Fluent Essays

This week’s objective is to think about the formation of the current international order and the role of intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations within it and within development more broadly. Your discussion board posts should be about 600 words. APA format, with citation of all sources and page number. Read the following: Arendt, Hannah “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man.” In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harvest Books 1966. (21 PDF PAGES this one is double) Anghie, Antony. Colonialism and the birth of international institutions: Sovereignty, economy, and the mandate system of the League of Nations.NYUJ Intl L. & Pol. 34 (2001): 513. (123 PDF PAGES) Rist, Gilbert. The History of Development : From Western Origins to Global Faith. Fourth ed. 2014; Chapter 3 “The making of the world system” (Ive included chapters 4 & 5 as well which you can read if you are interested) (30 pdf pages) Choose two of the following questions and then provide a summary of the article below. (Beyond Bandung, Phillips, Andrew) 600 Words total. What factors played a major role in the setting up of the contemporary system of International Institutions. Did this new order provide a definitive break with colonialism and imperialism. If so, how? If not, how can we see that legacy today?Did one of the readings resonate with you most or challenge you the most?How do the authors’ arguments this week agree, correspond to, or supplement those of the other authors? Where is there disparity, disagreement, or wiggle room? Provide a summary of the article below. Phillips, Andrew. Beyond Bandung: the 1955 Asian-African Conference and its legacies for international order. Australian Journal of International Affairs4 (2016): 329-341. (14 pdf pages) After a day, will need to respond to two other posting. 100 words each so a total of 200 in response to another student. Total of 800- 850 words, reference not included in the word counting. I will upload the required pdfs. rist_chapter3_5.pdf arendt_nation_state_clear.pdf arendt_nation_state_clear.pdf philips_beyondbandung.pdf Unformatted Attachment Preview A B O U T T H E AU T H O R G R has for many years been a leading Swiss scholar of development. Before joining the Graduate Institute of Development Studies (IUED) in Geneva, now the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (IHEID), where he was a professor from until his retirement in , he taught in Tunisia and then spent several years as Director of the Centre Europe–Tiers Monde. One of his principal intellectual interests has been to construct an anthropology of modernity in which he sees Western society as being every bit as traditional and indeed exotic as any other. Professor Rist is the author of a number of pathbreaking books. These include: Il était une fois le développement, with Fabrizio Sabelli et al. (Éditions d’En Bas, Lausanne, ). Le Nord perdu: Répères pour l’après-développement, with Majid Rahnema and Gustavo Esteva (Éditions d’En Bas, Lausanne, ). La Mythologie programmée: L’économie des croyances dans la société moderne, with Marie-Dominique Perrot and Fabrizio Sabelli (PUF, Paris, ). La Culture, otage du développement? ed. (L’Harmattan, Paris, ). La Mondialisation des anti-sociétés: Espaces rêves et lieux communes, ed. (Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IUED, no. , IUED, Geneva; PUF, Paris, ). The original edition of the present book was his first to be published in English. It has also been published in French as Le développement. Histoire d’une croyance occidentale (Presses de Sciences Po, Paris, ; nd edn, ); in Italian as Lo sviluppo. Storia di una credenza occidentale (Bollati Boringhieri, Turin, ); and in Spanish as El desarrollo. Historia de una creencia occidental (Los Libros de la Catarata, Madrid, ). T H E H I S T O RY O F DEV E LOPM E N T From Western Origins to Global Faith Translated by Patrick Camiller London & New York The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith (third edition) was first published in English in by , and Zed Books Ltd, Cynthia Street, London Room Fifth Avenue, New York, NY www.zedbooks.co.uk Copyright © Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, English edition © Zed Books Ltd, The translation of this book into English was made possible thanks to the generous contributions of the Fondation Antoine Duchemin and the Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer pour le Progrès de l’Homme. The rights of Gilbert Rist to be identified as the author of this work have been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, Cover designed by Andrew Corbett Typeset in Monotype Bembo by illuminati, Grosmont, www.illuminatibooks.co.uk Printed and bound in the UK by Biddles Ltd, King’s Lynn Distributed in the USA exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Fifth Avenue, New York, NY St Martin’s Press, All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of Zed Books Ltd A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data available (Hb) (Pb) CONTENTS Preface to the Third Edition Preface to the Second Edition Introduction Definitions of Development Conventional Thinking · A Methodological Word of Caution · Elements of a Definition · A Scandalous Definition? · ‘Development’ as an Element in the Religion of Modernity Metamorphoses of a Western Myth What the Metaphor Implies · Landmarks in the Western View of History · Conclusion The Making of a World System Colonization · The League of Nations and the Mandate System · Conclusion The Invention of Development President Truman’s Point Four · A New World-view: ‘Underdevelopment’ · US Hegemony · A New Paradigm · The ‘Development’ Age The International Doctrine and Institutions Take Root The Bandung Conference · The New International ‘Development’ Agencies viii x Modernization Poised between History and Prophecy A Philosophy of History: Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth · Anti-communism or Marxism without Marx? · Dissident Voices The Periphery and the Understanding of History Neo-Marxism in the United States · The Latin American Dependentistas · A New Paradigm, but Age-old Presuppositions Self-reliance: The Communal Past as a Model for the Future Ujamaa and the Tanzanian Experience · The Principles of Self-reliance · Possible Futures for Self-reliance The Triumph of Third-Worldism The New International Economic Order · An Original Voice: The Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Report on Another Development · In the Wake of the NIEO: Further Proposals · The ‘Basic Needs’ Approach · Conclusion The Environment, or the New Nature of ‘Development’ The Return to Classical Economics Plus a Few Humanitarian Extras · ‘Sustainable Development’ or Growth Everlasting? · The Earth Summit · Reflections on Deliberate Ambiguity A Mixture of Realism and Fine Sentiments The South Commission · The UNDP and ‘Human Development’ Globalization as Simulacrum of ‘Development’ On the Usefulness of Talking at Cross-purposes · Globalization, The Last Hope of Achieving ‘Development’? · Virtual Reality as a Refuge for Continuing Belief From the Struggle against Poverty to the Millennium Development Goals Just What Is the Problem? · Who Are the Poor? · Intervention on All Fronts · The Millennium Goals: ‘Development’ in Shreds · ‘Development Aid’: Massaging the Figures · Conclusion Beyond ‘Development’: From Downscaling to a Change in the Economic Paradigm Objectors to Growth and ‘Development Loyalists’ · Economic ‘Science’: An Obsolete Paradigm · Conclusion Conclusion The Facts · ‘Post-development’ · Exhaustion of the Economic Paradigm: Believing or Knowing? Bibliography Index TH E M A K ING OF A WO R L D S Y S T E M This chapter will focus on certain aspects of late-nineteenth-century colonialism, and then on the League of Nations, which was created at the end of the First World War. Our aim will be to throw light upon a fairly brief period of history – from to – when the ‘great powers’ put the then dominant ideas into practice and, in a sense, opened the way to ‘development’. As we saw in the last chapter, the Western belief in ‘development’ has ancient roots, and by the late nineteenth century everything seemed in place, in terms of ideas, to embark upon the great adventure. In the cases of France, Britain, Belgium and Germany, this intervention ‘outside Europe’ was made in the register of colonization. It was also during this period – when the colonial powers were facing new problems in the conquered territories – that a number of practices which still persist under cover of ‘development’ had their origin. It was a transitional period, then, one in which brutal power relations existed alongside paternalist feelings of responsibility towards ‘natives’ who needed to be ‘civilized’. One might think that ‘development’ was already there, with only the word itself still lacking. But as we shall see, the situation was a little different, for the reality of colonialism made its mark even on the most generous-seeming practices. There can be no question here of writing a history of colonization. Rather, we shall simply examine the sequence of discourses and practices which led to the ‘development era’, and note the similarities and differences between the two periods. We shall also be asking how it was that the enterprise proceeded with such a good conscience. For this is one of those cases in history where today we find it hard to understand that certain collective practices were unanimously advocated and accepted. Slavery in the ancient world or the Enlightenment, human sacrifice among the Aztecs, and European colonization belong to one and the same category. How could people have thought what has since become unthinkable, and legitimated what has become intolerable? Of course, history always requires us to place things in their context and to avoid judging the past through the eyes of the present. But apart from this methodological concern, a call to modesty would also be in order. For how will future generations view practices that today enjoy the favour and admiration of a huge majority of people? Such ‘intertemporal decentring’ is badly needed to convince ourselves of the shakiness of the things we consider most evident. Today’s verities are always in danger of becoming tomorrow’s lies. C O L O N I Z AT I O N 1 Towards the end of the last century, with a long history already behind it, European colonization branched out in quite different forms according to the place and the interests of the metropolis. France, for its part, had two groups of territories: (a) the ‘historic’ colonies of Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique and Saint Pierre and Miquelon in the Americas; Saint-Louis and Gorée in Senegal, the island of Réunion, and trading stations in Gabon and India; (b) the more recent possessions of Algeria ( ), the Marquesas Islands and Tahiti ( ), New Caledonia ( ), Cambodia ( ), Cochin-China ( ) and Senegal ( – ). Settlers of French origin were not there in great number, except in the Americas and, more recently, Algeria – for . In what follows, we shall mainly deal with French colonial history from the late nineteenth century on. The main sources are: Raoul Girardet, L’idée coloniale ; Bouda Etemad, Le débat colonial. en France, – , Paris: La Table Ronde, Tendances récentes de l’histoire de la colonisation, University of Geneva, Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, ; Jacques Marseille, Empire colonial et capitalisme ; Pierre Aubry, La Colonisation et français. Histoire d’un divorce, Paris: Le Seuil, ; Georges Hardy, Nos grands problèmes les colonies, Paris: Octave Doin & Fils, coloniaux, Paris: A. Colin, ; Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, De la colonisation chez les ], Paris: Félix Alcan, th edn, , vols; Albert Sarraut, peuples modernes [ La mise en valeur des colonies françaises, Paris: Payot, ; Marc-Henri Piault, ‘La colonisation: pour une nouvelle appréciation’, Cahiers ORSTOM, série sciences ; Jacques Valette, ‘Note sur l’idée coloniale vers ’, humaines, XXI ( ), , pp. – ; Pierre Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, vol. , April–June Larousse, ed., Grand Dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle, Paris, vol. XVII, second part, second supplement, – , article ‘colonies’; ‘Economic Achievements of the Colonizers: An Assessment’, in Peter Duignan and L.H. Gann, eds, Colonialism in pp – . Africa – , London: Cambridge University Press, the colonial system of the time very largely rested upon commercial interests, symbolized by the ‘colonial pact’ that assured the metropolis exclusive trading rights. Despite the new colonial acquisitions of Louis-Philippe and Napoleon III, public opinion took little interest in these distant lands, except perhaps to denounce the evils of the colonial pact (in the name of free trade) or of slavery (in the name of human rights). In fact, these two controversies went back to the eighteenth century. Rousseau, Abbé Raynal, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, the Manchester School and Jean-Baptiste Say had all maintained that free trade was much more advantageous than a commercial monopoly, because it created a large market and allowed industry to develop both in the metropolis and overseas.2 This position was widely shared by economists at the time, even though governments persisted in maintaining the principle of exclusiveness. As to the opposition to slavery, this began to be organized in with the creation of the Société des Amis des Noirs, whose members included Condorcet, Mirabeau and Necker.3 In the teeth of opposition from supporters of the colons, the Convention declared ‘Negro slavery abolished in all the colonies’ on February . It was re-established by Bonaparte on May . But in a Society for the Abolition of Slavery came into being in Paris, and after a long public campaign the French Parliament definitively abolished it on April . The Third Republic, declared after the defeat by Prussia in , therefore unfolded in a climate of relative indifference towards the colonies. Yet in France launched into the conquest of a huge colonial empire. It is this turnaround that has to be explained. Devising a Doctrine of Intervention The new colonial adventure of the late nineteenth century began without a clear doctrine. Humiliated by defeat, France had as its main aim to keep its standing among the great powers. And since the other European nations – mainly Britain, but also Germany, . ‘The monopoly of the colony trade … depresses the industry of all other countries, but chiefly that of the colonies, without in the least increasing, but on the contrary diminishing, that of the country in whose favour it is established.’ Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, vol. , p. . . This Société des Amis des Noirs was the French counterpart of the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, founded in London in . See Jean-François Zorn, ‘Emancipation et colonisation’, unpublished paper presented to the seminar ‘L’émancipation comme problème’, Paris, – September . Italy and Belgium – were increasing their strength by colonizing new areas, the national interest made it imperative to do likewise. All the same, there was strong resistance: liberal economists criticized colonial protectionism, and calculated that the costs of the new wars and the administration of the new territories would greatly outweigh the benefits to be derived from them; nationalists, on the other hand, insisted that the recapture of Alsace-Lorraine was a more urgent task than expeditions to faraway lands.4 What was the point of wasting ‘France’s gold and blood’ instead of looking to ‘the blue line of the Vosges’? As for the Socialists, they kept to a humanist middle course, mainly criticizing the injustices of colonization and the frenzied pursuit of profit. But this led them into rather ambivalent positions: 5 while Clemenceau first criticized colonization and eventually rallied to it, Jaurès followed the opposite trajectory. Paul Louis was one of the very few who consistently denounced an undertaking launched only to satisfy the interests of the capitalists.6 On the other side were a series of actors whose disparate positions provided arguments capable of rallying the most varied milieux. First – and hardly surprisingly – the armed forces were calling for more naval supply ports,7 and hoping to use the colonial wars to perfect new weaponry for a revenge match against the Germans. Next, the merchants – especially those of great ports such as Marseilles or Bordeaux, who banded together in the French Colonial Union – could look forward to new sources of profit. But the missionaries were . ‘I have lost two sisters [Alsace and Lorraine] and you offer me twenty domestics!’ exclaimed Paul Déroulède. Quoted in Girardet, p. . . The same ambivalence can be found in the ‘colonies’ article in the Grand Dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle: ‘Colonization should be peaceful. To grab a territory by expelling those who own it, or by subjecting them to force, is not to colonize but to conquer, and the time is gone when one regarded as heroes those who – without provocation, with no other motive than ambition, no other right than that of the strongest – landed on a shore, declared themselves masters of it and took the land as it suited them, under the protection of bayonets. It may happen, nevertheless, that the colonizing powers are compelled to resort to force, but this ). extreme measure should be taken only in cases of legitimate self-defence’ (p. . The ambivalence of the Socialists is partly to be explained by Marx’s earlier positions. For although he criticized the costs in money and human lives of colonial enterprises, he rejoiced in the progress they were bringing: ‘England has to fulfil a double mission in India: one destructive, the other regenerating – the annihilation of the old Asiatic society, and the laying of the material foundations of Western ’, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, On society in Asia.’ ‘Letter of July Colonialism, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, n.d., p. . . The Navy Ministry was responsible for colonial administration until a . At the time, the best ships had a range of fifteen special ministry was set up in days, after which they had to take on fresh coal supplies. also to be found in the same camp,8 and – rather remarkably – the opponents of slavery, who argued, in the name of human rights and philanthropy, that colonization would allow human commodities to be converted into workers, for the greater good of the conquered territories. In other words, colonization was presented not only as an alternative to slavery but even as a way of redressing the wrongs of the slave trade. Victor Hugo, at a banquet commemorating the abolition of slavery, put it like this:9 Men’s destiny lies in the South.… The moment has come to make Europe realize that it has Africa alongside it.… In the nineteenth century, the White made a man of the Black; in the twentieth century, Europe will make a world of Africa. To fashion a new Africa, to make the old Africa amenable to civilization – that is the problem. And Europe will solve it. Go forward, the nations! Grasp this land! Take it! From whom? From no one. Take this land from God! God gives the earth to men. God offers Africa to Europe. Take it! Where the kings brought war, bring concord! Take it, not for the cannon but for the plough! Not for the sabre but for commerce! Not for battle but for industry! Not for conquest but for fraternity! Pour out everything you have in this Africa, and at the same stroke solve your own social questions! Change your proletarians into property-owners! Go on, do it! Make roads, make ports, make towns! Grow, cultivate, colonize, multiply! And on this land, ever clearer of priests and princes, may the divine spirit assert itself through peace and the human spirit through liberty! In this extraordinary synthesis, the philanthropic case for colonization is that it holds a worldwide promise of civilization for all, and is the expression ‘of the growing solidarity, the community of feelings and interests that unites the metropolis to its overseas possessions’.10 Jules Ferry took responsibility not only for the work of colonization11 but, above all, for the elaboration of a doctrine which he presented . It was in that the Bishop of Algiers, Mgr Lavigerie, founded the Society of White Fathers. . Quoted in Zorn, p. . , . Almanach Hachette, Petite encyclopédie populaire de la vie pratique, Paris, p. (under the entry ‘Why We Have Colonies’). In the same period Albert Bayet wrote: ‘The country which proclaimed the Rights of Man, which brilliantly contributed to the advancement of science, which made education secular, and which is the great champion of liberty in front of the nations, has by virtue of its past the mission to spread wherever it can the ideas that made it great’ (quoted in Girardet, p. ). – ), Tonkin and Annam . This involved the conquest of Tunisia ( ( – ), the Congo ( – ), Niger and Dahomey ( – ), Cambodia and Laos ( ), Madagascar ( – ) and Morocco ( ). Jules Ferry was President of the Council from September to November , and again from . February to March to the Chamber of Deputies on July , and which acquired a quasi-official status. What was known then as the ‘turning to account [mise en valeur] of the colonies’ was said to rest upon three pillars: . Colonial expansion follows an economic objective: ‘colonial policy is the daughter of industrial policy’. The continual growth of production and the accumulation ... Purchase answer to see full attachment