Safety Engineering - Environmental science
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Using the CSU Online Library, locate one or more articles that give detailed information (at least four pages in length) about a fire in either a hotel or a high-rise office building. Your case study should cover the topics listed below.
· What were the main factors that caused the fire?
· Were there any design flaws in the building that contributed either to the start of the fire or the growth of the fire in size?
· Were there issues with the building design that hindered the fire response?
· How could a thorough hazard analysis, as a part of the Prevention through Design (PtD) process, have helped eliminate hazards in the structure?
· How could PtD have been used to either prevent the fire from occurring or reduce the severity of the outcome?
· Explain where PtD should be used in the design process to prevent this type of incident from happening again.
Include a minimum of two outside sources. All sources used must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying citations and be cited per APA guidelines. The case study should be a minimum of three pages in length.
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Atlanta,
Burning
Until the Winecoff blazed on Peachtree
Street, municipal fire codes were scarce
and hotels were pyres waiting to flare
By Daniel B. Moskowitz
50 AMERICAN HISTORY
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he fire started about 3:15 a.m. on Saturday, December
7, 1946. Within the Winecoff Hotel, at 176 Peachtree
Street in Atlanta, Georgia, the impressive central stair-
well operated like a giant chimney that drew the flames from floor to floor
of the 15-story establishment, a prominent fixture of Atlanta’s main thor-
oughfare. Crews hurried every piece of firefighting equipment available in
the city to the scene. The first truck, from a station two blocks south, was
reported in position within 30 seconds of receiving the alarm. Eventually
385 firefighters, 22 engine companies, and 11 ladder trucks arrived.
But the call to the fire department was not made until 3:42—a good 20
minutes after the conflagration, which had started in a mattress stored in
the hall outside Room 326, had gone out of control.
Feeding on wooden doors and burlap covering in hallways, flames
reached the 11th floor. An internal alarm, which had to be triggered by hand
at the Winecoff’s front desk, did not sound until around 3:30. By then the
building was filled with screams for help.
The Winecoff had a steel structure clad with stone on the lower three
and upper two floors and with brick on the intervening floors. Structural
clay tile behind the exterior facing was supposed to make the building fire-
proof, although there were no sprinklers or fire escapes and the hotel’s
interiors included highly flammable materials. The Atlanta fire code, which
dated to 1911, required multiple staircases in high public buildings, but that
rule contained an exception for buildings with a footprint of less than
5,000 square feet. The Winecoff had been squeezed into a tiny lot atop one
of the city’s highest hills, and so measured only 4,386 square feet per floor.
That meant the hotel legally could have only a single staircase—an impos-
ing design feature that swept from floor to floor.
That Friday night the 194-room hotel had 285 guests registered; the final
death toll was 119. Another 65 people were injured. The Winecoff blaze—
still ranked as the worst hotel fire in United States history—remains mem-
orable not only for its rapacity but for its influence in the development of
nationwide fire safety codes.
His days in combat during World War II still fresh in his mind, hotel
guest Major General Paul W. Baade said that for sheer terror that night in
Atlanta outdid leading the U.S. Army’s 35th Division onto Omaha Beach
on D-Day. “At least you felt you had a chance in dodging bullets,” the gen-
eral said upon being rescued from the Winecoff. “But you’re just helpless
when you are trapped in a hotel room with roaring flames all around you.”
Baade and his wife, Margaret, woke in their sixth-floor room around 3:30
a.m. when they heard shouting. Cracking the hallway door and seeing only
flames, he realized they could not get out that way. The couple waited until
firemen pulled them through a window.
Waiting wasn’t an option when flames invaded rooms, as often occurred.
To survive, brothers Eves and Robert Muns, plumbers from Augusta, shin-
nied down the front wall of the Winecoff using bedsheets they knotted
together. By the time Robert and Corrine Bault of Murphy, North Carolina,
woke, their 14th floor room was afire. Opening a window, Robert stretched
to extend a sheet to the room next door and, as hundreds of spectators
watched, he and Corrine, clutching the sheet, edged along a cornice to what
they hoped was safety. The second room’s occupants, Mr. and Mrs. J.B.
T
Out of Control
The Winecoff blaze
drove dramatic
changes in fire safety
regulation.
AMHP-200600-ATLANTA-jb.indd 51 2/21/20 6:24 PM
52 AMERICAN HISTORY
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Phillips of Lithonia, Georgia, had barricaded the
wooden hallway door using mattresses sopping
with water they fetched from the bathroom. The
quartet kept up a two-and-a-half-hour bucket
brigade until firefighters quelled the flames.
A substantial number of individuals on lower
floors climbed down firefighters’ ladders or
jumped successfully into nets strung on metal
frames being held by teams of firefighters.
Though flames did not reach the uppermost
floors, smoke did, killing many. Occupants of
middle-floor rooms had few options; firemen’s
ladders reached no higher than the seventh story.
Dr. Robert Cox, also of Murphy, North Caro-
lina, was with his family in a 10th-floor room.
Trapped by smoke and flames, three-year-old
son in his arms, he leaped, hoping to reach a res-
cue net. Realizing in midair that he was off-tar-
get, the father tossed his son, Bob, at the circle of
safety. Cox’s head struck the net’s frame; he died
of his injuries. Little Bob landed safely, grew up
to be a doctor himself, and told the story at a
70th anniversary gathering of Winecoff fire sur-
vivors, their descendants, and victims’ relatives.
Former GI James D. Cahill, visiting in Atlanta
to complete paperwork to reenter Georgia Tech,
fled the hotel on foot—then realized his mother,
in a sixth-floor room, was trapped. At the adja-
cent Mortgage Guaranty Building, separated
from the Winecoff by a 10-foot alley, Cahill
found a board long enough to reach his mother’s
window and sturdy enough that she could crawl
to safety 60 feet up. Firemen followed Cahill’s
lead, extending ladders across the alley and
guiding occupants out of room after room. The
Mortgage Guaranty building was 12 stories high.
The nearness of its roof tempted desperate
Winecoff guests. Those who misjudged the
10-foot gap fell to their deaths. Dorothy Moen,
16, made the leap from her 7th floor room. She
broke her left arm and right femur and knocked
out 13 teeth—but she survived, constrained at
Grady Hospital in a waist-down cast.
Driven by flames, some guests simply jumped,
some dying, some surviving. One surviving
jumper appeared in a lone image that seared the
Winecoff fire into the minds of Americans.
Physics graduate student and amateur photog-
rapher Arnold Hardy, 24, had been returning
from a party when he heard sirens. He called the
fire department, learned that the Winecoff was
burning, and got to the street outside. With his
2¼ x 3¼ Speed Graphic’s aperture at f4.5 and his
shutter at 1/400th of a second, Hardy had used
up four of five flashbulbs when he heard a
The Worst It Could Get
Top: In the uppermost stories trapped Winecoff
guests look onto the panoply of rescuers and
equipment; a guest who did not make it outlined
by the windowframe of her ruined room.
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daisy
mccumber
lived, but
she needed
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pelvis, and
legs. she
died at 86
years of
age.
Hope and Horror
Clockwise from left,
Arnold Hardy’s
Pulitzer Prize photo
of Winecoff guest
Daisy McCumber
mid-leap,investiga-
tors with a damaged
hotel fire hose,
volunteers bringing
out a victim.
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shriek. He turned and framed 41-year-old Daisy McCumber airborne over
Peachtree Street as she passed the hotel’s third floor. The Georgia Tech stu-
dent’s photo, which he sold to the Associated Press for $300, received the
Pulitzer Prize for photography the following year.
McCumber lived, but before hitting the ground she struck a pipe and a
railing. She underwent seven surgeries to repair her fractured back, pelvis,
and legs, living to 86 and staunchly resisting attempts to spotlight her as
the woman in Hardy’s much-reproduced image of her with her skirt above
her waist and her bloomers on display. Hardy died in 2007; his funeral was
held the afternoon of December 7, the 61st anniversary of the fire.
Winecoff guests that night included 52 of Georgia’s brightest high school
students, including Moen, one of 325 teens in the capital for a YMCA
assembly. Of those at the Winecoff, 22 survived. The fire also claimed the
hotel’s builder, W.F. Winecoff and wife Grace, both 76. The Winecoffs, who
had sold the hotel in the 1930s, lived there in a top-floor apartment they
had occupied since the hotel’s earliest days.
Of the Winecoff fire’s 119 deaths, doctors traced 48 to burns, 40 to
asphyxiation from smoke, and 31 to injuries sustained jumping or falling.
That night the wind had been from the north, so rooms in the hotel’s south-
ern side got much more smoke than those facing northward. No logic
seemed to explain a peculiar room-by-room pattern of death and survival
until someone observed that guests who opened the transoms above their
hallway doors to let air circulate inadvertently provided a path for flames.
Two days after the tragedy, Atlanta fire marshal Harry Phillips told the
City Council that the fire’s cause likely would never be established defini-
tively—a prediction that has held; the cause remains in dispute. Phillips
posited the most likely cause as a lit cigarette flipped, probably by an ine-
briated guest, onto that mattress in the third-floor hallway. The U.S. Fire
Administration says that a mattress fire doubles every minute. Mattress
fire-retardant standards now in force were not adopted until the 1970s.
The burning mattress theory became the official explanation, but doubts
persist. Hamilton Lokey Sr., who represented the hotel’s insurer in suits
filed by survivors and families of the deceased, blamed arson, an analysis
that had a long life. In 1993, former Atlanta Journal and Constitution
reporter Sam Heys published a book on the Winecoff fire in which he
pointed a finger at Andrew McCullough, a former convict who according
to this theory was in a poker game at the hotel, left, set the fire, and
returned to the game. However, when the Heys book came out Constitu-
tion reporter Keeler McCartney, who had covered the fire, said that he
had heard the story about the guy who left a card game and set the fire.
McCartney wrote about the rumor in the days after the blaze, “but I could
never nail it down, and neither could the police,” he said.
Immediately after a 2016 fire in an Oakland, California, performance
space killed 30 persons, James Pauley, president of the National Fire Pro-
tection Association, said, “When a deadly fire happens, it is usually
because something isn’t followed or something goes wrong or we learn
something new.” Accident or arson, the Winecoff fire did teach America
something new and led to a major rethinking of fire safety codes.
Many killer fires have stemmed from malfeasance. The December 30,
1903, Iroquois Theatre fire in Chicago, which took at least 602 lives, still
Survivors All
From top: F.W. Tribbill of Newark, New Jersey, knotted sheets;
Dorothy Omen, of Columbus, Georgia, jumped seven stories;
Ima Dell Ingram of Rockford, Illinois, used sheets and a ladder.
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Desolation Row
The 1871 Chicago fire
devastated that city.
Fired Engine
Baltimore policemen with
a fire engine destroyed in a
1904 fire. That blaze was
made much worse when
city couplings did not ac-
cept outside firefighters’
hose connections.
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million, not counting tens of millions of dollars’
worth of timber lost to forest fires. Washington
state expected to lose $750 million that year.
The first American fire codes date to 1631, when
Massachusetts Bay Colony Governor John Win-
throp outlawed wooden chimneys and thatched
roofs on houses in Boston. Flaming disasters bred
stricter rules. As early as 1815, New York City was
banning new wood frame construction in parts of
that city and requiring metal doors on ware-
houses. After an 1871 fire destroyed a third of the
buildings in Chicago, officials in that city limited
the types of materials that could be used in recon-
struction and demanded more space between
buildings. Boston similarly tightened its building
code and inspection regime after an 1872 fire
destroyed 60 acres of buildings.
But those codes were local. The concept of
measuring fire prevention efforts against a uni-
form national standard originated with the
ranks as the nation’s deadliest single-building
fire. Chicago authorities had allowed the facility
to open the month before despite blatant viola-
tions of the city fire safety code, including the
absence of sprinklers, alarms, water connec-
tions, and mandatory separate staircases to two
upper levels. The 146 deaths in the 1911 Triangle
Shirtwaist Factory fire in Manhattan’s Asch
Building could be attributed largely to the fac-
tory owner locking exit doors to keep workers
from taking unauthorized breaks. Severe over-
crowding figured in the 1942 fire at Boston’s
Cocoanut Grove nightclub and its 492 deaths;
legal occupancy was capped at 460, but the
owners had allowed more than 1,000 clubgoers
to cram the place that Saturday after Thanksgiv-
ing. When a fire started, exits could not handle
the crush.
The Winecoff’s management was not in that nefarious league. News
stories of the day pointed out that the hotel lacked both fire escapes and
sprinklers. But the building—widely advertised as fireproof—complied
with applicable regulations of the pre-World War I era in which it was built.
By 1946 standards, the hotel deserved a rating of “fire-resistant,” fire mar-
shal Phillips said. And Atlanta’s chief building inspector, Marvin Harper,
told the City Council that his office had done everything possible under
existing regulations to make the building safe. Analyzing the fire’s progres-
sion, the Building Officials Conference of America issued a report in
March 1947 that said that while in some situations exterior fire escapes can
provide rescue, “it is questionable whether they would have furnished a
safe means of egress in the Winecoff Hotel fire, where intense and simul-
taneous belching of fire from practically all windows on the floors above
the third would have vitiated their usefulness.”
The villains in the Winecoff fire were society and the prevailing defini-
tion of “fireproof.” The fire codes embedded in city building regulations in
large part had been shaped by property insurers, whose primary concern
was the preservation of buildings because that is what their policies cov-
ered. While lawmakers looked to these standards as models, the original
drafters had builders in mind. Owners of build-
ings that did not conform to insurers’ standards
would have trouble getting policies to protect
them against fire loss or at least would have to
pay higher premiums for those policies. That
needed to change. A week after the Winecoff
fire, H.N. Pye, chief engineer for the South-East-
ern Underwriters Association, warned insurers
by letter that “even though a building may be of
non-combustible construction, the contents,
decorative material and furnishings may pro-
duce a fire of serious magnitude as to flame and
which will quickly fill the hallways with toxic
gases of combustion.”
The problem reached far beyond hotels. A tally
of annual deaths from fires less spectacular than
hotel blazes neared 10,000. Fire losses in the
United States for 1946 totaled a record $560
as early as
1815, new
york city
was banning
wood frame
construction
in parts of
town and
requiring
metal
warehouse
doors.
Not Exactly So
Winecoff stationery boasted that
the hotel was “absolutely fireproof.”
An early headline about the 1942
Cocoanut Grove was optimistic.
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Infamous Flames
Clockwise from left: the 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist
Fire in New York City, aftermath of Chicago’s
1903 Iroquois Theatre Fire, and an artist’s
imagining of that event as it occurred.
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National Fire Protection Association. Founded
in 1896 by 20 fire insurance organizations, this
trade group initially admitted no other member
companies. The 20 had joined forces over a press-
ing problem: automatic sprinkler systems. Such sys-
tems existed, but lack of standardization was keeping
them from providing the expected protection. A tangle of var-
ied standards for piping size and sprinkler spacing rendered system per-
formance inconsistent and unreliable. The insurers association developed
uniform standards and lobbied for their adoption.
Through the 20th century the concept of fire safety standards spread
beyond sprinkler standardization as authorities
learned more—often through headline-making
tragedies—about what made fires rage and how
better to control them. The 1903 Iroquois fire led
cities and towns to require sprinkler systems in
buildings where many persons gathered. In
1904, fire destroyed 2,500 buildings in Baltimore
despite the arrival of fire companies from Wash-
ington, DC, Philadelphia, and New York. Balti-
more hydrants did not fit the visiting firemen’s
hose couplings; the massive consequences of
that problem resulted in widespread adoption of
a standard coupling. The Cocoanut Grove fire
led to requirements that decorations in public
buildings be noncombustible.
Built at a time when the focus was on preserv-
ing a building’s structural integrity, the Winecoff
measured up to that mark. Even substantially gut-
ted, the hotel’s brick-and-masonry exterior stood
firm after the fire, and the renovated structure is
doing business today as the Ellis Hotel, a four-star
property listed in the 2016 Condé Nast Traveler
Gold List of the world’s best places to stay.
But until the Winecoff burned, developers of
fire codes gave occupant safety at best secondary
attention. The Winecoff fire changed that. Hor-
rific as that blaze was, its emotional impact on
America was amplified by the fact that it did not
stand alone in 1946. In the month of June alone
that year, 61 persons had died in a fire at Chica-
go’s La Salle Hotel; 19 in Dubuque, Iowa, when
the Canfield Hotel caught fire; and 10 in Dallas,
Texas, when the Baker Hotel burned. In July
1946, a blaze at the Herbert Hotel in San
Francisco killed four firefighters. A
day after the Winecoff went up, 11
people died in the Barry Hotel
conflagration in Saskatoon, Sas-
katchewan. A survivor explained
that he got out of the Barry alive
because he had just read a news
report about the Winecoff saying
that many victims would have
lived had they just stayed in their
rooms until firefighters controlled the
flames, advice he took to heart.
The Atlanta toll and attendant coverage stirred
demands for action. The Winecoff catastrophe,
The New York Times said, “may bring reforms we
should have had long ago. If its tragic meaning
stirs the heart of this nation as it should, our peo-
ple will see that hotel dwellers shall no longer be
exposed to needless hazards.”
Among those whose hearts were stirred was
President Harry S. Truman. Less than a month
after the Winecoff fire, Truman declared he would
convene a National Conference on Fire Preven-
tion. That three-day Washington parley drew
around 2,000 delegates from across the coun-
try—a first-ever meeting on fire safety bringing
together industry figures and personnel from fed-
eral, state, and local government agencies. “We
have a complexity of building laws and codes in
some communities, and too few in others,” Tru-
man told delegates. “In many communities, those
laws are outdated and the responsibility for safety
from fire is not clearly defined.” A 1945 National
Bureau of Standards study had examined
Windy City Disaster
Workers remove one of 61 victims of the 1946
La Salle Hotel fire in Chicago.
baltimore’s
hydrants did
not fit other
departments’
couplings,
leading to
adoption of
a standard
coupling in
widespread
locales.
Governor John
Winthrop
AMHP-200600-ATLANTA-jb.indd 58 2/24/20 3:39 PM
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regulations in 3,322 municipalities, finding that 1,342 had no building code at
all and that of the rest two-thirds were relying on rules not updated for at
least ten years.
Publicity surrounding the Truman conclave added impetus to safety
concerns already vivid in the wake of the Winecoff disaster. Some states
decided they no longer could leave fire safety to individual municipalities.
Within months of the Atlanta fire, Indiana had passed its first statewide
fire safety code. Georgia passed a building exit code, requiring new struc-
tures to have multiple means of egress.
Regulations implementing the Georgia law took effect on the first anni-
versary of the Winecoff fire. Before World War II, only Maryland, Illinois,
and Oklahoma had required that firemen undergo formal training; the
1946 hotel fires and the national fire prevention conference spurred Penn-
sylvania to join that list in 1947 and Maine in 1948.
Even without state legislatures’ prodding, municipalities acted individu-
ally. Many amended codes for the first time to insist that public buildings
have sprinkler systems, that hotels install fire doors capable of sealing off
corridors, and that facilities have multiple staircases. No longer could guest
rooms have over-door transoms. Regulators began demanding that inside
each guestroom door hotels post a map of that floor of the building clearly
marked with routes to the safest exit.
Tougher standards written into the codes specified which materials
builders could use in hotel construction. Incorporating wartime research
into flammability, these provisions recognized the importance of three
characteristics: how a material contributed to the spread of flames, how
quickly a material itself became fuel, and how much noxious smoke a
material emitted when burned.
Significantly, regulators began to develop new confidence in their
standing to order retrofitting of vintage hotels like the Winecoff, an inclin-
cation until then thwarted by the Fifth Amendment to the U.S.
Constitution, which prohibits the taking of pri-
vate property for public use without just com-
pensation. Regulators had feared that forcing
owners to spend heavily to bring older buildings
into line with new fire safety standards would
bring accusations of unconstitutional “taking.”
That reluctance faded amid a string of zoning
decisions in which the Supreme Court allowed
new restrictions on existing buildings provided
the rules were in the public interest. By the late
1940s, authorities nationwide were beginning to
enforce new fire safety standards not restricted
to new construction.
In 1994, the city of Atlanta installed at the cor-
ner of Peachtree and Ellis a historic marker
“dedicated to the victims, the survivors, and the
firemen who fought the Winecoff fire.”
But perhaps the more important monument
to those victims is the fact that safety code
improvements those deaths spurred have meant
that to this day no worse fire has occurred in the
United States and that the nearest contender—a
2003 fire at the Station nightclub in West War-
wick, Rhode Island, in which 100 perished—is
the only fire since the Winecoff whose toll has
reached three figures. H
21st Century Tragedy
A metal band’s pyrotechnics ignited the Station
in West Warwick, Rhode Island, in 2003. The
club burned down with murderous speed.
AMHP-200600-ATLANTA-jb.indd 59 2/24/20 3:39 PM
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