Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address - Humanities
write an analytical essay in which you summarize the main points of the article (this should take about 2/3 of your essay) and then analyze/critique the source (about 1/3 of your essay).Who is the author of your chosen source? What is the time period of the source and what is the topic? What might this article tell a researcher about the time period? What is he/she trying to say? What is his/her point of view? Does he/she make a convincing case? Why or why not? What does the author leave out (if anything)? Does the author exhibit a particular bias? Is there anything in this source that might be relevant to the world today?Note: Depending on the source you choose, not all of the above questions may be relevant. Answer those which are relevant to your source.In writing your essay, you should follow the below guidelines:Your essay should be a MINIMUM of 900 words (it can be longer if you like).Your completed essay should consist of a summary (about 2/3 of your essay) and an analysis (roughly 1/3). All persons, events, concepts in your paper should be introduced/explained clearly…in other words, write your essay as if your audience was another student!Your essay should follow the basic style guidelines for MLA, APA or Chicago (your choice).Your essay should have a cover page and bibliography page in your chosen style (these pages do NOT count towards the essay length).Your essay should be double-spaced with #12 fonts and 1-inch margins.The essay needs to be written entirely in your own words. Use quotes very sparingly and only to highlight a point you are trying to make. Quoted material does NOT count towards the length of your essay.Your essay needs to be neatly written and grammatically correct (points will be deducted for sloppy papers).
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Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address, 1861
Abraham Lincoln’s first speech as president. To start this assignment, you might want to do some brief
background research on Lincoln and/or the Secession Crisis of 1860-61.
Fellow-Citizens of the United States:
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly
and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by
the President before he enters on the execution of this office.
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which
there is no special anxiety or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a
Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.
There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to
the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the
published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I
declare that-I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it
exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar
declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my
acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State
to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential
to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we
denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what
pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most
conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section
are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection
which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the
States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now
read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in
consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be
delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what
we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their
support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then,
that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause shall be delivered up their oaths are
unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal
unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State
authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be
of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case
be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane
jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it
not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution
which guarantees that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of
citizens in the several States?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the
Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of
Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and
private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of
them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During
that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the
executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with
great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief
constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union,
heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is
perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is
safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure
forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of
contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One
party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union
is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It
was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the
Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States
expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And
finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a
more perfect Union.
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less
perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that
resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States
against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to
circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent
of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the
Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and
Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the
requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a
menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain
itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon
the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property
and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be
necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people
anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to
prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force
obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the
Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so
nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the
people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and
reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a
modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised,
according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the
national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad
of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them.
To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its
memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so
desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real
existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you
risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that
any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so
constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in
which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of
numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a
moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our
case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and
negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning
them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question
which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable
length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by
national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in
the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the
Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into
majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must
cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the
other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn
will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses
to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or
two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from
it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce
harmony only and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by
constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular
opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity
fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent
arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in
some form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the
Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as
to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel
cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision
may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case,
with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be
borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if
the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by
decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in
personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically
resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault
upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it
is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of
the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced,
perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly
supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a
few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after
the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be
ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially
surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor
build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence
and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not
but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it
possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than
before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully
enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always;
and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old
questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary
of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their
revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and
patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no
recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole
subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under
existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon
it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to
originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions
originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they
would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which
amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government
shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.
To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular
amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no
objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to
fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the
Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came
to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or
equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If
the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours
of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the
American people.
By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public
servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to
their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no
Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the
short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost
by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take
deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such
of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the
laws of ...
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