Fluent Essays

Piedra and Engstrom (2009) noted how the life model “remains general and unspecific regarding factors that affect immigrant families” (p. 272). Recall that there will never be one theory or a model that can fully explain a phenomenon or lay out all the steps and procedures when working with complex issues that clients present to social workers. Recognizing this, Piedra and Engstrom selected another theory in the immigration literature—segmented assimilation theory. They identified concepts from segmented assimilation theory to “fill in” the gaps that the life model does not address.In this Discussion, you examine gaps in the life model by applying it to your field experience.To prepare:Review the life model.Review this article in the Learning Resources: Piedra, L. M., & Engstrom, D. W. (2009). Segmented assimilation theory and the life model: An integrated approach to understanding immigrants and their children. Social Work, 54(3), 270–277. http://dx.doi.org.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/sw/54.3.2...By Day 3Post:Using an example from your fieldwork experience and a diverse population you encountered at the agency (for example, in Piedra and Engstrom’s article, it was immigrant families), respond to the following:Identify and describe the diverse population and the unique characteristics and/or the distinctive needs of the population in 3 to 4 brief sentences.Explain how the life model can be applied for the population.Explain where the gaps are in applying the life model for this population.When looking at the gaps, explain which theory might be helpful in filling the gaps of the life model when working with this population. contentserver.pdf Unformatted Attachment Preview Segmented Assimilation Theory and the Life Model: An Integrated Approach to Understanding Immigrants and Their Children Lissette M. Piedra and David W Engstrom The life model offers social workers a promising framework to use in assisting immigrant families. However, the complexities of adaptation to a new country may make it difficult for social workers to operate from a purely ecological approach. The authors use segmented assimilation theory to better account for the specificities of the immigrant experience. They argue that by adding concepts from segmented assimilation theory to the life model, social workers can better understand the environmental Stressors that increase the vulnerabilities of immigrants to the potentially harsh experience of adapting to a new country. With these concepts, social workers who work with immigrant families will be better positioned to achieve their central goal: enhancing person and environment fit. KEY WORDS: acculturation; assimilation; immigrants; life model; second generation N early a century ago,Jane Addams (1910) observed that immigrants needed help integrating their European and American experiences to give them meaning and a sense of relation: The inability of some immigrant families to integrate the cultural capital from the world left behind with the demands of the new society creates a gulf of experience between immigrants and their children that can undermine the parental relationship. Today, the issue of family cohesion in the face of acculturative Stressors remains central to the immigrant experience and creates a sense of urgency because it is so linked with the success of the second generation. The size of the immigrant population and the role their children \vill play in future labor markets (Morales & Bonilla, 1993; Sullivan, 2006) moves the problem from the realm of the person to the status of a larger public concern. Immigrant families are rapidly becoming the typical American family. More than one in seven families in the United States is headed by a foreignborn adult. Children of immigrant parents are the fastest growing segment of the nations child population (Capps, Fix, Ost, Reardon-Anderson, & Passel, 2004).The U.S. Census Bureau (2003) reported that slightly more than 14 million children (approximately one in five) live in immigrant families; the percentage is even higher (22 percent) for children under the age of six (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001). At a structural level, these changing demographics create large-scale and long-range effects that bear on many social services and many issues of social pohcy (Sullivan, 2006). Specifically, the population growth of native-born children in nonwhite immigrant families, in the context of an aging white population, has implications for intergenerational and interethnic justice. The native-born children of immigrants will make up a large portion of the future workforce—and of the future contributors to the social security—recipient population (Morales & Bonilla, 1993; Sullivan, 2006). For many immigrants, relocating to the United States means leaving one cultural universe and entering a new one—a life transition that, unlike other forms of life transitions, can span decades and affect subsequent generations. Immigrant families must grapple with a distinct set of cultural adjustments. Aside from adapting to a new society, immigrant adults rear children in a cultural context that is 270 CCC Code: 0037-8046/09 $3.00 ©2009 National Association of Social Workers Power to see life as a whole is more needed in the immigrant quarter of the city than anywhere else Why should the chasm between fathers and sons, yawning at the feet of each generation, be made so unnecessarily cruel and impassable to these bewildered immigrants? (p. 172) different—sometimes vastly so—from the one in which they themselves were socialized, and often that context includes speaking a language other than English. Although contemporary immigrants and their native-born children—the second generation—face the same type of parental estrangement as earlier immigrants did, the social context has changed dramatically. Immigrant families today face the challenges of adaptation in an era of eroded social safety nets and heightened scrutiny of citizenship status (Engstrom, 2006). The industrial era long ago gave way to a more technologically complex society, and the labor market has bifurcated into two sectors: high-skilled work and low-skill work, the latter with correspondingly low wages and often with no benefits (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001 ¡Wilson, 1980, 1987). Many immigrants work in low-wage jobs that provide few or no benefits and little opportunity for advancement. Segmented assimilation theory identifies factors that contribute to the different rates of acculturation among parents and their offspring; it also explains how intergenerational acculturation patterns affect the way the second generation confronts external obstacles to social mobility (Portes, 1996; Portes, Fernandez-Kelly, & Haller, 2005; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Portes & Zhou, 1993; Waters, 1996). Segmented assimilation theory has been used by scholars studying the difficulties immigrant families have with acculturating to American society. For example, segmented theory has been used to ground case studies (Kelly, 2007) and to understand substance use and abuse (Martinez, 2006), educational performance (Stone & Han, 2005),and racial distrust among immigrant minority students (Albertini, 2004). Chapman and Perreira (2005) used segmented assimilation theory to inform aspects of their framework for assessment of the psychosocial risks associated with successful adaptation of Latino youths. Although a useful contribution to the literature. Chapman and Perreiras (2005) application of the theory is narrowly focused on Latinos and does not make use of this theorys abihty to explain why some immigrant families have more difficulties with assimilation than others do. The explanatory power of the theory lies in its ability to illuminate factors that contribute to diverse life trajectories among immigrant families. We argue that by adding conceptsfromsegmented assimilation theory to the life model (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008), social workers can better understand the environmental Stressors that increase the vulnerabilities of immigrants to the potentially harsh experience of adapting to a new country. Furthermore, this enhanced ecological approach can help practitioners better understand the crucial role that intergenerational acculturation plays in the challenges that some immigrant parents experience in their efforts to relate to and guide their children. With this expanded view, we believe that social workers who work with immigrant families will be better positioned to achieve their central goal: enhancing person and environment fit. APPLING THE LIFE MODEL TO IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR CHILDREN The life model is particularly relevant for those \vorking with immigrants and their children. Inspired by the idea that social work practice should be modeled on life itself, the life model places particular emphasis on the normal life processes of growth, development, and decline (Bandler, 1963; Germain & Gitterman, 1996, Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008). These processes, along with human motivation for problem solving and need satisfaction, are understood in the context of the life span. Life-modeled practice, grounded in ecological theory, seeks to maximize the fit between individuals, families, and groups and their environment (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008). Capitalizing on reciprocal interactions between people and their environments, interventions are tailored to enhance peoples abihty to meet their needs and to coax the environment to become more amenable to their needs (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008; Shulman & Gitterman, 1994). Problems in living (Gitterman & Germain, 1976) were originally conceived as generated by three interrelated sources: (1) stressful life transitions, (2) environmental pressures, and (3) maladaptive interpersonal processes (Shulman & Gitterman, 1994). Later, the hfe model added three new conceptual areas that reflect the professions evolving sensitivity to social diversity: (1) the recognition of factors that influence vulnerability and oppression; (2) the presence of healthy and unhealthy habitat and niche; and (3) consideration of variations in the life course (the trajectory taken by an individual), with attention to social and cultural determinants PIEDRA AND ENGSTROM / Segmented Assimilation Theory and the Life Model 271 of these trajectories (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Ungar, 2002). Although these new additions to the life model provide a comprehensive framework for understanding the myriad challenges facing immigrant families, the life model remains general and unspecific regarding factors that affect immigrant families. Other theoretical concepts are needed to address the following key questions regarding the adaptation process: What factors influence vulnerability and oppression of immigrants? What are the social and cultural determinants of the various hfe trajectories immigrants take? Answering these questions will generate a greater appreciation for the obstacles immigrant families must overcome. SEGMENTED ASSIMILATION AND INTERGENERATIONAL ACCULTURATION Intergenerational conflict is common in the immigrant experience, but not all families experience the disdain that some second-generation youths develop toward their immigrant parents and their cultural heritage. Not all immigrant youths prematurely free themselves from parental authority, losing the corresponding support and guidance. Nevertheless, the question remains: How do individual, faniily, and community dynamics intersect with larger contextual forces so as to give rise to divergent assimilation outcomes? Contemporary sociological theory can help answer this question. Although assimilation—the process by which immigrants and their children integrate into society—is an important concept, it is also a term that has been overused and burdened by extensive qualifications (Portes &c Rumbaut, 2001). Traditional straight-line assimilation, with its assumption of rapid integration and acceptance into the American mainstream, is only one of several possible assimilation outcomes. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) reminded us that assimilation remains a cautionary tale and that positive outcomes are by no means guaranteed. They argued for a conceptualization that accounts for the different possible outcomes and variation across immigrant groups. By tracing the divergent assimilation paths of second-generation children to intergenerational acculturation, segmented assimilation theory explains the specific role that immigrant parents and their co-ethnic communities play in helping the second generation to confront external obstacles to social mobility (for example, racial discrimination, a 272 two-tiered labor market, and inner-city subcultures). The key issue is not whether the assimilation of immigrants and their children will occur; a long historical record proves that it does, even under the direst of circumstances. Rather, in regard to social mobility, the segment ofsociety into which immigrants and their children assimilate carries significantly more weight. Segmented assimilation theory recognizes that although U.S. society is racially and ethnically diverse, it is also stratified along socioeconomic lines (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Wilson, 1980, 1987). Socioeconomic status shapes and constrains opportunities for social mobility. Those at the more impoverished levels of society—the working poor, for example—experience a myriad of obstacles to upward social mobility because the problems associated with poverty are so interlocking that one reversal can produce a chain reaction with far-reaching results (Shipler,2004).Low-wage employment with no benefits relegates workers to communities with poorer housing stock, unreliable transportation systems, and inadequate schools. This heightened vulnerability is further accentuated when workers have an illness, are involved in an accident, or are victims of a street crime. Given the corrosive effects of poverty, it is not surprising that, for low-income immigrant families, increased length of residency in the United States coincides with deterioration in the health and school achievement of their children (Hernandez & Charney, 1998; Shields & Behrman,2004). Perhaps the most useful contribution segmented assimilation theory has to offer is the idea that the pace of intergenerational acculturation—the process by which immigrants and their children learn the language and normative lifestyles of a new culture—plays an important role in the support and resources that second-generation children can access to overcome external barriers to successful adaptation. In an ideal world, acculturation occurs at similar rates for both immigrant parents and their children, enabling children to maintain family and communities ties. When confronted by racial discrimination, a bifurcated labor market, and innercity subcultures, second-generation children who have maintained these important connections face these difficulties with adult support and guidance. However, acculturation rates often differ between parents and offspring (Hwang, 2006), creating a gap between the first and second generations that SocialWork VOLUME 54, NUMBER 3 JULY 2009 extends beyond normal generational gaps. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) identified three types of intergenerational acculturation: (1) dissonant, (2) consonant, and (3) selected. Synonymous with harsh or jarring, dissonant acculturation is aptly named. Such an acculturation occurs when children learn English and adopt U.S. culture at such an accelerated rate, compared with their parents, that parental authority is undermined and children can prematurely free themselves from parental control. In the most extreme instances, role reversal occurs when the childs mastery of the language and culture puts her or him at a social advantage vis-à-vis the parents and the child is expected to serve as translator and mediator in the public world. A dissonant acculturation process diminishes the ability of parents to provide critical guidance. Moreover, this process often occurs in a context of limited community supports, so the results are particularly cruel.When confronted with external obstacles to social advancement, such as poverty, racial discrimination, or poor educational opportunities, these children often have little more than their peer group for support. The immigrants child confronts these obstacles alone and is particularly vulnerable to the adoption of adversarial attitudes and lifestyles associated with inner-city subcultures and downward social mobility. Consider the fluidity of racial identity and how it can serve as a proxy for something other than identity (Samuels,2006;Tafoya,2004;Waters, 1996). One study that examined how adolescent children of black immigrant parents constructed and used their ethnic identity found that ethnically identified teenagers recognized that their immigrant status separated them from being solely identified as African American—arguably the most stigmatized group in the United States (Water, 1996).Depending on the situation, ethnically identified youths spoke differently—formal English rather than accented English—and sent out other signals of ethnic group belonging (such as sporting a Jamaican key chain). For these adolescents, racial and ethnic identity were not synonymous with being a black American. Rather, these adolescents viewed race and ethnicity as fluid, social currency that is partially a conscious choice to adopt behaviors and speech to fit the social context (Waters, 1996). In sharp contrast, other adolescents in the study who adopted a fixed racial identity—black American—placed little emphasis on their ethnic identi- ties. These teenagers believed that race definitively constrained their chances of getting ahead, and they did not see their cultural heritage as providing any social leverage. Moreover, these youths had adopted and identified with some of the negative stereotypes. One young Haitian American teenager reported the following: My parents, they do not like American blacks, ... they feel that they are lazy.They dont want to work and stufflike that from what they can see. And I feel that, um, I feel that way too . . . and my mother is like, yeah, youre just too American. (Waters, 1996, p. 185) The most striking finding in this study was how the two groups of teenagers responded to their parents negative opinions of black Americans and the degree of intergenerational conflict. Although both groups reported that their parents held negative appraisals of African Americans, ethnically identified youths agreed with their parents and wider societys negative assessments of poor black people and sought to avoid being identified in that way. American-identified youths rejected their parents opinions outright, blaming those beliefs on their parents naivete regarding the U.S. social system. These youths racial identity included embracing aspects of a peer-group culture that brought them into conflict with their parents cultural beliefs. Disaffected by their parents and their cultural values, American-identified teenagers confronted the perils of racial discrimination and inner-city subcultures alone. In marked contrast, consonant acculturation reflects a process in which there is a gradual loss of native language and culture. Acquisition of English language and U.S. culture are assumed by the parent and child at roughly the same rates.The role of economic resources cannot be underestimated here. In some instances, immigrant parents have the resources to purchase experiences that facilitate their ability to pass on their cultural heritage: a parochial education, language school, summer trips to the country of origin. These extras give a child exposure to the parents culture and facilitate a family milieu of common values and cultural beliefs. In addition, the parents education and employment foster the acquisition of language and culture, enhancing authority so that the parents retain their parental role. Selective acculturation occurs when the learning process ofboth PIEDRA AND ENGSTROM / Segmented Assimilation Theory and the Life Model 273 generations is embedded in a co-ethnic community that slows down the cultural shift and promotes the partial retention of parents home language and cultural norms. Selective acculturation is commonly found among middle-class members living in ethic enclaves, such as Cubans in Miami. PARENTAL HUMAN CAPITAL, MODES OF INCORPORATION, AND FAMILY STRUCTURE As illustrated in the earlier discussion, central to segmented assimilation theory is the way that parental human capital influences patterns of intergenerational acculturation. In addition, intergenerational acculturation is affected by how the immigrant group is received in this country (modes of incorporation) and the ways in which family structure helps or hinders social supports. In this section, we discuss these three factors and how they facilitate the ability of immigrant parents to remain a guiding force for their children (see Figure 1). Parental Human Capital. Immigrants come to this country with wide variations in age, education, occupational skills, wealth, and knowledge of English. Each of these factors not only contributes to immigrants wage-earning potential in the labor market, but also plays a role in determining the extent to which immigrant parents can regulate the acculturation process for their children.This ability to have some say in t ... Purchase answer to see full attachment