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research-article2014
SAXXXX10.1177/1079063214544334Sexual AbuseReid
Article
Entrapment and Enmeshment
Schemes Used by Sex
Traffickers
Sexual Abuse: A Journal of
Research and Treatment
2016, Vol. 28(6) 491–511
© The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
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DOI: 10.1177/1079063214544334
sax.sagepub.com
Joan A. Reid1
Abstract
Emerging research suggests that sex traffickers/pimps control the majority of
trafficked girls in the United States. The youthfulness of these victims and their lack
of psychosocial maturity severely diminish their ability to detect exploitative motives
or withstand manipulation of traffickers. A review of 43 cases of sexually exploited
girls involving non-relative traffickers and 10 semi-structured interviews with social
service providers revealed numerous scripts and schemes used by sex traffickers to
entrap and entangle victims including boyfriend/lover scripts, ruses involving debt
bondage, friendship or faux-family scripts, threats of forced abortion or to take away
children, and coerced co-offending. These findings inform potential prevention efforts
and highlight the need for multi-systemic, victim-centered approaches to intervention.
Keywords
sex trafficking, commercial sexual exploitation, prostitution, trauma bonding
Nature of the Problem
Preventing and combating juvenile sex trafficking (JST) are among the most vexing
problems currently facing child welfare and law enforcement professionals (Halter,
2010; Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2010). Despite high levels of governmental
action, genuine public concern, and intense media attention on the topic of sex trafficking, there exists a vacuum of information regarding this crime, its victims, and best
practices for protecting victims and successfully prosecuting traffickers (Finckenauer
& Schrock, 2003; Parker & Skrmetti, 2013; Reid, 2010; Saewyc & Edinburgh, 2010).
In an effort to explain the dynamics of sex trafficking, a number of scholars have
1University
of South Florida St. Petersburg, FL, USA
Corresponding Author:
Joan A. Reid, University of South Florida St. Petersburg, 140 Seventh Ave. South, St. Petersburg, FL
33701, USA.
Email: jareid2@usf.edu
492
Sexual Abuse 28(6)
educed parallels and similarities between victim–perpetrator dynamics in cases of intimate partner violence with those in sex trafficking (Bullard, 2011; Farley, 2003;
Kennedy, Klein, Bristowe, Cooper, & Yuille, 2007; Stark & Hodgson, 2003), noting
that in both the victim is isolated from outside support and controlled physically and
emotionally. Both batterers and traffickers gain control over victims via social isolation, terrify victims through the use of physical and sexual violence, control victims’
money and work, and produce pornography to blackmail and shame victims (Stark &
Hodgson, 2003).
Supporting these comparisons across types of exploitive relationships, emerging
research has suggested that traffickers often use recruiters to spy out needy youth by
frequenting their typical locations and control the majority of prostituted girls in the
United States (Albanese, 2007; Gray, 2005; Vieth & Ragland, 2005). Initially, sex traffickers or pimps may present themselves as empathetic and compassionate boyfriends
who offer to help minors escape from an abusive home or from harsh living conditions
on the streets (Anderson, Coyle, Johnson, & Denner, 2014; Parker & Skrmetti, 2013).
A maltreated minor can easily be seduced by the trafficker’s fraudulent promise of the
love, safety, and attention (Dorias & Corriveau, 2009; Hanna, 2002; Reid & Jones,
2011). The majority of research regarding risk factors for victimization in JST has
underscored the vulnerability of exploited girls, noting that many have experienced
child sexual abuse, physical abuse, and abandonment (e.g., Estes & Weiner, 2005;
Reid, 2012, 2014; Reid & Piquero, 2014; Tyler, Hoyt, Whitbeck, & Cauce, 2001). The
colluding effects of a childhood marred by neglect and/or abuse coupled with the calculated exploitative methods of sex traffickers facilitate the creation of an emotional
connection, or trauma bonding, between the traumatized minor and the exploitive trafficker (Parker & Skrmetti, 2013; Reid, Haskell, Dillahunt-Aspillaga, & Thor, 2013).
Dutton and Painter (1993) hypothesized that two conditions are necessary for victim–
abuser trauma bonding to occur: (a) a severe power imbalance causing the victim to
feel increasingly helpless and vulnerable and (b) intermittent abuse that alternates with
positive or neutral interactions. As a result of these conditions, trauma bonding develops when the abuser instills terror in the victim as well as gratitude for being allowed
to live (Dutton & Painter, 1993; James, 1994).
The young age of these victims and their commensurate lack of psychosocial maturity cast doubt on their ability to detect exploitative motives or withstand manipulation
of sex traffickers or recruiters (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005). Due to inexperience and
naiveté, minors are especially susceptible to sexual coercion and entrapment in JST
(Estes & Weiner, 2005). Hanna (2002) emphasized that adolescent girls are particularly vulnerable to such exploitation due to societal norms, by which adolescent boys
and men usually take the sexual initiative and young females’ insecurity and sexual
inexperience may lead them into disparaging sexual arrangements. Other researchers
report that gang members malevolently use promises of love and of a better life to
seduce young girls and then persuade these vulnerable youth to earn money for the
gang via prostitution (Dorias & Corriveau, 2009). Gang members have coined a term
for this manipulative recruitment technique, dubbing it love bombing (Dorias &
Reid
493
Corriveau, 2009). Annitto (2011) quoted a convicted sex trafficker as stating that “with
young girls, you promise them heaven, and they’ll follow you to hell” (p. 14).
Inevitably, sex traffickers/pimps use girls’ dependency on them to coerce them into
prostitution (Albanese, 2007; Anderson et al., 2014; Kennedy et al., 2007; Parker &
Skrmetti, 2013; Priebe & Suhr, 2005; Raphael, Reichert, & Powers, 2010). Far different from the “pretty woman” myth of prostitution, numerous researchers have documented that once a minor is entrapped a grooming process called “seasoning” produces
trauma bonding to the sex trafficker/pimp (Herman, 1992, p. 7, see also Dalla, 2006;
Farley, 2003; Parker & Skrmetti, 2013).
In studies focused on other types of sex offenders, such as serial sex offenders and
child molesters, researchers have examined grooming processes and deconstructed
crime scripts used by offenders for the purpose of informing prevention strategies
(Beauregard, Proulx, Rossmo, Leclerc, & Allaire, 2007; Leclerc, Wortley, & Smallbone,
2011). With application to sex trafficking, Brayley, Cockbain, and Laycock (2011) documented patterns in the crime scripts and grooming processes used by child sex traffickers
in the United Kingdom by reviewing 25 police case files of internal or domestic child
sex trafficking involving 36 victims. The grooming techniques used by child sex traffickers in the United Kingdom to recruit and entrap girls included flattering, building
trust by filling the role of boyfriend, normalizing sex by exposing girls to pornographic
material, isolating girls from other sources of social support, disorienting girls by giving
them drugs and alcohol or by moving them from place to place, and intimidating girls
through the use of psychological and physical abuse (Brayley et al., 2011).
Beyond the need for greater comprehension of how traffickers initially recruit or
entrap minors in sex trafficking, little information currently exists regarding how sex
traffickers keep minors enmeshed in sex trafficking despite opportunities or attempts
to exit. Social service providers and law enforcement personnel report that trafficked
girls will commonly try to escape from custody at the first opportunity and return to
the trafficker exploiting them (Geist, 2012; Reid, 2010, 2013). Trafficked youth’s dysfunctional attachment to traffickers hinders identification of victims, impedes prosecution of traffickers by ensuring that victims will not cooperate with law enforcement,
and perpetuates exploitation (Reid, 2010, 2013).
In light of the need for greater understanding of this crime, its victims, and best
practices for protecting victims and successfully prosecuting traffickers, the purpose
of the current research was (a) to advance understanding of the tactics employed by
sex traffickers to recruit or initially entrap U.S. minors, (b) to identify tactics of sex
traffickers and/or specific circumstances that facilitate prolonged or repeat exploitation and prevent youth from exiting, and (c) to apply the crime script approach to JST
to inform prevention. An anticipated benefit of this study is the collection of empirically based knowledge to inform prevention education materials for at-risk youth that
expose the tactics used by traffickers to entrap young victims thereby countering perilous myths propagated by popular culture glamorizing the pimp/ho relationship
(Anderson et al., 2014; Parker & Skrmetti, 2013).
494
Sexual Abuse 28(6)
Method
Study Design and Data Collection
An exploratory multi-case study design using purposive sampling with cross validation
was used for this study (Patton, 2002). Replication within case study design is generally
used to provide a more reliable and meaningful theoretical framework of a particular
phenomenon (Patton, 2002; Yin, 1989). For the current study, the use of multi-case
research design was expected to reveal core patterns in the relationship dynamics of
traffickers and victims, and yet also capture variation due to individual differences
(Patton, 2002). By examining many individual cases, both patterns and variations could
be uncovered in the entrapment strategies used by sex traffickers and sex traffickers’
tactics and specific circumstances that facilitate long-term exploitation.
Similar to the study by Brayley et al. (2011), the primary data for this study were
drawn from the review of case files of trafficked girls gathered from social service agencies providing case management and counseling to trafficked female youth located in
two large metropolitan areas in Florida. In addition, to provide validation and additional
insight into the data found in the case files, service providers with in-depth knowledge
of the documented cases were interviewed regarding the entrapment strategies used by
sex traffickers and sex traffickers’ tactics and specific circumstances facilitating longterm exploitation (see Appendix). The interviews lasted from 45 to 90 minutes. The
review of the case files and interviews were conducted between July 2012 and May
2013. The protocols of the study were approved by the Institutional Review Board of the
University of South Florida and the University of Massachusetts Lowell.
Case records of trafficked girls included de-identified information from psychosocial
assessments, records of intake interviews completed by the participating agencies, law
enforcement or guardian report of circumstances surrounding the trafficking exploitation, and results of psychological testing completed by the youth. In addition, study data
were collected from social service providers with direct and extensive experience assisting trafficked youth. The purposive sampling of case records of trafficked youth ensured
several key research and ethical prerequisites. Purposive sampling is frequently used
when the probability of selection for all members of a population is unknowable, such as
with homeless youth (Hagan & McCarthy, 1997). Most importantly, information regarding the characteristics of the relationship between youth and sex traffickers had been
previously collected. By interviewing social service providers engaged in assisting these
youth and reviewing case records, the information needed to answer the key research
questions was gathered without any additional risk to the youth.
Analysis of Case File and Interview Data
All of the data from the case files and interviews related to the circumstances surrounding youth initial entrapment in trafficking, the tactics of sex traffickers, and
youth explanation of their situation and relationship with the trafficker were reviewed,
coded, and synthesized. To facilitate this analytic process, this study utilized template
Reid
495
analysis (TA), a systematic method for thematically analyzing qualitative data collected based on the clustering of responses among a priori designated and/or datadriven templates (King, 1998). Microsoft Word and Microsoft Excel were used to
support the coding and organization of the study data (Leahy, 2004; Taylor-Powell &
Renner, 2003). This software is widely used and provided the most efficient and convenient way to synthesize the data. Along with the analysis of the interview and case
file data, the demographic information contained in the case files were assessed using
SPSS to gain greater understanding of the characteristics of the study sample.
The categorization of the data began with a priori themes based on common features of trauma bonding in exploitative relationships underscoring trafficker promises
and provisions as well as trafficker intimidation and coercive tactics. The data from the
case files were synthesized first and the data collected from the semi-structured interviews with social service providers were used to add to or validate the case file data.
If these data were encompassed by the a priori themes, they were so coded. If not, new
themes were created or existing themes were modified. A final data-derived template
was used to categorize and frame the study findings, providing data-based evidence
for any interpretations or conclusions (King, 1998). In addition, the frequency of the
reporting of specific sex trafficking tactics or circumstances were rated as few (i.e.,
reported in at least 1-2 cases and in at least 1-2 interviews), some (reported in at least
3-9 cases and in 3-5 interviews), many (reported in 10 or more cases and in 6 or more
interviews).
Results
Sample Demographics
The full sample of cases files contained information regarding 79 female youth who
were minors at the time of their initial exploitation in sex trafficking and who received
social services between 2007 and 2012 from three agencies located in two metropolitan
areas in Florida. Descriptive statistics drawn from the full sample and from the subsamples of cases based on the availability and type of trafficker data are provided in
Table 1. For the full sample of 79 girls, initial JST occurred when the girls were between
the ages of 4 and 17 years old (M = 14.25; SD = 2.41). No significant differences were
found between the average age of initial exploitation for the full sample and the study
subsample with reported information regarding non-relative traffickers (see Table 1).
Although not a primary focus of the current study, it is important to note that the average age of those trafficked by family members was younger (M = 11.85; SD = 4.12)
than the average age of initial exploitation in JST of the full sample. The range of ages
at initial exploitation of those exploited by non-relative traffickers was narrower (range =
11-17 years) in comparison with the full sample (range = 4-17 years) and in comparison
with the smaller subset of youth who were trafficked by family members (range = 4-16
years). The median age at initial exploitation in JST for the full sample and the subsample of girls trafficked by non-relative traffickers was 15 years, whereas the median
age for those trafficked by family members was 13 years. Fifteen years of age was the
496
Sexual Abuse 28(6)
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics of Study Sample and Subsamples.
Demographics
Age at initial exploitation
Full study sample (N = 79)
Subsample with data on trafficker (n = 61)
Subsample with data on non-relative
trafficker (n = 43)
Race/ethnicity
Full sample
Subsample with data on trafficker
Subsample with data on non-relative
trafficker
Age of trafficker
Full sample
Subsample with data on trafficker
Subsample with data on non-relative
trafficker
Gender of trafficker
Full sample
Subsample with data on trafficker
Subsample with data on non-relative
trafficker
M (SD)/\%
14.25 (2.41)
14.13 (2.59)
14.67 (1.48)
African American–43\%
Hispanic–32\%
Caucasian–13\%
Haitian–9\%
Other–4\%
African American–43\%
Hispanic–36\%
Caucasian–13\%
Haitian–3\%
Other–5\%
African American–43\%
Hispanic–34\%
Caucasian–14\%
Haitian–7\%
Other–2\%
—
25.13 (8.46)
24.81 (8.56)
—
Male–67\%
Female–33\%
Male–79\%
Female–21\%
most commonly reported age of initial JST in the full sample and all subsamples. The
race/ethnic distribution of the full sample was 43\% African American, 32\% Hispanic,
13\% Caucasian, 9\% Haitian, and 4\% of other races/ethnicities. The race/ethnic distribution was similar for the study subsamples (see Table 1).
Of those cases with information available regarding the gender of the traffickers (n =
61), 67\% reported the gender of the trafficker as male, whereas 33\% were female.
When considering only non-relative traffickers (n = 43), the percentage of male traffickers was slightly higher (79\% vs. 67\%). Reported ages of traffickers ranged from
Reid
497
15 to 45 years (M = 25.13; SD = 8.46). The reported ages of traffickers within the
subsample including only non-relative traffickers were slightly younger (M = 24.81;
SD = 8.56). Three of the traffickers were reported to be minors and all three juvenile
traffickers were non-relative traffickers. One 15-year-old girl-trafficker was considered a girlfriend by a 15-year-old trafficked girl. Two 16-year-old boy-traffickers were
described as boyfriends by two 14-year-old trafficked girls. Overall, the types of relationships between trafficked girls and non-relative traffickers were distributed as 28\%
stranger, 28\% boyfriend, 10\% girlfriend, 29\% relative, 3\% drug dealer, and 2\%
employer. The categories of “boyfriend” and “girlfriend” indicate that the trafficked
girl considered the trafficker to be a boyfriend or girlfriend before initially being
exploited in JST. The category of “stranger” was selected for traffickers who were not
considered a boyfriend or girlfriend by the exploited girl at the time of the initial
exploitation. In addition, those categorized as strangers did not have any other type of
relationship with the victim prior to exploitation such as employer, drug dealer, and so
on. When considering the kinds of relationships reported by the girls who were
exploited by relatives, mothers were most commonly reported, followed by male cousins, uncles, and fathers.
Based on the review of the case files, it was determined that not all case files contained detailed information regarding the entrapment strategies used by sex traffickers
and sex traffickers’ tactics or specific circumstances facilitating long-term exploitation.
As noted, 18 cases were facilitated by family members or caregivers and in these cases
the interactions between trafficker and victim were qualitatively different from cases
involving non-family traffickers, particularly when examining trafficker coercive tactics. Therefore, the results reported in this study were drawn from the 43 cases of youth
with detailed information on their exploitation by traffickers who were not family
members. While 43 cases included information regarding initial entrapment in sex trafficking involving non-relative traffickers, not all youth experienced prolonged exploitation. Therefore, a smaller number of cases (n = 25) included information regarding
sex traffickers’ tactics and specific circumstances facilitating long-term exploitation.
Entrapment in Sex Trafficking
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