d5 - English
First, summarize readings separately.
Instead of the general format of summarization, I am posing the following questions for each reading:
Reading 9 (All the words people throw around): Identify at least two words or concepts from the list provided by the authors. Identify real instances when they were ab/used in a manner that resulted in the denial of racism. Since this this an open forum, I encourage students to not reveal identifying information, unless they feel compelled to do so.
Are there words that do not appear in the reading? If you do add a word or concept, make sure to define it.
Reading 10 (Are you upholding white supremacy): The reading identifies six scripts that keep racism in place. Can you add to the list? Also, what can we do to undo white supremacy?
Finally, end your first post by asking at least one question that stands out for you after doing the readings.
post should be at least 250 words
2
All the Words People Throw Around
One important step toward being an effective racial justice advocate is recognizing that many
people bump heads over racial terminology. While it is the case that one person may
fundamentally disagree with the argument another person is trying to make, it is also possible
for people to simply talk past one another because they are uninformed of the meanings
behind the words being used. Becoming conversant in racial terminology can empower you
in either scenario. Here, we provide an entry point to the racial lexicon of the contemporary
United States in hopes of better equipping you with the means to grapple with not only the
semantics of a number of concepts but also why it is important. Given that language, like
race, is ever evolving and responds to changing contexts, we do not claim to be exhaustive in
our commentary, and we humbly advance that we are not the final word on the matter. There
may even be places where you find yourself wanting to contest our analysis—this is your cue
to step into the circle and be part of the conversation.
We selected words that showcase the contestation and emotional charge of racial politics.
We chose concepts that represent phenomena that we think need addressing. We picked terms
that many people have probably never heard of but nevertheless represent phenomena that
you may have either seen, experienced, or thought about. Lastly, we discuss some words that
get debated even among people who are politically allied with one another.
We order the terms alphabetically for two reasons: (1) to help make it more referential for
you, the reader, and (2) because we believe it is more important for people to know that these
concepts are connected and at times co-constitutive than to think about them as ranked in
importance. We do, however, provide some organizational logic with the following
categories:
* Foundational concepts: In order to best grasp what the Black Lives Matter movement and
the Movement for Black Lives is all about, you would be well served to understand the
weight of these words.
* American mythology: There are a few dominant narratives explaining why the United States
is so special. We critically examine them.
* Common sense revisited: Some words get used so frequently in everyday language that we
seldom stop to ask whether we are even using the same definition. Let’s take some time to
reflect.
* Tools of liberation: We spotlight ideas and instruments with which we can free ourselves and
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
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enhance the lives of others.
* Tools of oppression: We bring attention to ideas and instruments that are used to (a) control,
exclude, exploit, ignore, and/or shame human beings on the basis of race, (b) excuse
oneself from accountability or intervention, or (c) hinder the uplift of those who are
working to get free.
* Wisdom of popular culture: We include some of the innovative concepts presented in various
forms of media, including the genius of Black Twitter, that help us make sense of the
world.
* Extra credit: The more you know, the more you grow.
You will find that some words fall under multiple categories. We also set in boldface words
that are examined throughout the chapter to facilitate your consideration of their connection
to one another. Interspersed in the chapter you will find activities and reflection pieces to
complete alone or with others.
affirmative action
common sense revisited
1. Policies that aim to ameliorate disparities between structurally—and historically—contingent identity
groups, such as marginalized racial groups and women, in the case of the United States
2. Predecessor to diversity programs and initiatives
see also: diversity, reverse discrimination
In order to get beyond racism, we must first take account of race. There is no other way. And in order to treat
some persons equally, we must treat them differently. We cannot—we dare not—let the Equal Protection Clause
perpetuate racial supremacy.
—US Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun in Regents of University of California v. Bakke (1978)
Historically, affirmative action programs were rooted in racial justice.1 In a 1965 speech to
the graduates of Howard University, President Lyndon B. Johnson explained that there was a
need for programs aimed to dissolve racial inequality. Noting that the social, political, and
economic differences seen historically between whites and Blacks “are not racial differences”
but “are solely and simply the consequence of ancient brutality, past injustice, and present
prejudice,” Johnson was well aware that real policy change had to be made in order to close
these gaps. He famously explained,
But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of centuries by saying: Now
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
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you are free to go where you want, and do as you desire, and choose the leaders you
please. You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate
him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, “you are free to compete
with all the others,” and still justly believe that you have been completely fair. Thus it is
not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to
walk through those gates. This is the next and the more profound stage of the battle for
civil rights. We seek not just freedom but opportunity. We seek not just legal equity but
human ability, not just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality
as a result.2
Assuming that talent is equally distributed across racial groups, we should expect equal
outcomes, if indeed equal opportunity is a reality. Affirmative action policies seek to “level
the playing field,” or at least to loosen the purse strings of those who allocate jobs, college
admissions, and other opportunities to a broader pool of applicants.
There is a lot that people get wrong about affirmative action. There are two things that we
will address here. First is the idea that affirmative action is synonymous with racial quotas.
This is false. Though there was a time when quotas were used, racial quotas were deemed
unconstitutional in the 1978 Bakke Supreme Court decision.
Second is the notion that affirmative action is a form of reverse discrimination, whereby
the merits of whites are discounted in efforts to attain a more diverse institution of higher
education, corporation, or government workplace. There is actually a great deal of data that
show that whites with mediocre qualifications have not had any major problems in accessing
opportunities in any of these realms of life in the United States. But beyond that, we follow
the sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant, who argue that a policy, program, idea,
interaction, or the like is racist if “it creates or reproduces structures of domination based on
racial significations and identities.”3 Policies like affirmative action are antiracist in that they
have been used to change the structure of the racial hierarchy, aiming only to flatten it rather
than to turn it upside down.
We should mention, though, there has been a shift in the rationale of affirmative action
policies over time. We have gone from considering race as a means of rectifying historical
injustices to pursuing a more neoliberal and profit-driven enterprise: diversity. This shift
largely came out of the Supreme Court cases like Grutter v. Bollinger (2003) and Gratz v.
Bollinger (2003), whereby the majority opinion rationalized that it is important to consider
race and ethnicity not because of historical and present-day structural racism but because
diversity is a compelling state interest (though it has been argued elsewhere that diversity’s
greatest benefit is actually for white people).4 This shift is an important one because these
policies, as they exist today, can be helpful, but they can also be implemented in a pernicious
way.
Justice Sandra Day O’Connor suggested in Grutter that in twenty-five years’ time, the
necessity of considering structurally contingent identities should completely dissipate given
the alleged progress we’ve seen thus far.5 Whether former Justice O’Connor was naïve or not,
someone on the current Supreme Court is surely watching the clock . . . tick tock.
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
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American dream
American mythology, common sense revisited
1. A spouse, house with a white picket fence, 2.5 kids, and a dog
2. The mythological notion that through sheer hard work and perseverance alone, one will attain economic
upward mobility in US society
see also: meritocracy
Dreams—like hopes—can be motivational. However, implicit in the dominant logic of the
American dream is the belief that those who move upward do so ruggedly on their own, and
those who do not transform from rags to riches lack ingenuity and grit. Both notions are
cause for concern. Let’s consider the following caveats.
Chances of moving up or down the family income ladder by parents’ income. Note: Data has been
adjusted for family size. (Urahn et al., Pursuing the American Dream)
First, the American dream does not account for the fact that many people who get a “home
run” in life started out on third base. There are data that show that economic upward mobility
is actually not as common as many people would believe. That is to say, intergenerational
mobility is not as prevalent as we’d like to think it is. For example, this graph shows that the
Horatio Alger myth6 applies only to about 4 percent of people (the proportion of people who
move from the lowest to the highest quintile of income), while 43 percent of people who are
raised by parents in the lowest quintile are likely to remain there as adults. Meanwhile, about
the same proportion (40 percent) of those who were raised by those at the top are likely to
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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stay there.
Another caveat is that you can earn good grades in US schools, sacrifice your life in the
US military, pay taxes, and raise your children to love this country and still not be cloaked in
the security of the American dream because you have been constructed as “illegal” and thus
undeserving. We’ve always heard that one should pull oneself up by one’s bootstraps, but it
helps if at least one of your parents is a cobbler.
antiracism
foundational concept, tool of liberation
1. The practice of dismantling a system marked by white supremacy and anti-Black racism through
deliberate action
2. A theory that explains and exposes multiple forms of racism: overt and covert, interpersonal and
institutional, historical and present day, persistent and nascent
Racism is not the only source of oppression in US society. Sexism, homophobia,
Islamophobia, and classism “are all important parts of the webbed package of oppressions
internal to U.S. society”; thus, it is unnecessary and unwise to reduce all oppressions to one
kind.7 However, following Omi and Winant, we argue that race is a “master category” or
fundamental concept that has a hand in structuring many other kinds of oppression.8
By recognizing and exposing the way that white supremacy influences every realm of US
society—the economy, politics and political institutions, education, health, the media, the
family, religion—as well as other forms of oppression, we become more equipped to
strategize ways to dismantle systemic, institutional, and structural racism.
Though many people argue that dreaming of utopias is a waste of time, we beg to differ.9 It
is only by orienting ourselves and working toward what we believe society should look like
(regardless of the known constraints) that we can envision the fulfillment of the
transformations that are required to overthrow a racialized social system.
Black girl magic
tool of liberation, wisdom of popular culture
1. The recognition of the beauty, ability, resourcefulness, and perseverance of Black women in a society
marked by anti-Black sexism
2. An effort to highlight the role of Black women in all aspects of US life
synonyms: #BlackGirlMagic, #ProfessionalBlackGirl
antonym: misogynoir
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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see also: intersectionality
Started as a hashtag, #BlackGirlsAreMagic, the phrase has evolved and grown through the
power of social media and CaShawn Thompson, the woman who developed and popularized
the phrase. She explained, “I say ‘magic’ because it’s something that people don’t always
understand. . . . Sometimes our [Black women’s] accomplishments might seem to come out
of thin air, because a lot of times, the only people supporting us are other black women.”10
The necessity for campaigns like Black Girl Magic and #SayHerName highlights the fact that
Black women are often devalued and dehumanized, and generally speaking, their lives do
not matter as much as the lives of other Americans do. Thompson’s explanation of why she
employs the word “magic” is premised on the notion that Black women are often deemed
invisible in US society, despite their pivotal role in it. Theories and paradigms like
intersectionality and misogynoir have been key to understanding persistent inequality
because they illuminate the ways in which various forms of oppression layer on top of one
another to constrain the life chances, opportunity structure, and positive imagery of Black
women.
Black self-love has always been seen as radical. Despite the challenges posed to Black
women, social media messages like #BlackGirlMagic and #ProfessionalBlackGirl serve to
unapologetically celebrate Black womanhood.
capitalism
foundational concept, common sense revisited
1. An economic, political, and ideological system that centers private ownership of the means of production in
order to gain profit
2. The idea that the “free” market ought to determine the way that goods are produced and how income and
profit is distributed
see also: American dream
There are different kinds of capitalist systems, but it’s probably more useful here to point out
the ways in which capitalism, generally speaking, has served to develop and perpetuate racial
inequality.
Let’s take a walk down memory lane: “Where would the original accumulation of capital
used in industry (in the West) have come from if not the extraction of wealth from colonies,
piracy, and the slave trade?”11 Manning Marable plainly explains, “The U.S. state apparatus
was created to facilitate the expansion and entrenchment of institutional racism in both slave
and nonslaveholding states.”12 If you read the US Constitution closely, you’ll see that not only
is it a political document that outlines the distribution of power among the three branches of
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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government and between the federal and state governments, but it is also laced with matters
of economics and property rights.13 For instance, there is no mention of slavery in the Bill of
Rights, but there are several references to using enslaved people for political and economic
benefit: counting enslaved people as three-fifths a person for the purposes of taxation and
representation (Article 1, Section 2); prevention of interference in the slave trade for two
decades (Article 1, Section 9); and the demand to return people who sought to self-
emancipate to those who enslaved them (Article 4, Section 2).14
Anti-Black racism and capitalism have worked together over time to shift Blacks from
chattel slavery to sharecropping and peonage, from low-wage industrial jobs to attaining
lower rates on return on education, from excluding Blacks from a legitimate housing market
to exposing a disproportionate number of Blacks to the subprime-mortgage crisis; from
convict-leased chain gangs to “factories with fences.”15 Companies can make larger and larger
profits by paying people less and less—or nothing if they can.
But wait! There’s more! Intersectionality helps us to understand the ways in which Black
women, and poor Black women in particular, make up an especially vulnerable group. The
tripartite combination of anti-Black racism, sexism, and classism serves to place Black
women at the crosshairs of three systems of oppression. With that in consideration, the
ultimate emancipation of Black people cannot be complete without a critique of white
supremacy, patriarchy, and capitalism.
citizenship
foundational concept, common sense revisited
1. Formal or legal membership in society that entitles you to rights and privileges outlined by the laws of the
land
2. A mutual recognition of full membership in society or treatment as a person of equal dignity and humanity
We emphasize two aspects of citizenship—one formal, the other substantive—and three
kinds of citizenship rights: civil, political, and social. Formal citizenship—that is, legal
membership in society—affords you an array of rights. In the United States, one is granted
citizenship by birthright (outlined in the Fourteenth Amendment) or through the process of
naturalization. The sociologist Thomas Marshall explains that civil rights are “composed of
the rights necessary for individual freedom—liberty of the person, freedom of speech,
thought and faith, the right to own property and to conclude valid contracts, and the right to
justice”; political rights concern the “right to participate in the exercise of power, as a
member of a body invested with political authority or as an elector of the membership of
such a body.” Finally, the social element of citizenship rights deals with “the whole range
from the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share in the full
social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
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society.” This slate of rights implies that citizenship is not just about relishing in the privilege
of membership but also that there are “reciprocal obligations toward the community.”16 These
rights are largely understood to be imbued in formal US citizenship, but they are not
sufficient for people to experience what Marshall and fellow sociologist Evelyn Nakano
Glenn call “substantive citizenship.” Substantive citizenship moves beyond having rights in
theory and emphasizes whether people can exercise those rights in practice.17
Though all citizens are ostensibly guaranteed the full rights and privileges of all other
citizens, the fact of the matter is that this has not and does not describe the reality of US
citizenship. The rally cry #BlackLivesMatter serves to illuminate the fact that though most
Black people in the United States are citizens by law, they are not treated as such and thus do
not enjoy substantive citizenship. One can easily think of the ways in which Black people are
disenfranchised, but there is also the interpersonal aspect of persistent social exclusion from
“mainstream” society; this exclusion is well marked by the daily aggregation of
microaggressions, the state of being in constant mourning,18 and recognizing that one’s life
is, in fact, more vulnerable than one’s average white peers.
The history of rights in the United States is neither linear nor necessarily progressive.
Many of the rights that people of color and other marginalized communities gained over the
years were granted only after the arduous process of demanding them. And still, some rights
may be taken away or a full sweep of rights may not be fully granted even after long, arduous
fights. For example, the US Supreme Court’s majority decision in Obergefell v. Hodges
(2015) requires marriage equality. However, while Americans can marry across or within
genders, there are twenty-eight states that still allow for employers to fire lesbian, gay, or
transgender people because they are lesbian, gay, or transgender!19 Today, we have to keep a
close watch on rights concerning abortion and access to reproductive health, voting, and even
the right to protest because, while guaranteed, these are constantly being attacked and, at
times, circumvented or even curtailed.
co-optation
tool of oppression, tool of liberation
1. Taking an idea, disassembling it, reassembling it with original pieces as well as retrofitted ones; giving the
modified thing a different name than the original and then claiming originality
2. Appropriation; falsely claiming rights to or innovation of something as one’s own
Co-optation can be used for good or for evil. For instance, it is well known that Martin
Luther King Jr. famously stated (among many, many, many things), “I have a dream that my
four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of
their skin but by the content of their character.” Conservatives have suggested that Dr. King,
whose legacy we all (partially) know and love, desired a colorblind United States. Agreed.
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
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We would take Dr. King’s aspiration of colorblindness to mean that one’s life chances are not
influenced by one’s racial group membership. But for racial conservatives, being colorblind
means that you should pay attention to neither race nor racism. By co-opting Dr. King’s
dream, conservatives are able to suggest that people who talk about race are, themselves,
racist. Though foolish, this logic often successfully serves to shut down claims of and
constructive conversations around race and racism. Indeed, the dominant racial ideology in
contemporary US society is colorblind racism.
Generally speaking, co-optation usually ends with dominant groups taking,
commandeering, or appropriating an idea, concept, aspect of culture, or resistance and then
using it against marginalized groups (for the nearly exclusive benefit of the dominant group).
But it could also be the case that marginalized people take something from the dominant
group and call it their own. In 1857, Chief Justice Roger Taney, on behalf of the Supreme
Court of the United States, wrote that Black people had “no rights which the white man was
bound to respect.” In the majority decision of Scott v. Sanford, Taney meticulously explained
that “We the People” did not mean “all y’all.” But for centuries, Black freedom fighters have
co-opted this language of “we,” of “citizenship,” of “equality,” and of “democracy” to
broaden the imaginations of their contemporaries and that of future Americans, connecting
calls for inclusion to the fulfillment of justice. And in real time, we see today how young,
undocumented people who have lived their entire lives in the United States are similarly co-
opting the language of the American dream and forcing the nation to dream bigger, more
imaginative visions of what it could be.
colorblind racism
foundational concept, tool of oppression
1. The worldview that suggests that since race should not matter, it does not matter
2. An ideology that insists that “everyone be treated without regard to race, accompanied by a denial of the
causes and consequences of racism”20
The consensus among scholars who study racism is that today’s dominant racial ideology is
best understood as colorblind.21 Put simply, “colorblind racial ideology creates a façade of
racial inclusion by suggesting that in a post–civil rights era, everyone has an equal
opportunity to succeed, and if differences in outcomes across racial groups continue to exist,
these differences are best explained through culture, natural occurrences, or ‘a little bit’ of
residual racism that may still exist due to a few prejudiced individuals.”22
Colorblind racism fuels a racialized social system because it allows, or even requires,
people to ignore structural racism and instead focus on individual behavior, while also
assuming that society can be likened to a level playing field. The historian Ibram Kendi
explains, “If the purpose of racist ideas had always been to silence the antiracist resisters to
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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racial discrimination, then the postracial line of attack may have been the most sophisticated
silencer to date.”23 Injustice thrives when the illusion of justice is perfected.24
Have you ever said, thought, or heard a friend say the following?
* The way to stop discriminating on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis
of race.25
* Sure, most people in my neighborhood are of my race, but that’s because birds of a feather
flock together. People are just naturally more comfortable with people who look like them.
* Racism exists, but it’s mostly just grandmas in Mississippi and Klansmen.
* It’s a coincidence that all of my friends are white.
* I believe in equal opportunity. That’s why it’s unfair to consider race in admissions or
hiring.
* All of the Mexican kids sit together. That’s self-segregation.
* If Black people worked harder, they would be much better off. Pulling up your bootstraps
is key to success in this country.
* It’s not that I have white privilege; it’s just that my parents, …
4
Are You Upholding White Supremacy?
Are you a racist? No? Great! Are you sure? Few people are willing to raise their hand to
provide an affirmative response to this question, but this presents a paradox: why is there
such a preponderance of evidence that racism exists, and yet we have so few racists? If you
are reading this book, chances are you’re not a card-carrying member of the Ku Klux Klan,
the National Alliance, or any other neofascist, anti-Black, anti-Semitic, white supremacist
organization. With that said, is it possible, even despite your best intentions, that you may
still be contributing to or enabling ongoing racial disparities?
It would be a hard pill to swallow if you had to respond “Yes” to this question. Indeed,
there are some who would reject the question out of hand. Some people argue that racism
doesn’t mean anything anymore because people use the word “too often.” It’s true that
describing something as racist has become a common, inaccurately deployed quip, a verbal
equivocation, or a default insult. But arguably the word is used frequently because there’s
plenty that can be accurately described as such. Maybe we should, in fact, be using the word
more often and for a wider array of social, political, and economic processes, phenomena,
and outcomes. But maybe we should also be more pointed and more specific about what we
mean when we say that someone or something is racist. Let’s ask the question another way,
and we’ll give you some nuanced ways to answer:
Do you live your day-to-day life in a way that may—intentionally or otherwise—uphold white supremacy?
a. Yes, because I’m an overt racist.
b. Yes, because I’m a structural racist.
c. Yes, because I’m a complicit racist.
d. No, I’m an antiracist.
Let’s think through these options one by one and perhaps use the process of elimination.
Most people have gotten pretty good at pointing out the overt racists in the world. He’s the
guy who drove a car into a group of counterprotestors at the Unite the Right rally in
Charlottesville, Virginia. She’s the family member at Thanksgiving dinner who makes
derogatory remarks about . . . (fill in name of an underrepresented racial group here). Their
behavior evinces racial animus, bigotry, and prejudice. Their violence and epithets are
interpersonal and, more importantly, individualistic.
The structural racists are the Supreme Court justices who have written or concurred with
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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decisions to dismantle the Voting Rights Act or allow police to pull people over who “look
illegal.”1 They are the teachers, principals, and resource officers who discipline children of
color more harshly and more frequently than they do white children.2 They are the doctors
who are less likely to prescribe certain medicines to or do necessary surgery on Black
patients.3 And they are voters who support candidates who disparage whole groups of
vulnerable populations on a regular basis in order to garner and maintain the support of
people who are racially resentful.4 Their behavior affects others in a structural way, shaping
institutions and contributing to patterns of racial disparity. (Let’s also be clear that some
people are both overtly and structurally racist.)
The complicit racists are people who do absolutely nothing in their day-to-day lives to
prevent either overt or structural racists from further enmeshing racial inequality into our
society. This group of people may not intentionally work to perpetuate negative stereotypes,
support candidates whose policies exacerbate racial inequities, inundate people with
microaggressions, or whitesplain, but they are not antiracists either. By latching onto
hegemonic ideologies like colorblindness and respectability politics, however, many people
across all racial groups enable the perpetuation of white supremacy. They fail to recognize
that the lives of white people are more greatly valued by a variety of institutions and that
interpersonal racial hostility and prejudice alone cannot fully explain persistent racial
disparities.
Being a complicit racist is easy because it only calls for you to stay out of the way. Being a
complicit racist is easy because it’s business as usual, it’s normal, and almost everyone is
doing it. Being a complicit racist is easy because we all have a script in our hands, ready to
be recited when something looks suspicious but doesn’t completely raise up our red, that’s-
so-racist flags.
Staying woke, on the other hand, is a process of developing habits of antiracism, such as
vigilance, speaking out, stepping up, using one’s privilege to undermine racism, and
broadening your understanding of how racism works. Staying woke means honing your skills
to notice when the racial rules of the game are changing, becoming cognizant of the
underlying assumptions of dominant racial ideologies, and listening to the ways in which
racial grammar evolves so that you can combat new forms of oppression.
The purpose of this chapter is to highlight some of the scripts that many of us have learned
in order to be good, friendly complicit racists. These scripts are coded as ostensibly
progressive, but their purpose is to avert or diminish accusations of racism and to allow
people to maintain a humanist image of themselves and of US society. The everyday
repetition of these scripts sounds normal and innocuous, but they inadvertently uphold white
supremacy. In deconstructing common narratives that are rooted in colorblindness and
respectability politics, we hope to get you thinking about how you can intervene in the
socially acceptable reproduction of racial inequality.
—
“It Doesn’t Matter If You’re Black or White or Green or Blue!”
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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Colorblindness has become the dominant racial ideology in the US (though not the only one),
putting us in what the anthropologist Lee Baker calls the “color-blind bind.”5 Sociologists
like Ruth Frankenberg explain that a colorblind ideology is a “mode of thinking about race
organized around an effort not to ‘see’ or at any rate not to acknowledge race differences,”
because this is perceived as the “‘polite’ language of race.”6 A colorblind narrative suggests
that we can get rid of the last, lingering vestiges of racial inequality by ignoring race
altogether. There are two assumptions here. First, the logic erroneously presumes that there is
only a “little bit” of racism left, and second, it suggests that ignoring the problem will solve
it. Taken together, these assumptions serve to perpetuate racial inequity because they lead us
to falter in addressing the issue for what it is: racial inequity.
Though it has become a common belief that being colorblind is best for everyone,
colorblindness is actually an evolved form of previous, harmful racial ideologies and
attitudes. This ability to transform and appropriate the values of contemporary (middle-class)
whites and to discard the parts that would make it irrelevant or too obviously transparent is
what makes some people call racism a “scavenger ideology.”7 We have to keep in mind that a
racial ideology is simply a story we tell ourselves to explain what we see in this world. So
during the “Jim Crow” racism era, people relied on a narrative that suggested that Black
folks’ subordinate social, political, and economic status resulted from their inherent
inferiority. After Jim Crow was dismantled through civil-rights-era policies—such as the
Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968—
many whites, arguing that the playing field was now leveled, became indignant over
additional race-conscious efforts, such as affirmative action, which sought to close the
racial disparities in opportunity. These racially resentful people asserted that if any trace of
the racial inequities that were developed during the previous four hundred years still existed,
it was because Black people did not live up to their newly presented opportunities to succeed.
Today, colorblindness leads people to rely on logic that claims that since race shouldn’t
matter, it doesn’t matter; in fact, some believe we would be better off if we just didn’t “see”
race altogether.
The claim to “not see race” does us all a disservice because race does shape the lives of
every living person in the United States. Relatedly, many people on the left claim that
“identity politics” is the opposite of colorblindness and thus is harmful because white
nationalists use the same identity-based “rationale” as people of color to demand redress for
their perceived loss of racial privilege. This logic and argument are lazy and careless. As is
often said, when you’re accustomed to privilege, equality feels like oppression. If we shift
our perspective from a position of privilege to that of the most marginalized, then we can
more easily understand that identity politics is not “just about who you [are], it [is] also about
what you could do to confront the oppression you [are] facing.” The women who founded the
Combahee River Collective, a Black feminist organization in the late 1970s, used the term
“identity politics” to highlight the fact that “Black women’s social positions made them
disproportionately susceptible to the ravages of capitalism, including poverty, illness,
violence, sexual assault, and inadequate healthcare and housing, to name only the most
obvious.”8 Though identity politics is yet another concept co-opted and abused to maintain
white supremacy, its originators conceived of it as a means not only to bring attention to
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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interlocking sets of oppression but also to respond to them politically and radically.
In order to buck the colorblind trend, you need not make essentialist assumptions about a
person on the basis of the person’s race. It is fine to notice people’s race (along with other
aspects of their identity, such as gender), if you plan to use that recognition for good—for
compassion, empathy, or consideration of how a person might have to navigate a particular
space or situation differently or to remedy the effects of racism. Besides, it’s annoying,
hurtful, and psychologically taxing to hear people say, “I didn’t even notice you were Black.”
Ironically, straight-up overt racists admit to seeing race, but they just do so to actively pursue
injustice or violence or to respond apathetically to injustice or violence. But those who stay
woke know that simply saying nothing and doing nothing effectively makes you part of the
problem, rather than part of the solution.
—
“I Voted for Obama”
The 2008 and 2012 elections of Barack Obama were objectively historic: Obama was the
first self-identified Black person elected to the United States presidency. The first time
around, the New York Times’ front page declared, “Racial Barrier Falls in Heavy Turnout.”
Another headline suggested, “Change Has Come.” A below-the-fold article in the
Washington Post claimed, “America’s History Gives Way to Its Future.” People were excited.
Jessie Jackson was crying. Tehama was crying—this guy was her professor for goodness
sake! Everyone was crying! People were excited to divulge what had typically been taboo—
publicly announcing the way one filled out one’s secret ballot: “I voted for Obama.” For
many people, “I voted for Obama” denoted that they helped to usher in what many believed
would be a postracial reality. But “I voted / campaigned / donated to / knocked on doors for
Obama” has also become currency that can be cashed in when accusations of racism arise. “I
voted for Obama” is the twenty-first-century version of “I marched with Dr. King” or “My
friend/neighbor/cousin-in-law is Black.” Here’s the thing: none of these things means that
you are antiracist.
Voting for a political party or candidate that explicitly aims to reduce inequality is a step in
the right direction, but it is not sufficient to dismantle an embedded system of racism. You
know who else voted for Obama? Jason Kessler, the guy who organized the Unite the Right
protest in Charlottesville, Virginia, which not only gathered modern-day Nazis, white
nationalists, and racist internet trolls but also led to the murder of Heather Heyer and the
injuries of nineteen other people and provided the forty-fifth president the opportunity to
double down on the bullshit idea that there was “blame on both sides.” All said, your vote is
a blunt instrument to translate your preferences into political action.
What people loved (or hated) about Obama was that he was a symbol of racial progress.
Here’s the thing about Obama. He was the safest Black candidate the Democratic Party could
add to an otherwise-curated lineup of primary candidates. He’s a Black man with a biracial
heritage and an Ivy League background; he was a third-culture kid9 who can code switch, a
skill that he often used to speak in front of Black audiences with an authentically Black tone
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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of voice but with messages of respectability politics. He has light-skinned privilege in a
society where colorism is rampant. In experiments, researchers show that darker-skinned
versions of Obama received much less support from white Americans.10 Though he did not
just stroll into the White House, he did have middle-class privilege and the cultural currency
of his white family, which he cashed in regularly on the campaign trail. He never made any
promises on the campaign trail to address structural racism; he didn’t even mention racism
until he was forced to.11 While Obama did take steps to change policies and create initiatives
aimed to help people of color and sometimes spoke eloquently on racial issues, racial wealth
inequality actually increased under his presidency, and his words of racial uplift were often
laced with messages of Black blame.12
We have to be careful how we talk about racism and also racial progress because the
words, rationales, and concepts that political liberals and racial progressives use often get co-
opted by racial conservatives. Case in point: while many white liberals proxy “I voted for
Obama” to mean “I cannot be racist,” racial conservatives have co-opted the election of
Obama to argue that we live in a postracial society. If Obama, a Black man who was raised in
a female-headed household, could become president, neoconservative logic leads us to the
notion that it’s quite obvious that structural racism is not what prevents Blacks and other
people of color from earning the same life chances and enjoying the same opportunities as
whites.
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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In the run-up to the 2008 election, the artist Ray Noland was commissioned by Obama for America to
create posters for the presidential campaign. Noland says, “After numerous talks with Director of New
Media, Scott Goodstein, I realized the campaign had an issue with the way I presented Barack Obama’s
image. From their comments, I felt they thought I made [Obama] look ‘too black.’” After parting ways with
the official campaign, Noland continued to create artwork supporting Obama’s run. In creating this
poster, Noland presents Obama as “unapologetically brown and at times jet black, to stress the point” of
his racial identity. (Designed by Ray Noland; first-edition printing, 2006, by Steve Walters, Screwball
Press, Chicago; second-edition printing, 2007, at Crosshair, Chicago; quotations from email
correspondence, September 2, 2018)
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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While many people understood Barack Obama’s election as being made possible by a legacy of struggle
for freedom and equality, as depicted in this cartoon, it was by no means the culmination of their efforts.
We must continue to build on their victories. (Cartoon by Matt Wuerker)
Antiracists have to resist not one but three sets of logic that uphold a society marked by a
racial hierarchy: that of well-meaning complicit racists, that of structural racists, and that of
overtly racist conservatives—all of whom rely on Obama’s election either to suggest that
individuals should be absolved from the fact that they enjoy white privilege or to assert that
large-scale policies to eradicate racial disparities need not be developed because the United
States in toto became postracial on November 9, 2008. An antiracist is aware of the misuse
and abuse of political symbols and works instead to produce tangible outcomes that produce
racial equity.
—
“I Did Not Vote for Trump”
There are plenty of people who honestly believe that their choice to support a candidate who
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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claimed that he could shoot a person in public and not lose any votes, declared that most
Mexican immigrants are rapists who bring drugs into the United States, mocked people with
disabilities, asserted that if time travel were possible, he would still intern Japanese citizens,
argued that Muslims should be banned from the United States, promised to appoint Supreme
Court justices who would overturn marriage equality and rights to access abortion services,
believes that Black people have “nothing to lose,” and admitted that he likes to grab women
“by the pussy” was not in and of itself a choice to support the oppression of whole groups of
people. A number of these people will even say they voted for him begrudgingly;
embarrassed by his crude immorality, they clung to something redemptive they saw in his
brash speech, his late-in-life cozying up to the religious right, his eight-year utter revulsion of
Barack Obama, or the fact that he wasn’t Hillary Clinton. Then there are the hardcore Trump
voters with no reservations, no qualms, no disclaimers—this was their guy, the man they’ve
been waiting for their entire lives, MAGA all the way. Are these two groups of people
exactly the same? No. Did they cast their one and only ballot for the same man? Absolutely.
The Women’s March, the largest single day of protest in US history, was organized by a cadre of
seasoned activists. Galvanized to speak on issues of political, social, and economic inequity, millions of
people across all seven continents protested on January 21, 2017, the day after Trump’s inauguration.
But it will require persistent activism and the regular exercise of the franchise to upend the structural
problems that participants sought to highlight. (Photo by Candis Watts Smith)
Meanwhile, there are also plenty of liberals who in their efforts to distance themselves
from the so-called Basket of Deplorables13 pridefully note that they did not vote for Trump
but in the very next breath suggest that during the next time around (e.g., 2018 midterm
elections and later in 2020), Americans, generally speaking, and the candidates of the
Democratic Party, more specifically, should focus more on the plight of poor and working-
class white people, whose primary concerns include job loss due to globalization, a sense of
vulnerability due to the increasing racial diversity of US demographics, and increased crime
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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and drug addiction that comes from feelings of disenfranchisement. By endorsing a platform
that privileges the plight of certain white people, rather than one that exploits Americans’
anxiety over and animus toward immigrants, Muslims, and people of color, these liberals
fancy themselves morally superior to their Trump-voting counterparts.
But here’s the thing: the problems of poor white America are problems that arise because
the social safety net set up during the New Deal and Great Society has been weakened.
Public schools are not well funded, and teachers are undervalued. The national minimum
wage is a not a living wage. The Affordable Care Act (though imperfect) is being dismantled
one piece at a time. And only time will tell whether the opioid epidemic will be treated with
the crime-and-punishment tools of the crack epidemic, given that the forty-fifth president
was slow to deem a pandemic that kills almost one hundred people per day a national
emergency and appointed an attorney general who wanted to revive some of the worst
aspects of the failed War on Drugs.14 Much of this is happening because conservative political
elites have led racially resentful whites to believe that undeserving, lazy people of color will
benefit from evidence-based, dignity-sustaining public policy at the expense of whites.15 “Not
only do these attacks have consequences for ordinary Black people, but they are also a
‘Trojan Horse’ shielding a much broader attack against all working-class people, including
whites and Latino/as.”16 The effects of this combination of policies have been crushing Black
and Brown folks, including those in the middle class, for decades and now are more readily
eating away at the lives of ostensibly dispensable poor white Americans. Ignoring any of
these facts consigns anyone, even a liberal, to the Basket of Deplorables.
Okay, so you object to the “Basket of Deplorables” terminology? And you’re not too crazy
about the idea that Clinton-voting liberals might be deplorable too? Let’s think about this in
another way. We tend to associate racism with particular groups of people (e.g., whites) who
live in certain regions of the country (e.g., the South) or particular areas of our states (e.g.,
rural). We also tend to focus on interpersonal racial discrimination and overt bigotry to make
determinations of membership in the Basket of Deplorables. But staying woke means
recognizing that the dominant mode of racial ideology is colorblind, and racism, generally
speaking, is best understood as deeply embedded in our society—it’s structural, it’s almost
invisible, and it’s insidious.
You can use your vote as a blunt proxy for your principles, but electoral politics is only
one stop on an antiracist’s path to making change. In fact, your vote for candidates in either
major party may actually serve to exacerbate inequality. But there is no shortage of
organizations to join, to donate to, to canvass for, to use your skills to make change in your
community—ranging from the ACLU to local chapters of Black Lives Matter. You might
join in a collective protest, picket, or boycott. Or you may still decide to join the campaign of
a candidate who is explicit about the ways in which she or he wants to address vast racial
inequalities in our society. Or you may become that candidate yourself—for school board,
city council, or state representative. Doing something is better than nothing, but solely
relying on your vote for or against a candidate is just enough to uphold the status quo.
—
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New York University Press, 2019. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/du/detail.action?docID=5839299.
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“When Old People Die, We Will Finally Be Done with Racism”
Are you relying on the next generation to help us take a turn toward a postracial reality? We
sure hope not. First, the problem of racism is an urgent one. We cannot wait for small people
to grow up and become leaders and herd us to the promised land. Second and perhaps most
importantly, the next generation has not come to us as fully formed people who love
diversity and multiculturalism and support interracial marriage and have an insatiable desire
to stomp out systemic injustice. Children are raised by adults who teach them stuff or, in
academic parlance, socialize them. And herein lies the problem: grownups are not necessarily
providing children with the proper tools to dismantle racism.17
Colorblindness characterizes the environment in which young whites have been
socialized. Research shows that white parents, in particular, are teaching their children that
they should love everyone regardless of their color, which is great. But it’s what adults are
not teaching children that is messing them up. Folks are teaching their children this love-
everyone business through the logic of colorblindness. For instance, you know that game
where you have a bunch of faces, and the person on the other side has to guess which of the
characters is your favorite: Guess Who? Kids are failing to do well at this game because they
don’t want to ask, “Is your person Black?”! The social psychologist Evan Apfelbaum and his
colleagues show that whites adopt what they call “strategic colorblindness,” or an effort to
completely avoid mentioning race even in a task for which pointing out someone’s skin color
is actually helpful.18 This group of scholars found that by the age of ten, white kids have been
fully socialized to avoid mentioning people’s race altogether even if describing someone’s
race can help them successfully complete a task.
Stay Woke : A Peoples Guide to Making All Black Lives Matter, edited by Tehama Lopez Bunyasi, and Candice Watts Smith, New …
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pages):
Provide a description of an existing intervention in Canada
making the appropriate buying decisions in an ethical and professional manner.
Topic: Purchasing and Technology
You read about blockchain ledger technology. Now do some additional research out on the Internet and share your URL with the rest of the class
be aware of which features their competitors are opting to include so the product development teams can design similar or enhanced features to attract more of the market. The more unique
low (The Top Health Industry Trends to Watch in 2015) to assist you with this discussion.
https://youtu.be/fRym_jyuBc0
Next year the $2.8 trillion U.S. healthcare industry will finally begin to look and feel more like the rest of the business wo
evidence-based primary care curriculum. Throughout your nurse practitioner program
Vignette
Understanding Gender Fluidity
Providing Inclusive Quality Care
Affirming Clinical Encounters
Conclusion
References
Nurse Practitioner Knowledge
Mechanics
and word limit is unit as a guide only.
The assessment may be re-attempted on two further occasions (maximum three attempts in total). All assessments must be resubmitted 3 days within receiving your unsatisfactory grade. You must clearly indicate “Re-su
Trigonometry
Article writing
Other
5. June 29
After the components sending to the manufacturing house
1. In 1972 the Furman v. Georgia case resulted in a decision that would put action into motion. Furman was originally sentenced to death because of a murder he committed in Georgia but the court debated whether or not this was a violation of his 8th amend
One of the first conflicts that would need to be investigated would be whether the human service professional followed the responsibility to client ethical standard. While developing a relationship with client it is important to clarify that if danger or
Ethical behavior is a critical topic in the workplace because the impact of it can make or break a business
No matter which type of health care organization
With a direct sale
During the pandemic
Computers are being used to monitor the spread of outbreaks in different areas of the world and with this record
3. Furman v. Georgia is a U.S Supreme Court case that resolves around the Eighth Amendments ban on cruel and unsual punishment in death penalty cases. The Furman v. Georgia case was based on Furman being convicted of murder in Georgia. Furman was caught i
One major ethical conflict that may arise in my investigation is the Responsibility to Client in both Standard 3 and Standard 4 of the Ethical Standards for Human Service Professionals (2015). Making sure we do not disclose information without consent ev
4. Identify two examples of real world problems that you have observed in your personal
Summary & Evaluation: Reference & 188. Academic Search Ultimate
Ethics
We can mention at least one example of how the violation of ethical standards can be prevented. Many organizations promote ethical self-regulation by creating moral codes to help direct their business activities
*DDB is used for the first three years
For example
The inbound logistics for William Instrument refer to purchase components from various electronic firms. During the purchase process William need to consider the quality and price of the components. In this case
4. A U.S. Supreme Court case known as Furman v. Georgia (1972) is a landmark case that involved Eighth Amendment’s ban of unusual and cruel punishment in death penalty cases (Furman v. Georgia (1972)
With covid coming into place
In my opinion
with
Not necessarily all home buyers are the same! When you choose to work with we buy ugly houses Baltimore & nationwide USA
The ability to view ourselves from an unbiased perspective allows us to critically assess our personal strengths and weaknesses. This is an important step in the process of finding the right resources for our personal learning style. Ego and pride can be
· By Day 1 of this week
While you must form your answers to the questions below from our assigned reading material
CliftonLarsonAllen LLP (2013)
5 The family dynamic is awkward at first since the most outgoing and straight forward person in the family in Linda
Urien
The most important benefit of my statistical analysis would be the accuracy with which I interpret the data. The greatest obstacle
From a similar but larger point of view
4 In order to get the entire family to come back for another session I would suggest coming in on a day the restaurant is not open
When seeking to identify a patient’s health condition
After viewing the you tube videos on prayer
Your paper must be at least two pages in length (not counting the title and reference pages)
The word assimilate is negative to me. I believe everyone should learn about a country that they are going to live in. It doesnt mean that they have to believe that everything in America is better than where they came from. It means that they care enough
Data collection
Single Subject Chris is a social worker in a geriatric case management program located in a midsize Northeastern town. She has an MSW and is part of a team of case managers that likes to continuously improve on its practice. The team is currently using an
I would start off with Linda on repeating her options for the child and going over what she is feeling with each option. I would want to find out what she is afraid of. I would avoid asking her any “why” questions because I want her to be in the here an
Summarize the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psychological research (Comp 2.1) 25.0\% Summarization of the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psych
Identify the type of research used in a chosen study
Compose a 1
Optics
effect relationship becomes more difficult—as the researcher cannot enact total control of another person even in an experimental environment. Social workers serve clients in highly complex real-world environments. Clients often implement recommended inte
I think knowing more about you will allow you to be able to choose the right resources
Be 4 pages in length
soft MB-920 dumps review and documentation and high-quality listing pdf MB-920 braindumps also recommended and approved by Microsoft experts. The practical test
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One thing you will need to do in college is learn how to find and use references. References support your ideas. College-level work must be supported by research. You are expected to do that for this paper. You will research
Elaborate on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study 20.0\% Elaboration on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study is missing. Elaboration on any potenti
3 The first thing I would do in the family’s first session is develop a genogram of the family to get an idea of all the individuals who play a major role in Linda’s life. After establishing where each member is in relation to the family
A Health in All Policies approach
Note: The requirements outlined below correspond to the grading criteria in the scoring guide. At a minimum
Chen
Read Connecting Communities and Complexity: A Case Study in Creating the Conditions for Transformational Change
Read Reflections on Cultural Humility
Read A Basic Guide to ABCD Community Organizing
Use the bolded black section and sub-section titles below to organize your paper. For each section
Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott
Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident