1000 words ASSIGNMENT *DUE BY 20 HRS* - Applied Sciences
1000 words ASSIGNMENT *DUE BY 20 HRS*
1 of 2
RE S E A RC H ME T H OD OL OG I E S
Weighting: 10\%
Due Date: 12 March 2021
Part 1: your assignment response; uploaded to eClass/Turnitin as a .docx file.
MLA format; please include you Student Number; no title page is necessary
Part 2: your research notes; uploaded to Moodle/Turnitin as a
.doc/.docx (for computer-based notes) or .pdf file (for hand-written notes)
Instructions: This assignment is designed to give you a head-start on your major research paper
by requiring you to:
a) acquaint yourself with the research resources available at
York; and,
b) practise the skills you have been learning in your Academic
Skills Modules and Quizzes.
Your first step will be to find and download 2 (two) full-text articles from a
refereed/peer-reviewed journal with a concrete connection to the research paper
topic you have selected. Ultimately, you must examine several articles, select the
two with the clearest and most enabling connection to the overarching course
theme of the “shapers and definers” of the Modern Age/modernity and the topic
you have chosen. You will, then, complete a full set of research notes for each
article. You are now ready to write a response, organized according to the following
subheadings:
2 of 2
A. Working Thesis
The preliminary/”working” thesis statement for your upcoming Major Research
Paper. For the size and purpose of this paper (please review the “Major Research
Paper” assignment posting), your thesis should be no more than 2 sentences in
length. Additionally, the working thesis should forge a concrete connection
between the topic you have selected and a specific aspect of modernity; i.e., the
“Modern mind”, modern social discipline, modern propaganda, modern
myths/theories of “Race” or “Progress”, modern art, modern government, etc.
B. Article 1
1. MLA format bibliographic entry
2. A 250-500 word plan that explains, using quotations from your research, course
readings, and lecture/tutorial resources, exactly how you will be using material
from the article in your forthcoming Major Research Paper.
C. Article 2
1. MLA format bibliographic entry
2. A 250-500 word plan that explains, using quotations from your research, course
readings, and lecture/tutorial resources, exactly how you will be using material
from the article in your forthcoming Major Research Paper.
Assignment Resources: If this is your first time either conducting academic research or assessing the quality
of scholarly journals, please consult the “Finding Journal Articles at York Libraries”
guide at:
http://researchguides.library.yorku.ca/c.php?g=679490&p=4790241
Or, email the Humanities Subject & Liaison Librarian for online support and resources:
https://www.library.yorku.ca/web/about-us/contact-us/liaison-librarians/
Submission: The Diagnostic Essay Submission Link will allow you to upload two (2) files:
Part 1. The written responses to Parts A-C
Part 2 - Notes. Your full research notes for the two articles you have selected.
Your evaluation will be based upon:
• the focus and potential of your working thesis
• the relevance of your article to the topic you have selected
• the degree to which you have mastered the information in your two research sources
• the quality and quantity of connections you can forge between the topic you
have selected, your scholarly research, and your coursework to date.
No credit will be given for:
• general/unspecialized speculation; i.e., “this article will provide valuable
background information...”
• work derived from popular (i.e., not scholarly, peer-reviewed) journals
• material from book reviews, abstracts, speeches, notes and queries, etc.
• cut-and-paste quotations from the article or its abstract
http://researchguides.library.yorku.ca/c.php?g=679490&p=4790241
https://www.library.yorku.ca/web/about-us/contact-us/liaison-librarians/
1170M Diagnostic Essay 2021W ONLN (1).pdf
1
DIAG NO STIC ESSAY
Weighting: 15\%
Length: 1000 words
Format: MLA; no title page required; please include your Student Number.
Due Date: 12 February 2021; uploaded to eClass/Turnitin as a .docx file.
Instructions: Write a clear and organized response to one (1) of the topics that is
supported by evidence from at least two (2) course readings/viewings*.
Using all relevant course terms and methods of critical analysis, examine
the accuracy of one (1) of the topics. Each topic makes both sweeping
and general claims that appear frequently in the traditional, dominant,
and/or Eurocentric narrative about the origin(s) of modernity in Western
Civilization.
Organize your findings into a short essay that has a clear and enabling
thesis, body paragraphs that provide evidence from at least two (2)
course readings/viewings* to support and illustrate your assertions, and
a non-repetitive conclusion that (a) brings your work to a logical and
persuasive end; and, (b) considers the implications of your study.
*Please Note: online lecture material does not count as a course reading/viewing.
2
Topics: Please choose one (1) of the following:
1. Renaissance Humanism, which emphasizes both the “Dignity of
Man” and “free will”, is a secular principle that led to a modern
culture of universal literacy, education, and science-based thought.
2. Martin Luther’s “95 Theses” attacked the Catholic Church and
rejected religion. His resulting Age of Reform revolutionized how
Western Civilization thinks about human rights and universal freedoms,
which are defining features of modernity and the Modern Age.
3. The Age of Discovery was an indisputable age of Progress. In
addition to advances in geography, navigation, agriculture and
trade, the encounter with the New World sparked modern
inventions, such as: globalization and mass communications.
Evaluation: The purpose of this diagnostic assignment is twofold:
1. to assess your basic essay writing skills: thesis formulation,
organization, grammar, punctuation, clarity of thought and
argumentation; and,
2. to evaluate your ability to identify and to use the key course
concepts, theoretical paradigms and definitions that you have
learned so far effectively and persuasively.
A superior paper will:
• begin with an introductory paragraph that contains (a) a clear context
for the analyses that appear in the body of your paper; (b) an enabling
thesis that evidences a high degree of familiarity with both the topic
selected and the course as a whole; (c) a description of your
methodology; and, (d) an indication of your eventual conclusion.
• contain body paragraphs that are arranged logically, begin with a
clear topic sentence and conclude with a sentence that forges a
connection with the central thesis.
• formulate argumentation that not only assesses the accuracy of the
topic under consideration but also deploys course terms, methods
of critical analysis, and evidence from course readings/viewings in
an effective, logical, and persuasive manner.
• end with a paragraph that brings your examinations to a close
based upon the arguments that have been successfully advanced
and defended in the body of the paper.
• be free from grammatical and mechanical errors.
• conform to York University’s Academic Honesty standards.
No credit will be given for:
• general, unspecialized summary, description or opinion.
• material taken from Shmoop, SparkNotes, Wikipedia, Course Hero,
Study Mode, Khan Academy, etc.
1170M Research Methodologies 2021W ONLN.pdf
1 of 2
RE S E A RC H ME T H OD OL OG I E S
Weighting: 10\%
Due Date: 12 March 2021
Part 1: your assignment response; uploaded to eClass/Turnitin as a .docx file.
MLA format; please include you Student Number; no title page is necessary
Part 2: your research notes; uploaded to Moodle/Turnitin as a
.doc/.docx (for computer-based notes) or .pdf file (for hand-written notes)
Instructions: This assignment is designed to give you a head-start on your major research paper
by requiring you to:
a) acquaint yourself with the research resources available at
York; and,
b) practise the skills you have been learning in your Academic
Skills Modules and Quizzes.
Your first step will be to find and download 2 (two) full-text articles from a
refereed/peer-reviewed journal with a concrete connection to the research paper
topic you have selected. Ultimately, you must examine several articles, select the
two with the clearest and most enabling connection to the overarching course
theme of the “shapers and definers” of the Modern Age/modernity and the topic
you have chosen. You will, then, complete a full set of research notes for each
article. You are now ready to write a response, organized according to the following
subheadings:
2 of 2
A. Working Thesis
The preliminary/”working” thesis statement for your upcoming Major Research
Paper. For the size and purpose of this paper (please review the “Major Research
Paper” assignment posting), your thesis should be no more than 2 sentences in
length. Additionally, the working thesis should forge a concrete connection
between the topic you have selected and a specific aspect of modernity; i.e., the
“Modern mind”, modern social discipline, modern propaganda, modern
myths/theories of “Race” or “Progress”, modern art, modern government, etc.
B. Article 1
1. MLA format bibliographic entry
2. A 250-500 word plan that explains, using quotations from your research, course
readings, and lecture/tutorial resources, exactly how you will be using material
from the article in your forthcoming Major Research Paper.
C. Article 2
1. MLA format bibliographic entry
2. A 250-500 word plan that explains, using quotations from your research, course
readings, and lecture/tutorial resources, exactly how you will be using material
from the article in your forthcoming Major Research Paper.
Assignment Resources: If this is your first time either conducting academic research or assessing the quality
of scholarly journals, please consult the “Finding Journal Articles at York Libraries”
guide at:
http://researchguides.library.yorku.ca/c.php?g=679490&p=4790241
Or, email the Humanities Subject & Liaison Librarian for online support and resources:
https://www.library.yorku.ca/web/about-us/contact-us/liaison-librarians/
Submission: The Diagnostic Essay Submission Link will allow you to upload two (2) files:
Part 1. The written responses to Parts A-C
Part 2 - Notes. Your full research notes for the two articles you have selected.
Your evaluation will be based upon:
• the focus and potential of your working thesis
• the relevance of your article to the topic you have selected
• the degree to which you have mastered the information in your two research sources
• the quality and quantity of connections you can forge between the topic you
have selected, your scholarly research, and your coursework to date.
No credit will be given for:
• general/unspecialized speculation; i.e., “this article will provide valuable
background information...”
• work derived from popular (i.e., not scholarly, peer-reviewed) journals
• material from book reviews, abstracts, speeches, notes and queries, etc.
• cut-and-paste quotations from the article or its abstract
http://researchguides.library.yorku.ca/c.php?g=679490&p=4790241
https://www.library.yorku.ca/web/about-us/contact-us/liaison-librarians/
Leon-Portilla - Chapters 8-13.pdf
Leon-Portilla - Front Matter
Leon-Portilla - Illustrations
Leon-Portilla - Translation Note
Leon-Portilla - Foreword
Leon-Portilla - Introduction
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 1
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 2
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 3
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 4
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 5
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 6
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 7
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 8
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 9
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 10
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 11
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 12
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 13
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 14
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 15
Leon-Portilla - Chapter 16
Leon-Portilla - Appendix
Leon-Portilla - Postscript
Leon-Portilla - Selected Bibliography
Leon-Portilla - Index
Cortes - Third Letter.pdf
Cortes - Front Matter
Cortes - The Third Letter
Loyola - Week 1 of The Spiritual Exercises.pdf
The Spiritual Exercises
of
St. Ignatius of Loyola
TRANSLATED FROM
THE AUTOGRAPH
BY
FATHER ELDER MULLAN, S.J.
I.H.S.
NEW YORK
P.J. KENEDY & SONS
PRINTERS TO THE HOLY APOSTOLIC SEE
Published as PDF-document by ixtmedia.com,
the Digital Catholic Bookstoore
Facultatem concedimus ut liber cui titulus «The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius
of Loyola translated from the Autograph by Father Elder Mullan, S.J.,» typis
edatur, si iis ad quos spectat ita videbitur.
FRANCISCUS XAV. WERNZ
Praepositus Generalis Societatis Jesu
Nihil Obstat
Remigius Lafort, S.T.D.,
Censor
Imprimatur
John Cardinal Farley,
Archiepiscopus Neo-Eboracensis,
Neo-Eboraci
Die 25 Aprilis, 1914.
Imprimatur
Fr. Albert Lepidi, O.P.,
Mag. Sac. Pal.
Imprimatur
Joseph Ceppetelli,
Patriarcha Constantinop.
Vicesgerens
COPYRIGHT, 1914
BY P.J. KENEDY & SONS
FIRST WEEK
PRINCIPLE AND FOUNDATION
Man is created to praise, reverence, and serve God our Lord, and by this
means to save his soul.
And the other things on the face of the earth are created for man and that
they may help him in prosecuting the end for which he is created.
From this it follows that man is to use them as much as they help him on to
his end, and ought to rid himself of them so far as they hinder him as to it.
For this it is necessary to make ourselves indifferent to all created things in
all that is allowed to the choice of our free will and is not prohibited to it; so that, on
our part, we want not health rather than sickness, riches rather than poverty,
honor rather than dishonor, long rather than short life, and so in all the rest;
desiring and choosing only what is most conducive for us to the end for which we
are created.
8
PARTICULAR AND DAILY EXAMEN
It contains in it three times, and two to examine oneself.
The first time is in the morning, immediately on rising, when one ought to
propose to guard himself with diligence against that particular sin or defect which
he wants to correct and amend.
The second time is after dinner, when one is to ask of God our Lord what one
wants, namely, grace to remember how many times he has fallen into that
particular sin or defect, and to amend himself in the future. Then let him make the
first Examen, asking account of his soul of that particular thing proposed, which he
wants to correct and amend. Let him go over hour by hour, or period by period,
commencing at the hour he rose, and continuing up to the hour and instant of the
present examen, and let him make in the first line of the G------- as many dots as
were the times he has fallen into that particular sin or defect. Then let him resolve
anew to amend himself up to the second Examen which he will make.
The third time: After supper, the second Examen will be made, in the same
way, hour by hour, commencing at the first Examen and continuing up to the
present (second) one, and let him make in the second line of the same G------- as
many dots as were the times he has fallen into that particular sin or defect.
FOUR ADDITIONS
FOLLOW TO RID ONESELF SOONER OF THAT PARTICULAR SIN OR DEFECT
First Addition. The first Addition is that each time one falls into that
particular sin or defect, let him put his hand on his breast, grieving for having
fallen: which can be done even in the presence of many, without their perceiving
what he is doing.
Second Addition. The second: As the first line of the G------- means the first
Examen, and the second line the second Examen, let him look at night if there is
amendment from the first line to the second, that is, from the first Examen to the
second.
Third Addition. The third: To compare the second day with the first; that is,
the two Examens of the present day with the other two Examens of the previous
day, and see if he has amended himself from one day to the other.
Fourth Addition. The fourth Addition: To compare one week with another,
and see if he has amended himself in the present week over the week past.
Note. It is to be noted that the first (large) G------- which follows means the
Sunday: the second (smaller), the Monday: the third, the Tuesday, and so on.
G
9
G
G
G
G
G
10
GENERAL EXAMEN OF CONSCIENCE
TO PURIFY ONESELF AND TO MAKE ONE’S CONFESSION BETTER
I presuppose that there are three kinds of thoughts in me: that is, one my
own, which springs from my mere liberty and will; and two others, which come from
without, one from the good spirit, and the other from the bad.
THOUGHT
There are two ways of meriting in the bad thought which comes from
without, namely:
First Way. A thought of committing a mortal sin, which thought I resist
immediately and it remains conquered.
Second Way. The second way of meriting is: When that same bad thought
comes to me and I resist it, and it returns to me again and again, and I always
resist, until it is conquered.
This second way is more meritorious than the first.
A venial sin is committed when the same thought comes of sinning mortally
and one gives ear to it, making some little delay, or receiving some sensual
pleasure, or when there is some negligence in rejecting such thought.
There are two ways of sinning mortally:
First Way. The first is, when one gives consent to the bad thought, to act
afterwards as he has consented, or to put it in act if he could.
Second Way. The second way of sinning mortally is when that sin is put in
act.
This is a greater sin for three reasons: first, because of the greater time;
second, because of the greater intensity; third, because of the greater harm to the
two persons.
WORD
One must not swear, either by Creator or creature, if it be not with truth,
necessity and reverence.
By necessity I mean, not when any truth whatever is affirmed with oath, but
when it is of some importance for the good of the soul, or the body, or for temporal
goods.
By reverence I mean when, in naming the Creator and Lord, one acts with
consideration, so as to render Him the honor and reverence due.
It is to be noted that, though in an idle oath one sins more when he swears by
the Creator than by the creature, it is more difficult to swear in the right way with
11
truth, necessity and reverence by the creature than by the Creator, for the following
reasons.
First Reason. The first: When we want to swear by some creature, wanting
to name the creature does not make us so attentive or circumspect as to telling the
truth, or as to affirming it with necessity, as would wanting to name the Lord and
Creator of all things.
Second Reason. The second is that in swearing by the creature it is not so
easy to show reverence and respect to the Creator, as in swearing and naming the
same Creator and Lord, because wanting to name God our Lord brings with it more
respect and reverence than wanting to name the created thing. Therefore swearing
by the creature is more allowable to the perfect than to the imperfect, because the
perfect, through continued contemplation and enlightenment of intellect, consider,
meditate and contemplate more that God our Lord is in every creature, according to
His own essence, presence and power, and so in swearing by the creature they are
more apt and prepared than the imperfect to show respect and reverence to their
Creator and Lord.
Third Reason. The third is that in continually swearing by the creature,
idolatry is to be more feared in the imperfect than in the perfect.
One must not speak an idle word. By idle word I mean one which does not
benefit either me or another, and is not directed to that intention. Hence words
spoken for any useful purpose, or meant to profit one’s own or another’s soul, the
body or temporal goods, are never idle, not even if one were to speak of something
foreign to one’s state of life, as, for instance, if a religious speaks of wars or articles
of trade; but in all that is said there is merit in directing well, and sin in directing
badly, or in speaking idly.
Nothing must be said to injure another’s character or to find fault, because if
I reveal a mortal sin that is not public, I sin mortally; if a venial sin, venially; and if
a defect, I show a defect of my own.
But if the intention is right, in two ways one can speak of the sin or fault of
another:
First Way. The first: When the sin is public, as in the case of a public
prostitute, and of a sentence given in judgment, or of a public error which is
infecting the souls with whom one comes in contact.
Second Way. Second: When the hidden sin is revealed to some person that
he may help to raise him who is in sin -- supposing, however, that he has some
probable conjectures or grounds for thinking that he will be able to help him.
ACT
Taking the Ten Commandments, the Precepts of the Church and the
recommendations of Superiors, every act done against any of these three heads is,
12
according to its greater or less nature, a greater or a lesser sin.
By recommendations of Superiors I mean such things as Bulls de Cruzadas
and other Indulgences, as for instance for peace, granted under condition of going to
Confession and receiving the Blessed Sacrament. For one commits no little sin in
being the cause of others acting contrary to such pious exhortations and
recommendations of our Superiors, or in doing so oneself.
METHOD FOR MAKING THE GENERAL EXAMEN
It contains in it five Points.
First Point. The first Point is to give thanks to God our Lord for the benefits
received.
Second Point. The second, to ask grace to know our sins and cast them out.
Third Point. The third, to ask account of our soul from the hour that we rose
up to the present Examen, hour by hour, or period by period: and first as to
thoughts, and then as to words, and then as to acts, in the same order as was
mentioned in the Particular Examen.
Fourth Point. The fourth, to ask pardon of God our Lord for the faults.
Fifth Point. The fifth, to purpose amendment with His grace.
OUR FATHER.
13
GENERAL CONFESSION WITH COMMUNION
Whoever, of his own accord, wants to make a General Confession, will, among
many other advantages, find three in making it here.
First. The first: Though whoever goes to Confession every year is not obliged
to make a General Confession, by making it there is greater profit and merit,
because of the greater actual sorrow for all the sins and wickedness of his whole life.
Second. The second: In the Spiritual Exercises, sins and their malice are
understood more intimately, than in the time when one was not so giving himself to
interior things. Gaining now more knowledge of and sorrow for them, he will have
greater profit and merit than he had before.
Third. The third is: In consequence, having made a better Confession and
being better disposed, one finds himself in condition and prepared to receive the
Blessed Sacrament: the reception of which is an aid not only not to fall into sin, but
also to preserve the increase of grace.
This General Confession will be best made immediately after the Exercises of
the First Week.
14
FIRST EXERCISE
IT IS A MEDITATION WITH THE THREE POWERS ON THE FIRST, THE
SECOND AND THE THIRD SIN
It contains in it, after one Preparatory Prayer and two Preludes, three chief
Points and one Colloquy.
Prayer. The Preparatory Prayer is to ask grace of God our Lord that all my
intentions, actions and operations may be directed purely to the service and praise
of His Divine Majesty.
First Prelude. The First Prelude is a composition, seeing the place.
Here it is to be noted that, in a visible contemplation or meditation -- as, for
instance, when one contemplates Christ our Lord, Who is visible -- the composition
will be to see with the sight of the imagination the corporeal place where the thing
is found which I want to contemplate. I say the corporeal place, as for instance, a
Temple or Mountain where Jesus Christ or Our Lady is found, according to what I
want to contemplate. In an invisible contemplation or meditation -- as here on the
Sins -- the composition will be to see with the sight of the imagination and consider
that my soul is imprisoned in this corruptible body, and all the compound in this
valley, as exiled among brute beasts: I say all the compound of soul and body.
Second Prelude. The second is to ask God our Lord for what I want and
desire.
The petition has to be according to the subject matter; that is, if the
contemplation is on the Resurrection, one is to ask for joy with Christ in joy; if it is
on the Passion, he is to ask for pain, tears and torment with Christ in torment.
Here it will be to ask shame and confusion at myself, seeing how many have
been damned for only one mortal sin, and how many times I deserved to be
condemned forever for my so many sins.
Note. Before all Contemplations or Meditations, there ought always to be
made the Preparatory Prayer, which is not changed, and the two Preludes already
mentioned, which are sometimes changed, according to the subject matter.
First Point. The first Point will be to bring the memory on the First Sin,
which was that of the Angels, and then to bring the intellect on the same,
discussing it; then the will, wanting to recall and understand all this in order to
make me more ashamed and confound me more, bringing into comparison with the
one sin of the Angels my so many sins, and reflecting, while they for one sin were
cast into Hell, how often I have deserved it for so many.
I say to bring to memory the sin of the Angels, how they, being created in
15
grace, not wanting to help themselves with their liberty to reverence and obey their
Creator and Lord, coming to pride, were changed from grace to malice, and hurled
from Heaven to Hell; and so then to discuss more in detail with the intellect: and
then to move the feelings more with the will.
Second Point. The second is to do the same -- that is, to bring the Three
Powers -- on the sin of Adam and Eve, bringing to memory how on account of that
sin they did penance for so long a time, and how much corruption came on the
human race, so many people going the way to Hell.
I say to bring to memory the Second Sin, that of our First Parents; how after
Adam was created in the field of Damascus and placed in the Terrestrial Paradise,
and Eve was created from his rib, being forbidden to eat of the Tree of Knowledge,
they ate and so sinned, and afterwards clothed in tunics of skins and cast from
Paradise, they lived, all their life, without the original justice which they had lost,
and in many labors and much penance. And then to discuss with the understanding
more in detail; and to use the will as has been said.
Third Point. The third is likewise to do the same on the Third particular Sin
of any one who for one mortal sin is gone to Hell -- and many others without
number, for fewer sins than I have committed.
I say to do the same on the Third particular Sin, bringing to memory the
gravity and malice of the sin against one’s Creator and Lord; to discuss with the
understanding how in sinning and acting against the Infinite Goodness, he has been
justly condemned forever; and to finish with the will as has been said.
Colloquy. Imagining Christ our Lord present and placed on the Cross, let me
make a Colloquy, how from Creator He is come to making Himself man, and from
life eternal is come to temporal death, and so to die for my sins.
Likewise, looking at myself, what I have done for Christ, what I am doing for
Christ, what I ought to do for Christ.
And so, seeing Him such, and so nailed on the Cross, to go over that which
will present itself.
The Colloquy is made, properly speaking, as one friend speaks to another, or
as a servant to his master; now asking some grace, now blaming oneself for some
misdeed, now communicating one’s affairs, and asking advice in them.
And let me say an OUR FATHER.
SECOND EXERCISE
IT IS A MEDITATION ON THE SINS AND CONTAINS IN IT AFTER THE
PREPARATORY PRAYER AND TWO PRELUDES, FIVE POINTS AND ONE
COLLOQUY
16
Prayer. Let the Preparatory Prayer be the same.
First Prelude. The First Prelude will be the same composition.
Second Prelude. The second is to ask for what I want. It will be here to beg
a great and intense sorrow and tears for my sins.
First Point. The first Point is the statement of the sins; that is to say, to
bring to memory all the sins of life, looking from year to year, or from period to
period. For this three things are helpful: first, to look at the place and the house
where I have lived; second, the relations I have had with others; third, the
occupation in which I have lived.
Second Point. The second, to weigh the sins, looking at the foulness and the
malice which any mortal sin committed has in it, even supposing it were not
forbidden.
Third Point. The third, to look at who I am, lessening myself by examples:
First, how much I am in comparison to all men;
Second, what men are in comparison to all the Angels and Saints of Paradise;
Third, what all Creation is in comparison to God: (--Then I alone, what can I
be?)
Fourth, to see all my bodily corruption and foulness;
Fifth, to look at myself as a sore and ulcer, from which have sprung so many
sins and so many iniquities and so very vile poison.
Fourth Point. The fourth, to consider what God is, against Whom I have
sinned, according to His attributes; comparing them with their contraries in me --
His Wisdom with my ignorance; His Omnipotence with my weakness; His Justice
with my iniquity; His Goodness with my malice.
Fifth Point. The fifth, an exclamation of wonder with deep feeling, going
through all creatures, how they have left me in life and preserved me in it; the
Angels, how, though they are the sword of the Divine Justice, they have endured
me, and guarded me, and prayed for me; the Saints, how they have been engaged in
interceding and praying for me; and the heavens, sun, moon, stars, and elements,
fruits, birds, fishes and animals -- and the earth, how it has not opened to swallow
me up, creating new Hells for me to suffer in them forever!
Colloquy. Let me finish with a Colloquy of mercy, pondering and giving
thanks to God our Lord that He has given me life up to now, proposing amendment,
with His grace, for the future.
OUR FATHER.
THIRD EXERCISE
17
IT IS A REPETITION OF THE FIRST AND SECOND EXERCISE, MAKING
THREE COLLOQUIES
After the Preparatory Prayer and two Preludes, it will be to repeat the First
and Second Exercise, marking and dwelling on the Points in which I have felt
greater consolation or desolation, or greater spiritual feeling.
After this I will make three Colloquies in the following manner:
First Colloquy. The first Colloquy to Our Lady, that she may get me grace
from Her Son and Lord for three things: first, that I may feel an interior knowledge
of my sins, and hatred of them; second, that I may feel the disorder of my actions, so
that, hating them, I may correct myself and put myself in order; third, to ask
knowledge of the world, in order that, hating it, I may put away from me worldly
and vain things.
And with that a HAIL MARY.
Second Colloquy. The second: The same to the Son, begging Him to get it
for me from the Father.
And with that the SOUL OF CHRIST.
Third Colloquy. The third: The same to the Father, that the Eternal Lord
Himself may grant it to me.
And with that an OUR FATHER.
FOURTH EXERCISE
IT IS A SUMMARY OF THIS SAME THIRD
I said a summary, that the understanding, without wandering, may
assiduously go through the memory of the things contemplated in the preceding
Exercises.
I will make the same three Colloquies.
FIFTH EXERCISE
IT IS A MEDITATION ON HELL
It contains in it, after the Preparatory Prayer and two Preludes, five Points
and one Colloquy:
Prayer. Let the Preparatory Prayer be the usual one.
18
First Prelude. The first Prelude is the composition, which is here to see with
the sight of the imagination the length, breadth and depth of Hell.
Second Prelude. The second, to ask for what I want: it will be here to ask
for interior sense of the pain which the damned suffer, in order that, if, through my
faults, I should forget the love of the Eternal Lord, at least the fear of the pains may
help me not to come into sin.
First Point. The first Point will be to see with the sight of the imagination
the great fires, and the souls as in bodies of fire.
Second Point. The second, to hear with the ears wailings, howlings, cries,
blasphemies against Christ our Lord and against all His Saints.
Third Point. The third, to smell with the smell smoke, sulphur, dregs and
putrid things.
Fourth Point. The fourth, to taste with the taste bitter things, like tears,
sadness and the worm of conscience.
Fifth Point. The fifth, to touch with the touch; that is to say, how the fires
touch and burn the souls.
Colloquy. Making a Colloquy to Christ our Lord, I will bring to memory the
souls that are in Hell, some because they did not believe the Coming, others
because, believing, they did not act according to His Commandments; making three
divisions:
First, Second, and Third Divisions. The first, before the Coming; the
second, during His life; the third, after His life in this world; and with this I will
give Him thanks that He has not let me fall into any of these divisions, ending my
life.
Likewise, I will consider how up to now He has always had so great pity and
mercy on me.
I will end with an OUR FATHER.
Note. The first Exercise will be made at midnight; the second immediately on
rising in the morning; the third, before or after Mass; in any case, before dinner; the
fourth at the hour of Vespers; the fifth, an hour before supper.
This arrangement of hours, more or less, I always mean in all the four Weeks,
according as his age, disposition and physical condition help the person who is
exercising himself to make five Exercises or fewer.
ADDITIONS
19
TO MAKE THE EXERCISES BETTER AND TO FIND BETTER WHAT ONE
DESIRES
First Addition. The first Addition is, after going to bed, just when I want to
go asleep, to think, for the space of a HAIL MARY, of the hour that I have to rise and
for what, making a resume of the Exercise which I have to make.
Second Addition. The second: When I wake up, not giving place to any
other thought, to turn my attention immediately to what I am going to contemplate
in the first Exercise, at midnight, bringing myself to confusion for my so many sins,
setting examples, as, for instance, if a knight found himself before his king and all
his court, ashamed and confused at having much offended him, from whom he had
first received many gifts and many favors: in the same way, in the second Exercise,
making myself a great sinner and in chains; that is to say going to appear bound as
in chains before the Supreme Eternal Judge; taking for an example how prisoners
in chains and already deserving death, appear before their temporal judge. And I
will dress with these thoughts or with others, according to the subject matter.
Third Addition. The third: A step or two before the place where I have to
contemplate or meditate, I will put myself standing for the space of an OUR FATHER,
my intellect raised on high, considering how God our Lord is looking at me, etc.; and
will make an act of reverence or humility.
Fourth Addition. The fourth: To enter on the contemplation now on my
knees, now prostrate on the earth, now lying face upwards, now seated, now
standing, always intent on seeking what I want.
We will attend to two things. The first is, that if I find what I want kneeling,
I will not pass on; and if prostrate, likewise, etc. The second; in the Point in which I
find what I want, there I will rest, without being anxious to pass on, until I content
myself.
Fifth Addition. The fifth: After finishing the Exercise, I will, during the
space of a quarter of an hour, seated or walking leisurely, look how it went with me
in the Contemplation or Meditation; and if badly, I will look for the cause from
which it proceeds, and having so seen it, will be sorry, in order to correct myself in
future; and if well, I will give thanks to God our Lord, and will do in like manner
another time.
Sixth Addition. The sixth: Not to want to think on things of pleasure or joy,
such as heavenly glory, the Resurrection, etc. Because whatever consideration of joy
and gladness hinders our feeling pain and grief and shedding tears for our sins: but
to keep before me that I want to grieve and feel pain, bringing to memory rather
Death and Judgment.
Seventh Addition. The seventh: For the same end, to deprive myself of all
light, closing the blinds and doors while I am in the room, if it be not to recite
prayers, to read and eat.
20
Eighth Addition. The eighth: Not to laugh nor say a thing provocative of
laughter.
Ninth Addition. The ninth: To restrain my sight, except in receiving or
dismissing the person with whom I have spoken.
Tenth Addition. The tenth Addition is penance.
This is divided into interior and exterior. The interior is to grieve for one’s
sins, with a firm purpose of not committing them nor any others. The exterior, or
fruit of the first, is chastisement for the sins committed, and is chiefly taken in
three ways.
First Way. The first is as to eating. That is to say, when we leave off the
superfluous, it is not penance, but temperance. It is penance when we leave off from
the suitable; and the more and more, the greater and better -- provided that the
person does not injure himself, and that no notable illness follows.
Second Way. The second, as to the manner of sleeping. Here too it is not
penance to leave off the superfluous of delicate or soft things, but it is penance when
one leaves off from the suitable in the manner: and the more and more, the better --
provided that the person does not injure himself and no notable illness follows.
Besides, let not anything of the suitable sleep be left off, unless in order to come to
the mean, if one has a bad habit of sleeping too much.
Third Way. The third, to chastise the flesh, that is, giving it sensible pain,
which is given by wearing haircloth or cords or iron chains next to the flesh, by
scourging or wounding oneself, and by other kinds of austerity.
Note. What appears most suitable and most secure with regard to penance is
that the pain should be sensible in the flesh and not enter within the bones, so that
it give pain and not illness. For this it appears to be more suitable to scourge oneself
with thin cords, which give pain exteriorly, rather than in another way which would
cause notable illness within.
First Note. The first Note is that the exterior penances are done chiefly for
three ends: First, as satisfaction for the sins committed;
Second, to conquer oneself -- that is, to make sensuality obey reason and all
inferior parts be more subject to the superior;
Third, to seek and find some grace or gift which the person wants and
desires; as, for instance, if he desires to have interior contrition for his sins, or to
weep much over them, or over the pains and sufferings which Christ our Lord
suffered in His Passion, or to settle some doubt in which the person finds himself.
Second Note. The second: It is to be noted that the first and second Addition
have to be made for the Exercises of midnight and at daybreak, but not for those
which will be made at other times; and the fourth Addition will never be made in
21
church in the presence of others, but in private, as at home, etc.
Third Note. The third: When the person who is exercising himself does not
yet find what he desires -- as tears, consolations, etc., -- it often helps for him to
make a change in food, in sleep and in other ways of doing penance, so that he
change himself, doing penance two or three days, and two or three others not. For it
suits some to do more penance and others less, and we often omit doing penance
from sensual love and from an erroneous judgment that the human system will not
be able to bear it without notable illness; and sometimes, on the contrary, we do too
much, thinking that the body can bear it; and as God our Lord knows our nature
infinitely better, often in such changes He gives each one to perceive what is
suitable for him.
Fourth Note. The fourth: Let the Particular Examen be made to rid oneself
of defects and negligences on the Exercises and Additions. And so in the SECOND,
THIRD AND FOURTH WEEKS.
22
PREFACE
CONTENTS
ANNOTATIONS
FIRST WEEK
PRINCIPLE AND FOUNDATION
PARTICULAR AND DAILY EXAMEN
GENERAL EXAMEN OF CONSCIENCE
GENERAL CONFESSION WITH COMMUNION
FIRST EXERCISE
SECOND EXERCISE
THIRD EXERCISE
FOURTH EXERCISE
FIFTH EXERCISE
ADDITIONS
SECOND WEEK
THE CALL OF THE TEMPORAL KING
THE INCARNATION
THE NATIVITY
REPETITION OF THE FIRST AND SECOND EXERCISE
REPETITION OF THE FIRST AND SECOND
BRING THE FIVE SENSES ON THE FIRST AND SECOND CONTEMPLATION
THE SECOND DAY
THE THIRD DAY
PREAMBLE TO CONSIDER STATES
THE FOURTH DAY MEDITATION ON TWO STANDARDS
THREE PAIRS OF MEN
THE FIFTH DAY
THE SIXTH DAY
THE SEVENTH DAY
THE EIGHTH DAY
THE NINTH DAY
THE TENTH DAY
THE ELEVENTH DAY
THE TWELFTH DAY
PRELUDE FOR MAKING ELECTION
THREE TIMES FOR MAKING, IN ANY ONE OF THEM, A SOUND AND GOOD ELECTION
THE FIRST WAY TO MAKE A SOUND AND GOOD ELECTION
THE SECOND WAY TO MAKE A GOOD ANY SOUND ELECTION
TO AMEND AND REFORM ONE’S OWN LIFE AND STATE
THIRD WEEK
FROM BETHANY TO JERUSALEM TO THE LAST SUPPER
FROM THE SUPPER TO THE GARDEN INCLUSIVELY
RULES …
Machiavelli - excerpts from The Prince.pdf
The Prince
Niccolò Machiavelli
Copyright © Jonathan Bennett 2017. All rights reserved
[Brackets] enclose editorial explanations. Small ·dots· enclose material that has been added, but can be read as
though it were part of the original text. Occasional •bullets, and also indenting of passages that are not quotations,
are meant as aids to grasping the structure of a sentence or a thought. Every four-point ellipsis . . . . indicates the
omission of a brief passage that seems to present more difficulty than it is worth. Longer omissions are reported
between brackets in normal-sized type.—The division into twenty-six chapters is Machiavelli’s; the division into
two Parts is not.—Previous translations that have been continuously consulted are:
—translated and edited by Robert Martin Adams (Norton Critical Edition, 1977). Don’t confuse this Adams (b.
1915) with the now better-known Robert Merrihew Adams (b. 1937). [borrowed from on pages 35 and 45]
—translated by Russell Price and edited by Quentin Skinner (Cambridge U. P., 1988) [borrowed from on
page 40]
—edited and translated by Peter Constantine (Modern Library, 2007),
—translated by Tim Parks (Penguin Classics, 2009). [borrowed from on page 53]
Of these, the most swingingly readable version is Parks’s, though it embellishes the original more than any other
version, including the present one. Each of the other three has helpful explanatory notes. Parks has a ’glossary of
proper names’. The present version received many small helps from these predecessors in addition to the four
acknowledged above.
First launched: August 2010
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 2: Hereditary principalities
Part I
Kinds of principality
How to get and retain them
Chapter 1
Different kinds of principalities, and how to acquire them
All states, all powers that rule over men, are either republics
or principalities. (I am saying all this about the past as well
as the present.)
Principalities are either hereditary, governed by one
family over very many years, or they are new.
A new principality may be entirely new, as Milan was to
Francesco Sforza, or it may be (so to speak) a limb grafted
onto the hereditary state of the prince who has acquired it,
as when the kingdom of Naples was acquired by—·grafted
onto·—the kingdom of Spain.
A dominion acquired in this way (1) may have been
accustomed—·before the acquisition·—to live under a prince,
or may have lived in freedom [see Glossary]; and the acquisition
(2) may have happened through the arms of the ·acquiring·
prince himself, or through the arms of others; and the
acquisition (3) may have been a matter of fortuna [see Glossary]
or a product of virtù.
2
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 6: Earned new principalities
Chapter 6
New principalities that are acquired by one’s own arms and virtù
I’m going to be dealing with entirely new principalities, and
in this discussion I’ll take the best examples of prince and of
state. There’s nothing surprising about this. People nearly
always walk in paths beaten by others, acting in imitation of
their deeds, but its never possible for them to keep entirely
to the beaten path or achieve the level of virtù of the models
you are imitating. A wise man will follow in the footsteps of
great men, imitating ones who have been supreme; so that if
his virtù doesn’t reach the level of theirs it will at least have
a touch of it. Compare an archer aiming at a distant target:
knowing the limits of his bow’s virtù he aims high, hoping
that the arrow as it descends will hit the target. So. . .
I say, therefore, that in an entirely new principality,
headed by someone who has only recently become a prince,
how much difficulty the conqueror has in keeping his new
acquired state depends on how much virtù he has—the more
virtù the less difficulty. Now, he can’t have risen from being
a private citizen to being a prince without ·help from· either
virtù or fortuna, and clearly either of those will somewhat
lessen of the difficulties ·in holding onto the new state·,
though undue reliance on fortuna doesn’t work well in the
long run. Another aid such a new prince will have is that,
having no other state ·where he can live as a prince·, he is
compelled to take up residence, personally, in his new state.
Now let us turn to ·the proper subject of this chapter,
namely· those who became princes by their own virtù and
not through fortuna. Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and
their like are the most excellent examples. In the case of
Moses, there isn’t much to discuss because he simply did
what God told him to do, though we should admire him for
being found worthy to have conversations with God. But
when we look into Cyrus and others who have acquired or
founded kingdoms, we’ll find that they are all admirable;
and their actions and governing structures won’t be found
inferior to what Moses did under his great Instructor. And
in examining their lives and their achievements we don’t
find them owing anything to fortuna beyond ·their initial·
opportunity, which brought them the material to shape as
they wanted. Without that opportunity their virtù of mind
would have come to nothing, and without that virtù the
opportunity wouldn’t have led to anything.
For the Israelites to be willing to follow Moses, he had
to •find them in Egypt, enslaved and oppressed by the
Egyptians. For Romulus to become king of Rome and founder
of that state, he had to •be abandoned at birth, which led
to his leaving Alba. For Cyrus ·to achieve what he did·, he
had to •find the Persians discontented with the government
of the Medes, and the Medes soft and effeminate through
their long peace. Theseus couldn’t have shown his virtù if
he hadn’t •found the Athenians ·defeated and· scattered. So
these •opportunities enabled those men to prosper, and their
great virtù enabled each to seize the opportunity to lead his
country to being noble and extremely prosperous.
Men like these who become princes through the exercise
of their own virtù find it hard to •achieve that status but easy
to •keep it. One of the sources of difficulty in acquiring the
status of prince is their having to introduce new rules and
methods to establish their government and keep it secure.
11
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 6: Earned new principalities
We must bear in mind that nothing is
—more difficult to set up,
—more likely to fail, and
—more dangerous to conduct,
than a new system of government; because the bringer of
the new system will make enemies of everyone who did well
under the old system, while those who may do well under
the new system still won’t support it warmly. Why not?
Partly because of fear of the opponents, who have the laws
on their side, and partly because men are hard to convince
of anything, and don’t really believe in new things until they
have had a long experience of them. So those who are hostile
will attack whenever they have the chance, while the others
will defend so half-heartedly that they don’t get the prince or
themselves out of danger.
For a thorough exploration of these matters, therefore, we
have to ask concerning these innovators—·these setters-up
of new states·—to carry through their projects
•must they depend on others, or can they rely on
themselves? that is,
•must they ask others for help or can they use force?
If they need help they are sure to fail, and won’t achieve
anything; but when they can rely on themselves and use
force they aren’t running much risk. That’s why armed
prophets always conquered, and the unarmed ones have
been destroyed. And along with all this there is the fact
that people don’t stay steady: it’s easy to persuade them of
something, but hard to keep them persuaded. When they
stop believing ·in their new prince·, force must be used to
make them believe; and provision for doing that must be
made beforehand.
If Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus hadn’t had
soldiers at their command they couldn’t have enforced their
constitutions for long. (See what happened in our own day
to Father Girolamo Savonarola: he was overthrown, along
with his new scheme of things, as soon as the mass of
the people stopped believing in him, and he had no way of
keeping steadfast those who had believed or of converting
those who hadn’t. [Savonarola, a fierce puritan and mesmerizing
preacher, dominated Florence for four of the years when Machiavelli was
an official there.]) So the likes of these (·i.e. of Moses, Cyrus,
etc.·) find it hard to reach their goal because there is great
danger on the way up, though their virtù will enable them to
overcome it; but when this has been done and the danger
is passed, and those who resented their success have been
exterminated, they will begin to be respected, and they will
continue afterwards powerful, secure, honoured, and happy.
A fifth example is not on the same level as the other
four, but his case is somewhat like theirs, and I bring it
in as stand-in for all the other cases that are like it. I
am, referring to Hiero the Syracusan [3rd century BCE]. From
being an ordinary citizen, this man rose to be the prince of
Syracuse; and he (·like the others·) owed nothing to fortuna
except the opportunity: in a time of military threat, the
Syracusans chose him to head their troops. afterwards they
rewarded him by making him their prince. He was of such
great virtù even as an ordinary citizen that someone wrote of
him that ‘He had everything he needed to be a king except a
kingdom’. He abolished the old army and established a new
one, gave up old alliances and made new ones; and that gave
him the foundation—his own soldiers, his own allies—on
which he could build anything he wanted to build. Thus, it
was very hard for him to acquire something, ·his position of
power·, that he had little trouble holding onto.
12
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 7: Unearned new principalities
Chapter 7
New principalities acquired by the arms and the fortuna of others
Those who are raised purely by fortuna from being private
citizens to being princes don’t have much trouble rising,
just floating up; but they find it hard to stay up there. I’m
referring (a) to men to whom a state is given, as happened
to many in Greece, in the cities of Ionia and the Hellespont,
where Darius enthroned princes who were to hold the cities
in the interests of his security and his glory; and (b) to
men who bought their states, rising to the rank of emperor
through the corruption of the soldiers. [In 193 CE the Praetorian
Guard in Rome murdered the emperor and then put the city and its
empire up for auction; a man named Julianus made the winning bid,
was designated as emperor, and lived and ruled for 66 days.] Such
people—·in category (a) especially·—depend entirely on two
extremely unreliable and unstable things, namely the sup-
port and the fortuna of whoever raised them to the status
of prince. Such a man won’t have either the knowledge or
the power to keep his position. Knowledge: unless he has an
extremely high level of ability and virtù he can’t be expected
to know how to command, having always lived as an ordinary
citizen. Power: he won’t have an army that he can rely on to
be friendly and loyal.
States that come into existence suddenly, like everything
in nature that is born and grows fast, can’t have roots and
connections that will save them from being blown down by
the first storm; unless (I repeat) the suddenly-elevated prince
has so much virtù that he knows he must immediately set
to work to make sure of his hold on what fortuna has given
him, laying the foundations that another leader might have
laid •before becoming a prince rather than •afterwards.
I’ll illustrate these two ways of becoming a prince—though
virtù and through fortuna—by considering two examples
from our own times, namely Francesco Sforza and Cesare
Borgia. By choosing the appropriate means, and with great
virtù, Sforza went from being a commoner to being Duke of
Milan, and he hadn’t much trouble holding onto the power
that it had cost him so much effort to get in the first place.
In contrast with this, Cesare Borgia—commonly called Duke
Valentino—acquired his state through the fortuna of his
father ·Pope Alexander VI·, and when his father died he
lost it, despite having taken every measure that a wise and
virtuoso man should take to give himself firm foundations
in the state that the army and fortuna of someone else had
given him.
Someone who didn’t lay his foundations before achieving
power may be able with great virtù to lay them afterwards,
but this will involve trouble for the architect and danger to
the building. If we look carefully at everything Borgia did,
we’ll see that he did lay solid foundations for his future power;
and I think it is worthwhile to discuss his efforts because I
don’t know any better advice to give a new prince than ‘Follow
the example of Cesare Borgia’. His arrangements failed; but
that wasn’t because of any fault in him but because of the
extraordinary and extreme hostility of fortuna.
Alexander VI, wanting to achieve greatness for the duke,
his son, faced many obstacles, present and future. Firstly,
he didn’t see how he could make him master of any state
that wasn’t a part of the Church’s territory; and he knew
that if he stole land from the Church, the Duke of Milan and
13
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 7: Unearned new principalities
the Venetians wouldn’t consent to that. . . . Furthermore, he
saw that the ·mercenary· armies in Italy, especially those
that might have helped him, were in the hands of rulers who
had reason to fear his growing power, namely the Orsini and
Colonnesi clans and their allies. What he had to do, then,
was to upset this state of affairs and create turmoil in the
states of these rivals, so as to get away with seizing control of
a part of them. This was easy for him to do, because he found
that the Venetians, for reasons of their own, were planning
to bring the French back into Italy; and the Pope, far from
opposing this, made it easier to bring about by dissolving
the former marriage of King Louis. So the French king came
into Italy with Venetian help and the Pope’s consent. No
sooner was the king in possession of Milan than he supplied
the Pope with soldiers for the attempt on Romagna, which
yielded to him because he had the support of the king. ·The
Pope’s son, Cesare Borgia = Duke Valentino, was commander
of the Pope’s army.· The duke, having acquired Romagna
and beaten the Colonna family, wanted to hold onto that
and to advance further, but he was hindered by two things:
•his suspicion that the army wasn’t loyal to him, and •his
worries about the attitude of France. He was afraid that
the forces of the Orsini family, which he was using, would
stop obeying his orders and not only block him from winning
more territory but even take for themselves what he had
already won; and his fears about the French king were pretty
much the same. His doubts about the Orsini ·soldiers· were
confirmed when, after Faenza had been taken, he saw how
half-heartedly they went into the attack on Bologna. And he
learned which way King Louis was leaning when he (Cesare
Borgia) went on from taking the Duchy of Urbino to attack
Tuscany, and the king made him turn back. This led him
to a decision never again to rely on the arms and fortuna of
anyone else.
He began by weakening the Orsini and Colonna factions
in Rome by winning over to his side all their supporters who
were gentlemen [see Glossary], making them his gentlemen,
paying them well, and giving them military commands or
governmental positions, each according to his rank. Within
a few months they were all cut off from their former factions
and entirely attached to the duke. [Reminder: this is Duke
Valentino = Cesare Borgia.] In this way he scattered the Colonna
family’s adherents; and then he waited for an opportunity
to crush the Orsini. This came to him soon and he used it
well. The Orsini had at last come to realize that the growing
power of the duke and the Church would be their ruin; so
they came together for a ·planning· meeting at Magione near
Perugia. This gave rise to a rebellion at Urbino and riots in
Romagna, with endless dangers to the duke, all of which
he overcame with the help of the French. Having restored
•his credibility, and not wanting to rely on the French or any
other outside forces to preserve •it, he resorted to trickery.
He was so good at concealing his intentions that he got
the Orsini to be willing to be reconciled with him. (His
intermediary in this process was Paolo Orsini, whom the
duke reassured with all sorts of courtesy—money, clothes,
and horses.) The Orsini were so naive that they went ·at
his invitation· to Sinigalia, where they were in his power. [In
a separate essay that wasn’t published until after his death, Machiavelli
describes in details how Cesare Borgia went about murdering the top
people of the Orsini faction, including Paolo Orsini; and Oliverotto de
Fermo, of whom we shall hear more on page 18.] By exterminating
the ·Orsini· leaders and making allies of their supporters,
the duke laid solid foundations for his power, having all of
Romagna and the Duchy of Urbino in his grip; and he won
the support of the people, who were beginning to appreciate
the prosperity ·brought to them by his rule·.
14
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 7: Unearned new principalities
I want to spend a bit longer on this last matter, because it
is important and deserves to be imitated by others. When the
duke occupied Romagna he found it under the rule of weak
masters, who •preferred robbing their subjects to governing
them, and •gave them more cause for dissension than for
unity, with the result that the territory was full of robbery,
feuds, and every kind of lawlessness. Wanting to restore
peace and obedience to authority, the duke thought he had
to give it some good government, and to that end he gave
complete control to Ramiro d’Orco, a man who always acted
decisively and ruthlessly. It didn’t take long for this man to
restore peace and unity, getting a considerable reputation for
himself. But the duke came to think that extreme severity
was going to make him hated by the populace; so he set up a
single court of judgment for the whole of Romagna—a court
with a most excellent presiding judge, to which all the cities
could send their advocates. He knew that d’Orco’s severity
had caused some hatred against himself, and wanted to
clear that out from the minds of the people and win them
over to himself; so he set out to show that if there had been
any cruelty its source was not •him but rather •the brutal
nature of his minister. At the first opportunity he had d’Orco
arrested and cut in two [= ‘beheaded’], leaving the pieces on the
piazza at Cesena with the block and a bloody knife beside
it. This brutal spectacle gave the people a jolt, but it also
reassured them.
But now back to my main theme. Borgia had acquired an
army of his own, and had pretty much destroyed the armies
in his vicinity that could make trouble for him; so that now
his power was consolidated and he was fairly well secured
against immediate dangers; and he saw that if he wanted to
conquer more territories he needed the support of the King of
France, which he knew he couldn’t get because the king had
belatedly come to realize that it was a mistake to ally himself
with Cesare Borgia. So he began to seek new alliances, and
to hang back from helping France against the Spaniards in
the French attempt to conquer the kingdom of Naples. His
intention was to make himself secure against the French,
and he would quickly have brought this off if ·his father·
Pope Alexander hadn’t died ·a few months later·.
That’s how Borgia handled his immediate problems. For
the longer term, he had to prepare for the possibility that
Alexander VI might be succeeded by a pope who wasn’t
friendly to him and might try to take back from him the
territory that Alexander had given him. For this purpose he
made four plans:
(1) To exterminate the families of the lords he had dis-
possessed, so as to deprive the Pope of that excuse for
interfering.
(2) To win the gentlemen [see Glossary] of Rome over to his
side, so as to have their help in hemming the pope in.
(3) To increase his control over the college ·of cardinals,
which would elect the next pope·.
(4) To acquire as much territory as he could while Pope
Alexander was alive, so as to be well placed to resist
with his own resources any attack ·by the new pope·.
By the time Alexander died, the duke had managed three out
of four: he had (1) killed as many of the dispossessed lords
as he could lay hands on, which was most of them, (2) won
over the Roman gentlemen, and (3) brought onto his side a
large majority of the college of cardinals. As for (4) further
conquests, he planned to become master of Tuscany, thus:
He already held Perugia and Piombino, and Pisa
was under his protection. He no longer had to
fear anything from the French direction (because
the Spaniards had robbed France of the kingdom of
Naples, so that both sides had to buy his support);
so he felt free to pounce down on Pisa. When he
15
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 7: Unearned new principalities
had done that, Lucca and Siena would immediately
capitulate, partly out of fear and partly out of hostility
to the Florentines; and the Florentines couldn’t have
done anything about it.
If Cesare Borgia had achieved all this (and he was almost
there when Alexander died), he would have acquired so much
power and prestige that he could have stood on his own feet,
relying solely on his own power and virtù and not on the
fortuna and military power of anyone else.
But Alexander did die, ·a mere· five years after his son
had first drawn the sword. The duke’s condition at that time
was this:
•He had firm control of Romagna;
•His other planned conquests were up in the air.
•He was caught between two powerful hostile armies.
•He was mortally ill.
[This illness, which he survived, was the same one that had just killed
his father, Pope Alexander.] But the duke •had so much ferocity
and virtù, and •understood so well that men must be either
won over or killed, and •had (in the short time available)
laid such firm foundations, that he would have surmounted
every obstacle if the French and Spanish armies hadn’t been
bearing down on him, or if he had been in good health. It’s
clear that the foundations he had laid were indeed solid, for
Romagna waited for him for more than a month. And he
was safe in Rome, although half-dead; the Baglioni, Vitelli,
and Orsini factions came to Rome, but couldn’t stir things
up against him. If he had been in good health when his
father died, he would have managed everything easily: ·for
example·, he couldn’t have dictated who would be the next
pope, but he could have blocked the election of any candidate
he didn’t want. On the day that Julius II was elected as pope,
the duke himself told me that he had thought of all the
problems that might occur when his father died, and had
solutions for them all, except that it hadn’t occurred to him
that when his father died he himself would be at death’s
door.
Having set out all the duke’s actions, I can’t find anything
to criticise; indeed, he seems to me (I repeat) to be a model
for anyone who comes to power through fortuna and ·with
help from· the arms of others. ·A ‘model’, although he failed?
Yes·, because his great courage and high ambitions wouldn’t
have allowed him to act differently from how he did; and
he failed only because his father’s life was so short and he
himself was so ill. So a new ruler who thinks he has to
•secure himself in his new principality,
•win friends,
•overcome obstacles either by force or fraud,
•make himself loved and feared by the people,
•be followed and respected by his soldiers,
•exterminate potential enemies,
•replace old laws by new ones,
•be severe and gracious, magnanimous and liberal,
•break up a disloyal army and create a new one,
•maintain friendship with kings and princes, so that
they must openly help him or be very careful about
harming him,
can’t find a livelier example than the actions of this man. The
only thing he can be criticised for is the election of Julius
II as pope—a bad choice! As I have already said, the duke
wasn’t in a position to decide who would be the new pope;
but he could block the election of anyone he didn’t want, and
he ought never to have allowed the election of any cardinal
(1) whom he had injured or (2) who as pope would have
reason to fear him. Men harm one another either from fear
or from hatred. (1) The cardinals he had harmed included,
among others,
16
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 8: Principality obtained through wickedness
the cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincula,
the cardinal of San Giorgio, and
Ascanio Sforza.
[The first cardinal on that list is the one who became Pope Julius II.]
(2) And each of the other cardinals had reason to fear him
if he (the cardinal) became pope, except for the Cardinal of
Rouen and the Spanish cardinals. [Machiavelli gives reasons
for these exceptions. Then:] So the duke’s first choice for
pope should have been one of the Spanish cardinals, failing
which the cardinal of Rouen, and not the cardinal of San
Pietro ad Vincula. Anyone who thinks that new benefits
will cause great men to forget old injuries is wrong. Borgia
miscalculated in this papal election, and that error was fatal.
17
The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli 15: Causes of praise and blame
Chapter 15
Things for which men, especially princes, are praised or blamed
The next topic is: how a prince should conduct himself
towards his subjects and his friends. Many others have
written about this, so I suppose it will seem rash of me to go
into it again, especially given the difference between what I
shall say and what others have said. But ·I am not apologetic
about this·: my aim is to write things that will be useful the
reader who understands them; so I find it more appropriate
to pursue the real truth of the matter than to repeat what
people have imagined about it. Many writers have dreamed
up republics and principalities such as have never been
seen or known in the real world. ·And attending to them
is dangerous·, because the gap between •how men live and
•how they ought to live is so wide that any prince who thinks
in terms not of how people do behave but of how they ought
to behave will destroy his power rather than maintaining
it. A man who tries to act virtuously will soon come to grief
at the hands of the unscrupulous people surrounding him.
Thus, a prince who wants to keep his power must learn how
to act immorally, using or not using this skill according to
necessity.
Setting aside fantasies about princes, therefore, and at-
tending to reality, I say that when men are being discussed—
and especially princes, because they are more prominent—it
is largely in terms of qualities they have that bring them
blame or praise. For example,
(1) one is said to be free-spending, another miserly,
(2) one is described as generous, another as grasping,
(3) one as merciful, another as cruel,
(4) one as keeping his word, another as breaking it,
(5) one bold and brave, another effeminate and cowardly,
(6) one as friendly, another as arrogant,
(7) one as chaste, another as promiscuous,
(8) one as straightforward, another as devious,
(9) one as firm, another as variable,
(10) one as grave, another as frivolous,
(11) one as religious, another as unbelieving,
and so on. We’ll all agree that it would be a fine thing for
a prince to have all the ‘good’ qualities in that list; but the
conditions of human life make it impossible to have and
exercise all those qualities; so a prince has to be wary in
avoiding •the vices that would cost him his state. He should
also avoid as far as he can •the vices that would not cost him
his state, but he can’t fully succeed in this, so he shouldn’t
worry too much about giving himself over to them. And he
needn’t be anxious about getting a bad reputation for vices
without which it be hard for him to save his state: all …
1170 Kant - What is Enlightenment_.pdf
What is Enlightenment?
Immanuel Kant (1784)
Enlightenment is mans emergence from his self-imposed immaturity. Immaturity is the
inability to use ones understanding without guidance from another. This immaturity is self-
imposed when its cause lies not in lack of understanding, but in lack of resolve and courage to
use it without guidance from another. Sapere Aude! [dare to know] Have courage to use your
own understanding!--that is the motto of enlightenment.
Laziness and cowardice are the reasons why so great a proportion of men, long after nature
has released them from alien guidance (natura-liter maiorennes), nonetheless gladly remain in
lifelong immaturity, and why it is so easy for others to establish themselves as their guardians.
It is so easy to be immature. If I have a book to serve as my understanding, a pastor to serve
as my conscience, a physician to determine my diet for me, and so on, I need not exert myself
at all. I need not think, if only I can pay: others will readily undertake the irksome work for
me. The guardians who have so benevolently taken over the supervision of men have
carefully seen to it that the far greatest part of them (including the entire fair sex) regard
taking the step to maturity as very dangerous, not to mention difficult. Having first made their
domestic livestock dumb, and having carefully made sure that these docile creatures will not
take a single step without the go-cart to which they are harnessed, these guardians then show
them the danger that threatens them, should they attempt to walk alone. Now this danger is
not actually so great, for after falling a few times they would in the end certainly learn to
walk; but an example of this kind makes men timid and usually frightens them out of all
further attempts.
Thus, it is difficult for any individual man to work himself out of the immaturity that has all
but become his nature. He has even become fond of this state and for the time being is
actually incapable of using his own understanding, for no one has ever allowed him to attempt
it. Rules and formulas, those mechanical aids to the rational use, or rather misuse, of his
natural gifts, are the shackles of a permanent immaturity. Whoever threw them off would still
make only an uncertain leap over the smallest ditch, since he is unaccustomed to this kind of
free movement. Consequently, only a few have succeeded, by cultivating their own minds, in
freeing themselves from immaturity and pursuing a secure course.
But that the public should enlighten itself is more likely; indeed, if it is only allowed freedom,
enlightenment is almost inevitable. For even among the entrenched guardians of the great
masses a few will always think for themselves, a few who, after having themselves thrown off
the yoke of immaturity, will spread the spirit of a rational appreciation for both their own
worth and for each persons calling to think for himself. But it should be particularly noted
that if a public that was first placed in this yoke by the guardians is suitably aroused by some
of those who are altogether incapable of enlightenment, it may force the guardians themselves
to remain under the yoke--so pernicious is it to instill prejudices, for they finally take revenge
upon their originators, or on their descendants. Thus a public can only attain enlightenment
slowly. Perhaps a revolution can overthrow autocratic despotism and profiteering or power-
grabbing oppression, but it can never truly reform a manner of thinking; instead, new
prejudices, just like the old ones they replace, will serve as a leash for the great unthinking
mass.
Nothing is required for this enlightenment, however, except freedom; and the freedom in
question is the least harmful of all, namely, the freedom to use reason publicly in all matters.
But on all sides I hear: Do not argue! The officer says, Do not argue, drill! The tax man
What is Enlightenment? / 2
says, Do not argue, pay! The pastor says, Do not argue, believe! (Only one ruler in the
World says, Argue as much as you want and about what you want, but obey!) In this we
have examples of pervasive restrictions on freedom. But which restriction hinders
enlightenment and which does not, but instead actually advances it? I reply: The public use of
ones reason must always be free, and it alone can bring about enlightenment among mankind;
the private use of reason may, however, often be very narrowly restricted, without otherwise
hindering the progress of enlightenment. By the public use of ones own reason I understand
the use that anyone as a scholar makes of reason before the entire literate world. I call the
private use of reason that which a person may make in a civic post or office that has been
entrusted to him. Now in many affairs conducted in the interests of a community, a certain
mechanism is required by means of which some of its members must conduct themselves in
an entirely passive manner so that through an artificial unanimity the government may guide
them toward public ends, or at least prevent them from destroying such ends. Here one
certainly must not argue, instead one must obey. However, insofar as this part of the machine
also regards himself as a member of the community as a whole, or even of the world
community, and as a consequence addresses the public in the role of a scholar, in the proper
sense of that term, he can most certainly argue, without thereby harming the affairs for which
as a passive member he is partly responsible. Thus it would be disastrous if an officer on duty
who was given a command by his superior were to question the appropriateness or utility of
the order. He must obey. But as a scholar he cannot be justly constrained from making
comments about errors in military service, or from placing them before the public for its
judgment. The citizen cannot refuse to pay the taxes imposed on him; indeed, impertinent
criticism of such levies, when they should be paid by him, can be punished as a scandal (since
it can lead to widespread insubordination). But the same person does not act contrary to civic
duty when, as a scholar, he publicly expresses his thoughts regarding the impropriety or even
injustice of such taxes. Likewise a pastor is bound to instruct his catecumens and
congregation in accordance with the symbol of the church he serves, for he was appointed on
that condition. But as a scholar he has complete freedom, indeed even the calling, to impart to
the public all of his carefully considered and well-intentioned thoughts concerning mistaken
aspects of that symbol, as well as his suggestions for the better arrangement of religious and
church matters. Nothing in this can weigh on his conscience. What he teaches in consequence
of his office as a servant of the church he sets out as something with regard to which he has
no discretion to teach in accord with his own lights; rather, he offers it under the direction and
in the name of another. He will say, Our church teaches this or that and these are the
demonstrations it uses. He thereby extracts for his congregation all practical uses from
precepts to which he would not himself subscribe with complete conviction, but whose
presentation he can nonetheless undertake, since it is not entirely impossible that truth lies
hidden in them, and, in any case, nothing contrary to the very nature of religion is to be found
in them. If he believed he could find anything of the latter sort in them, he could not in good
conscience serve in his position; he would have to resign. Thus an appointed teachers use of
his reason for the sake of his congregation is merely private, because, however large the
congregation is, this use is always only domestic; in this regard, as a priest, he is not free and
cannot be such because he is acting under instructions from someone else. By contrast, the
cleric--as a scholar who speaks through his writings to the public as such, i.e., the world--
enjoys in this public use of reason an unrestricted freedom to use his own rational capacities
and to speak his own mind. For that the (spiritual) guardians of a people should themselves be
immature is an absurdity that would insure the perpetuation of absurdities.
But would a society of pastors, perhaps a church assembly or venerable presbytery (as those
among the Dutch call themselves), not be justified in binding itself by oath to a certain
unalterable symbol in order to secure a constant guardianship over each of its members and
through them over the people, and this for all time: I say that this is wholly impossible. Such a
What is Enlightenment? / 3
contract, whose intention is to preclude forever all further enlightenment of the human race, is
absolutely null and void, even if it should be ratified by the supreme power, by parliaments,
and by the most solemn peace treaties. One age cannot bind itself, and thus conspire, to place
a succeeding one in a condition whereby it would be impossible for the later age to expand its
knowledge (particularly where it is so very important), to rid itself of errors,and generally to
increase its enlightenment. That would be a crime against human nature, whose essential
destiny lies precisely in such progress; subsequent generations are thus completely justified in
dismissing such agreements as unauthorized and criminal. The criterion of everything that can
be agreed upon as a law by a people lies in this question: Can a people impose such a law on
itself? Now it might be possible, in anticipation of a better state of affairs, to introduce a
provisional order for a specific, short time, all the while giving all citizens, especially clergy,
in their role as scholars, the freedom to comment publicly, i.e., in writing, on the present
institutions shortcomings. The provisional order might last until insight into the nature of
these matters had become so widespread and obvious that the combined (if not unanimous)
voices of the populace could propose to the crown that it take under its protection those
congregations that, in accord with their newly gained insight, had organized themselves under
altered religious institutions, but without interfering with those wishing to allow matters to
remain as before. However, it is absolutely forbidden that they unite into a religious
organization that nobody may for the duration of a mans lifetime publicly question, for so do-
ing would deny, render fruitless, and make detrimental to succeeding generations an era in
mans progress toward improvement. A man may put off enlightenment with regard to what
he ought to know, though only for a short time and for his own person; but to renounce it for
himself, or, even more, for subsequent generations, is to violate and trample mans divine
rights underfoot. And what a people may not decree for itself may still less be imposed on it
by a monarch, for his lawgiving authority rests on his unification of the peoples collective
will in his own. If he only sees to it that all genuine or purported improvement is consonant
with civil order, he can allow his subjects to do what they find necessary to their spiritual
well-being, which is not his affair. However, he must prevent anyone from forcibly interfering
with anothers working as best he can to determine and promote his well-being. It detracts
from his own majesty when he interferes in these matters, since the writings in which his
subjects attempt to clarify their insights lend value to his conception of governance. This
holds whether he acts from his own highest insight--whereby he calls upon himself the
reproach, Caesar non eat supra grammaticos.--as well as, indeed even more, when he
despoils his highest authority by supporting the spiritual despotism of some tyrants in his state
over his other subjects.
If it is now asked, Do we presently live in an enlightened age? the answer is, No, but we
do live in an age of enlightenment. As matters now stand, a great deal is still lacking in order
for men as a whole to be, or even to put themselves into a position to be able without external
guidance to apply understanding confidently to religious issues. But we do have clear
indications that the way is now being opened for men to proceed freely in this direction and
that the obstacles to general enlightenment--to their release from their self-imposed
immaturity--are gradually diminishing. In this regard, this age is the age of enlightenment, the
century of Frederick.
A prince who does not find it beneath him to say that he takes it to be his duty to prescribe
nothing, but rather to allow men complete freedom in religious matters--who thereby
renounces the arrogant title of tolerance--is himself enlightened and deserves to be praised by
a grateful present and by posterity as the first, at least where the government is concerned, to
release the human race from immaturity and to leave everyone free to use his own reason in
all matters of conscience. Under his rule, venerable pastors, in their role as scholars and
without prejudice to their official duties, may freely and openly set out for the worlds
What is Enlightenment? / 4
scrutiny their judgments and views, even where these occasionally differ from the accepted
symbol. Still greater freedom is afforded to those who are not restricted by an official post.
This spirit of freedom is expanding even where it must struggle against the external obstacles
of governments that misunderstand their own function. Such governments are illuminated by
the example that the existence of freedom need not give cause for the least concern regarding
public order and harmony in the commonwealth. If only they refrain from inventing artifices
to keep themselves in it, men will gradually raise themselves from barbarism.
I have focused on religious matters in setting out my main point concerning enlightenment,
i.e., mans emergence from self-imposed immaturity, first because our rulers have no interest
in assuming the role of their subjects guardians with respect to the arts and sciences, and
secondly because that form of immaturity is both the most pernicious and disgraceful of all.
But the manner of thinking of a head of state who favors religious enlightenment goes even
further, for he realizes that there is no danger to his legislation in allowing his subjects to use
reason publicly and to set before the world their thoughts concerning better formulations of
his laws, even if this involves frank criticism of legislation currently in effect. We have before
us a shining example, with respect to which no monarch surpasses the one whom we honor.
But only a ruler who is himself enlightened and has no dread of shadows, yet who likewise
has a well-disciplined, numerous army to guarantee public peace, can say what no republic
may dare, namely: Argue as much as you want and about what you want, but obey! Here as
elsewhere, when things are considered in broad perspective, a strange, unexpected pattern in
human affairs reveals itself, one in which almost everything is paradoxical. A greater degree
of civil freedom seems advantageous to a peoples spiritual freedom; yet the former
established impassable boundaries for the latter; conversely, a lesser degree of civil freedom
provides enough room for all fully to expand their abilities. Thus, once nature has removed
the hard shell from this kernel for which she has most fondly cared, namely, the inclination to
and vocation for free thinking, the kernel gradually reacts on a peoples mentality (whereby
they become increasingly able to act freely), and it finally even influences the principles of
government, which finds that it can profit by treating men, who are now more than machines,
in accord with their dignity.
I. Kant
Konigsberg in Prussia, 30 September 1784
1170 - Condorcet - Progress of the Human Mind.pdf
1170 Rousseau - The Social Contract.pdf
1170 Montesquieu - The Spirit of the Laws.pdf
1170 Hobbes - Leviathan.pdf
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)
Leviathan (1651)
Excerpts from the Original Electronic Text at the web site of the Eris Project at Virginia Tech.
In the ten years before the publication of Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes witnessed his native England endure a
bloody civil war and revolution that resulted in the abolition of the Anglican church government, in the
abolition of the House of Lords and ultimately the monarchy, in the trial and execution of a king, in the
proliferation of radical religious and political groups (including democrats and communists) and, not least,
in a victorious Puritan Republic which, in the eyes of many, lacked legitimacy, its authority ultimately resting
on the coercive power of Oliver Cromwells New Model Army. Hobbes blamed the war and a narchy on
Puritan clerical and political leaders who presumptuously believed that their judgment was superior to
others, who brought down a legitimate government on the pretense of following their own private
consciences, and who misled people into thinking that they were creating a godly commonwealth. Although
he did not directly address the political conditions of England in Leviathan, Hobbes clearly thought that its
message was essential to restore peace and order in his country. But Hobbes also had other ambitions in
writing Leviathan. As his preface suggests, Hobbes was attracted to the new mechanical natural philosophy
(science). Rational and deductive in his approach, Hobbes sought to place the study of government on the
kind of firm scientific foundation that he believed Galileo had done for the study of matter in motion.
Introduction
[1] NATURE (the art whereby God hath made and governs the world) is by the art of man, as in many
other things, so in this also imitated, that it can make an artificial animal. For seeing life is but a motion of
limbs, the beginning whereof is in some principal part within, why may we not say that all automata
(engines that move themselves by springs and wheels as doth a watch) have an artificial life? For what is
the heart, but a spring; and the nerves, but so many strings; and the joints, but so many wheels, giving
motion to the whole body, such as was intended by the Artificer? Art goes yet further, imitating that
rational and most excellent work of Nature, man. For by art is created that great LEVIATHAN called a
COMMONWEALTH, or STATE (in Latin, CIVITAS), which is but an artificial man, though of greater stature
and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and in which the
sovereignty is an artificial soul, as giving life and motion to the whole body; the magistrates and other
officers of judicature and execution, artificial joints; reward and punishment (by which fastened to the
seat of the sovereignty, every joint and member is moved to perform his duty) are the nerves, that do the
same in the body natural; the wealth and riches of all the particular members are the strength; salus
populi (the peoples safety) its business; counsellors, by whom all things needful for it to know are
suggested unto it, are the memory; equity and laws, an artificial reason and will; concord, health; sedition,
sickness; and civil war, death. Lastly, the pacts and covenants, by which the parts of this body politic were
at first made, set together, and united, resemble that fiat, or the Let us make man, pronounced by God in
the Creation.
The First Part: Of Man
Chapter 11: Of the Difference of Manners
[2] BY MANNERS, I mean not here decency of behaviour; as how one man should salute another, or how a
man should wash his mouth, or pick his teeth before company, and such other points of the small morals;
but those qualities of mankind that concern their living together in peace and unity. To which end we are
to consider that the felicity of this life consisteth not in the repose of a mind satisfied. For there is no such
finis ultimus (utmost aim) nor summum bonum (greatest good) as is spoken of in the books of the old
moral philosophers. Nor can a man any more live whose desires are at an end than he whose senses and
imaginations are at a stand. Felicity is a continual progress of the desire from one object to another, the
attaining of the former being still but the way to the latter. The cause whereof is that the object of mans
desire is not to enjoy once only, and for one instant of time, but to assure forever the way of his future
desire. And therefore the voluntary actions and inclinations of all men tend not only to the procuring, but
also to the assuring of a contented life, and differ only in the way, which ariseth partly from the diversity
of passions in diverse men, and partly from the difference of the knowledge or opinion each one has of the
causes which produce the effect desired.
[3] So that in the first place, I put for a general inclination of all mankind a perpetual and restless desire of
power after power, that ceaseth only in death. And the cause of this is not always that a man hopes for a
more intensive delight than he has already attained to, or that he cannot be content with a moderate
power, but because he cannot assure the power and means to live well, which he hath present, without
the acquisition of more. And from hence it is that kings, whose power is greatest, turn their endeavours to
the assuring it at home by laws, or abroad by wars: and when that is done, there succeedeth a new desire;
in some, of fame from new conquest; in others, of ease and sensual pleasure; in others, of admiration, or
being flattered for excellence in some art or other ability of the mind.
Chapter 13
Of the Natural Condition of Mankind; As Concerning their Felicity and Misery
[4] NATURE hath made men so equal in the faculties of body and mind as that, though there be found one
man sometimes manifestly stronger in body or of quicker mind than another, yet when all is reckoned
together the difference between man and man is not so considerable as that one man can thereupon claim
to himself any benefit to which another may not pretend as well as he. For as to the strength of body, the
weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest, either by secret machination or by confederacy with
others that are in the same danger with himself.
[5] And as to the faculties of the mind, setting aside the arts grounded upon words, and especially that
skill of proceeding upon general and infallible rules, called science, which very few have and but in few
things, as being not a native faculty born with us, nor attained, as prudence, while we look after somewhat
else, I find yet a greater equality amongst men than that of strength. For prudence is but experience,
which equal time equally bestows on all men in those things they equally apply themselves unto. That
which may perhaps make such equality incredible is but a vain conceit of ones own wisdom, which
almost all men think they have in a greater degree than the vulgar; that is, than all men but themselves,
and a few others, whom by fame, or for concurring with themselves, they approve. For such is the nature
of men that howsoever they may acknowledge many others to be more witty, or more eloquent or more
learned, yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves; for they see their own wit at
hand, and other mens at a distance. But this proveth rather that men are in that point equal, than
unequal. For there is not ordinarily a greater sign of the equal distribution of anything than that every
man is contented with his share.
[6] From this equality of ability ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our ends. And therefore if any
two men desire the same thing, which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy, they become enemies; and in
the way to their end (which is principally their own conservation, and sometimes their delectation only)
endeavour to destroy or subdue one another. And from hence it comes to pass that where an invader hath
no more to fear than another mans single power, if one plant, sow, build, or possess a convenient seat,
others may probably be expected to come prepared with forces united to dispossess and deprive him, not
only of the fruit of his labour, but also of his life or liberty. And the invader again is in the like danger of
another.
[7] And from this diffidence of one another, there is no way for any man to secure himself so reasonable
as anticipation; that is, by force, or wiles, to master the persons of all men he can so long till he see no
other power great enough to endanger him: and this is no more than his own conservation requireth, and
is generally allowed. Also, because there be some that, taking pleasure in contemplating their own power
in the acts of conquest, which they pursue farther than their security requires, if others, that otherwise
would be glad to be at ease within modest bounds, should not by invasion increase their power, they
would not be able, long time, by standing only on their defence, to subsist. And by consequence, such
augmentation of dominion over men being necessary to a mans conservation, it ought to be allowed him.
[8] Again, men have no pleasure (but on the contrary a great deal of grief) in keeping company where
there is no power able to overawe them all. For every man looketh that his companion should value him
at the same rate he sets upon himself, and upon all signs of contempt or undervaluing naturally
endeavours, as far as he dares (which amongst them that have no common power to keep them in quiet is
far enough to make them destroy each other), to extort a greater value from his contemners, by damage;
and from others, by the example.
[9] So that in the nature of man, we find three principal causes of quarrel. First, competition; secondly,
diffidence; thirdly, glory.
[10] The first maketh men invade for gain; the second, for safety; and the third, for reputation. The first
use violence, to make themselves masters of other mens persons, wives, children, and cattle; the second,
to defend them; the third, for trifles, as a word, a smile, a different opinion, and any other sign of
undervalue, either direct in their persons or by reflection in their kindred, their friends, their nation, their
profession, or their name.
[11] Hereby it is manifest that during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe,
they are in that condition which is called war; and such a war as is of every man against every man. For
war consisteth not in battle only, or the act of fighting, but in a tract of time, wherein the will to contend
by battle is sufficiently known: and therefore the notion of time is to be considered in the nature of war,
as it is in the nature of weather. For as the nature of foul weather lieth not in a shower or two of rain, but
in an inclination thereto of many days together: so the nature of war consisteth not in actual fighting, but
in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary. All other time is
peace.
[12] Whatsoever therefore is consequent to a time of war, where every man is enemy to every man, the
same consequent to the time wherein men live without other security than what their own strength and
their own invention shall furnish them withal. In such condition there is no place for industry, because the
fruit thereof is uncertain: and consequently no culture of the earth; no navigation, nor use of the
commodities that may be imported by sea; no commodious building; no instruments of moving and
removing such things as require much force; no knowledge of the face of the earth; no account of time; no
arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the
life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.
[13] It may seem strange to some man that has not well weighed these things that Nature should thus
dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another: and he may therefore, not trusting to
this inference, made from the passions, desire perhaps to have the same confirmed by experience. Let him
therefore consider with himself: when taking a journey, he arms himself and seeks to go well
accompanied; when going to sleep, he locks his doors; when even in his house he locks his chests; and this
when he knows there be laws and public officers, armed, to revenge all injuries shall be done him; what
opinion he has of his fellow subjects, when he rides armed; of his fellow citizens, when he locks his doors;
and of his children, and servants, when he locks his chests. Does he not there as much accuse mankind by
his actions as I do by my words? But neither of us accuse mans nature in it. The desires, and other
passions of man, are in themselves no sin. No more are the actions that proceed from those passions till
they know a law that forbids them; which till laws be made they cannot know, nor can any law be made
till they have agreed upon the person that shall make it.
[14] It may peradventure be thought there was never such a time nor condition of war as this; and I
believe it was never generally so, over all the world: but there are many places where they live so now.
For the savage people in many places of America, except the government of small families, the concord
whereof dependeth on natural lust, have no government at all, and live at this day in that brutish manner,
as I said before. Howsoever, it may be perceived what manner of life there would be, where there were no
common power to fear, by the manner of life which men that have formerly lived under a peaceful
government use to degenerate into a civil war.
[15] But though there had never been any time wherein particular men were in a condition of war one
against another, yet in all times kings and persons of sovereign authority, because of their independency,
are in continual jealousies, and in the state and posture of gladiators, having their weapons pointing, and
their eyes fixed on one another; that is, their forts, garrisons, and guns upon the frontiers of their
kingdoms, and continual spies upon their neighbours, which is a posture of war. But because they uphold
thereby the industry of their subjects, there does not follow from it that misery which accompanies the
liberty of particular men.
[16] To this war of every man against every man, this also is consequent; that nothing can be unjust. The
notions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, have there no place. Where there is no common power,
there is no law; where no law, no injustice. Force and fraud are in war the two cardinal virtues. Justice and
injustice are none of the faculties neither of the body nor mind. If they were, they might be in a man that
were alone in the world, as well as his senses and passions. They are qualities that relate to men in
society, not in solitude. It is consequent also to the same condition that there be no propriety, no
dominion, no mine and thine distinct; but only that to be every mans that he can get, and for so long as he
can keep it. And thus much for the ill condition which man by mere nature is actually placed in; though
with a possibility to come out of it, consisting partly in the passions, partly in his reason.
[17] The passions that incline men to peace are: fear of death; desire of such things as are necessary to
commodious living; and a hope by their industry to obtain them. And reason suggesteth convenient
articles of peace upon which men may be drawn to agreement. These articles are they which otherwise
are called the laws of nature, whereof I shall speak more particularly in the two following chapters.
Chapter 14
Of the First and Second Natural Laws, And Of Contracts
[18] THE right of nature, which writers commonly call jus naturale, is the liberty each man hath to use his
own power as he will himself for the preservation of his own nature; that is to say, of his own life; and
consequently, of doing anything which, in his own judgement and reason, he shall conceive to be the
aptest means thereunto.
[19] By liberty is understood, according to the proper signification of the word, the absence of external
impediments; which impediments may oft take away part of a mans power to do what he would, but
cannot hinder him from using the power left him according as his judgement and reason shall dictate to
him.
[20] A law of nature, lex naturalis, is a precept, or general rule, found out by reason, by which a man is
forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life, or taketh away the means of preserving the same, and
to omit that by which he thinketh it may be best preserved. For though they that speak of this subject use
to confound jus and lex, right and law, yet they ought to be distinguished, because right consisteth in
liberty to do, or to forbear; whereas law determineth and bindeth to one of them: so that law and right
differ as much as obligation and liberty, which in one and the same matter are inconsistent.
[21] And because the condition of man (as hath been declared in the precedent chapter) is a condition of
war of every one against every one, in which case every one is governed by his own reason, and there is
nothing he can make use of that may not be a help unto him in preserving his life against his enemies; it
followeth that in such a condition every man has a right to every thing, even to one anothers body. And
therefore, as long as this natural right of every man to every thing endureth, there can be no security to
any man, how strong or wise soever he be, of living out the time which nature ordinarily alloweth men to
live. And consequently it is a precept, or general rule of reason: that every man ought to endeavour peace,
as far as he has hope of obtaining it; and when he cannot obtain it, that he may seek and use all helps and
advantages of war. The first branch of which rule containeth the first and fundamental law of nature,
which is: to seek peace and follow it. The second, the sum of the right of nature, which is: by all means we
can to defend ourselves.
[22] From this fundamental law of nature, by which men are commanded to endeavour peace, is derived
this second law: that a man be willing, when others are so too, as far forth as for peace and defence of
himself he shall think it necessary, to lay down this right to all things; and be contented with so much
liberty against other men as he would allow other men against himself. For as long as every man holdeth
this right, of doing anything he liketh; so long are all men in the condition of war. But if other men will not
lay down their right, as well as he, then there is no reason for anyone to divest himself of his: for that
were to expose himself to prey, which no man is bound to, rather than to dispose himself to peace. This is
that law of the gospel: Whatsoever you require that others should do to you, that do ye to them. And that
law of all men, quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris (do not do unto others what you do not want d one
to yourself).
[23] To lay down a mans right to anything is to divest himself of the liberty of hindering another of the
benefit of his own right to the same. For he that renounceth or passeth away his right giveth not to any
other man a right which he had not before, because there is nothing to which every man had not right by
nature, but only standeth out of his way that he may enjoy his own original right without hindrance from
him, not without hindrance from another. So that the effect which redoundeth to one man by another
mans defect of right is but so much diminution of impediments to the use of his own right original.
[24] Right is laid aside, either by simply renouncing it, or by transferring it to another. By simply
renouncing, when he cares not to whom the benefit thereof redoundeth. By transferring, when he
intendeth the benefit thereof to some certain person or persons. And when a man hath in either manner
abandoned or granted away his right, then is he said to be obliged, or bound, not to hinder those to whom
such right is granted, or abandoned, from the benefit of it: and that he ought, and it is duty, not to make
void that voluntary act of his own: and that such hindrance is injustice, and injury, as being sine jure; the
right being before renounced or transferred. So that injury or injustice, in the controversies of the world,
is somewhat like to that which in the disputations of scholars is called absurdity. For as it is there called
an absurdity to contradict what one maintained in the beginning; so in the world it is called injustice, and
injury voluntarily to undo that which from the beginning he had voluntarily done. The way by which a
man either simply renounceth or transferreth his right is a declaration, or signification, by some
voluntary and sufficient sign, or signs, that he doth so renounce or transfer, or hath so renounced or
transferred the same, to him that accepteth it. And these signs are either words only, or actions only; or,
as it happeneth most often, both words and actions. And the same are the bonds, by which men are bound
and obliged: bonds that have their strength, not from their own nature (for nothing is more easily broken
than a mans word), but from fear of some evil consequence upon the rupture.
[25] Whensoever a man transferreth his right, or renounceth it, it is either in consideration of some right
reciprocally transferred to himself, or for some other good he hopeth for thereby. For it is a voluntary act:
and of the voluntary acts of every man, the object is some good to himself. And therefore there be some
rights which no man can be understood by any words, or other signs, to have abandoned or transferred.
As first a man cannot lay down the right of resisting them that assault him by force to take away his life,
because he cannot be understood to aim thereby at any good to himself. The same may be said of wounds,
and chains, and imprisonment, both because there is no benefit consequent to such patience, as there is to
the patience of suffering another to be wounded or imprisoned, as also because a man cannot tell when he
seeth men proceed against him by violence whether they intend his death or not. And lastly the motive
and end for which this renouncing and transferring of right is introduced is nothing else but the security
of a mans person, in his life, and in the means of so preserving life as not to be weary of it. And therefore
if a man by words, or other signs, seem to despoil himself of the end for which those signs were intended,
he is not to be understood as if he meant it, or that it was his will, but that he was ignorant of how such
words and actions were to be interpreted.
[26] The mutual transferring of right is that which men call contract. . . .
[27] In contracts the right passeth, not only where the words are of the time present or past, but also
where they are of the future, because all contract is mutual translation, or change of right; and therefore
he that promiseth only, because he hath already received the benefit for which he promiseth, is to be
understood as if he intended the right should pass: for unless he had been content to have his words so
understood, the other would not have performed his part first. And for that cause, in buying, and selling,
and other acts of contract, a promise is equivalent to a covenant, and therefore obligatory.
Chapter 15
Of Other Laws of Nature
[28] FROM that law of nature by which we are obliged to transfer to another such rights as, being
retained, hinder the peace of mankind, there followeth a third; which is this: that men perform their
covenants made; without which covenants are in vain, and but empty words; and the right of all men to all
things remaining, we are still in the condition of war. . . .
[29] As justice dependeth on antecedent covenant; so does gratitude depend on antecedent grace; that is
to say, antecedent free gift; and is the fourth law of nature, which may be conceived in this form: that a
man which receiveth benefit from another of mere grace endeavour that he which giveth it have no
reasonable cause to repent him of his good will. . . .
[30] A fifth law of nature is complaisance; that is to say, that every man strive to accommodate himself to
the rest. . . .
[31] A sixth law of nature is this: that upon caution of the future time, a man ought to pardon the offences
past of them that, repenting, desire it. . . .
[32] A seventh is: that in revenges (that is, retribution of evil for evil), men look not at the greatness of the
evil past, but the greatness of the good to follow. Whereby we are forbidden to inflict punishment with
any other design than for correction of the offender, or direction of others. For this law is consequent to
the next before it, that commandeth pardon upon security of the future time. . . .
[33] On this law dependeth another: that at the entrance into conditions of peace, no man require to
reserve to himself any right which he is not content should he reserved to every one of the rest. As it is
necessary for all men that seek peace to lay down certain rights of nature; that is to say, not to have
liberty to do all they list, so is it necessary for mans life to retain some: as right to govern their own
bodies; enjoy air, water, motion, ways to go from place to place; and all things else without which a man
cannot live, or not live well. . . .
[34] The laws of nature oblige in foro interno (in the internal forum), that is to say, they bind to a desire
they should take place; but in foro externo, that is, to the putting them in act, not always. For he, that
should be modest and tractable, and perform all he promises, in such time and place where no man else
should do so, should but make himself a prey to others, and procure his own certain ruin, contrary to the
ground of all laws of nature, which tend to natures preservation. And again, he that having sufficient
security, that others shall observe the same laws towards him, observes them not himself, seeketh not
peace, but war, and consequently the destruction of his nature by violence.
The Second Part: Of Commonwealth
Chapter 17
Of the Causes, Generation, and Definition of a Commonwealth
[35] THE final cause, end, or design of men (who naturally love liberty, and dominion over others) in the
introduction of that restraint upon themselves, in which we see them live in Commonwealths, is the
foresight of their own preservation, and of a more contented life thereby; that is to say, of getting
themselves out from that miserable condition of war which is necessarily consequent, as hath been
shown, to the natural passions of men when there is no visible power to keep them in awe, and tie them
by fear of punishment to the performance of their covenants, and observation of those laws of nature set
down in the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters.
[36] For the laws of nature, as justice, equity, modesty, mercy, and, in sum, doing to others as we would be
done to, of themselves, without the terror of some power to cause them to be observed, are contrary to
our natural passions, that carry us to partiality, pride, revenge, and the like. And covenants, without the
sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at all. Therefore, notwithstanding the laws of
nature (which every one hath then kept, when he has the will to keep them, when he can do it safely), if
there be no power erected, or not great enough for our security, every man will and may lawfully rely on
his own strength and art for caution against all other men. . . .
[37] It is true that certain living creatures, as bees and ants, live sociably one with another (which are
therefore by Aristotle numbered amongst political creatures), and yet have no other direction than their
particular judgements and appetites; nor speech, whereby one of them can signify to another what he
thinks expedient for the common benefit: and therefore some man may perhaps desire to know why
mankind cannot do the same. To which I answer,
[38] First, that men are continually in competition for honour and dignity, which these creatures are not;
and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that ground, envy, and hatred, and finally war; but
amongst these not so.
[39] Secondly, that amongst these creatures the common good differeth not from the private; and being
by nature inclined to their private, they procure thereby the common benefit. But man, whose joy
consisteth in comparing himself with other men, can relish nothing but what is eminent.
[40] Thirdly, that these creatures, having not, as man, the use of reason, do not see, nor think they see, any
fault in the administration of their common business: whereas amongst men there are very many that
think themselves wiser and abler to govern the public better than the rest, and these strive to reform and
innovate, one this way, another that way; and thereby bring it into distraction and civil war.
[41] Fourthly, that these creatures, though they have some use of voice in making known to one another
their desires and other affections, yet they want that art of words by which some men can represent to
others that which is good in the likeness of evil; and evil, in the likeness of good; and augment or diminish
the apparent greatness of good and evil, discontenting men and troubling their peace at their …
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