The way in which both characters house great strength in female bodies
destabilizes traditional gender norms. But the bodies themselves are quite
different. In contrast to Diana’s six-foot, solidly muscled, curvy, womanly
frame, Buffy is nearer to five feet, slim, and blond. One is a commanding,
stunningly beautiful presence; the other is seemingly unthreatening and girlishly cute. 43
Buffy embodies the attractive female warrior while parodying it through
her body and speech, criticizing the superhero and horror genres and gendered inequalities with humor. This complicates the show’s politics. Was this
show feminist in its strong female characters, or was it reinscribing patriarchy through a cast of pretty, white, stylish girls? 44 Can we reconcile the
strong female agency, the friendship and community building, with the com-
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“It’s about Power and It’s about Women”
221
mercialized violence and the emphasis on individual consumer power
through merchandizing? Do viewers and readers see the big picture about
gender and power if the story focuses on the individual hero and delivers its
message through irony? 45
Joss Whedon basically answers yes to all of these questions: “If I can
make teenage boys comfortable with a girl who takes charge of a situation
without their knowing that’s what’s happening, it’s better than sitting down
and selling them on feminism.” He also said, “[If I made] a series of l ...
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