short response - Political Science
What is the role of “codes of self-sacrifice”? Why is this concept so central to our understanding of why violent extremists do what they do?
CHAPTER TWO THE NATURE OF THE
BEAST DEFINING TERRORISM
CHAPTER LEARNING OBJECTIVES
This chapter will enable readers to do the following:
1. Explain the importance of identifying the common characteristics of extremism and
understanding the world view of extremist adherents.
2. Demonstrate knowledge of the common features of formal definitions of terrorism.
3. Discuss whether violence should be classified as terrorism by recognizing the contextual
perspectives of perpetrators and participants in terrorist environments.
4. Apply the Political Violence Matrix as a conceptual tool to interpret the quality of
violence.
Opening Viewpoint: Are “Hate Crimes” Acts of Terrorism?
Hate crimes refers to behaviors that are considered to be bias-motivated crimes but that at times
seem to fit the definition of acts of terrorism. Hate crimes are a legalistic concept in Western
democracies that embody (in the law) a criminological approach to a specific kind of deviant
behavior. These laws focus on a specific motive for criminal behavior—crimes that are directed
against protected classes of people because of their membership in these protected classes. Thus,
hate crimes are officially considered to be a law enforcement issue rather than one of national
security.
The separation between hate crimes and terrorism is not always clear because “hate groups at
times in their life cycles might resemble gangs and at other times paramilitary organizations
or terrorist groups.”a They represent “another example of small, intense groups that sometimes
resort to violence to achieve their goals by committing . . . vigilante terrorism.”b Among experts,
the debate about what is or is not “terrorism” has resulted in a large number of official and
unofficial definitions. A similar debate has arisen about how to define hate crimes because “it is
difficult to construct an exhaustive definition of the term. . . . Crime—hate crime included—is
relative.”c In fact, there is no agreement on what label to use for behaviors that many people
commonly refer to as “hate crimes.” For example, in the United States, attacks by White neo-
Nazi youths against African Americans, gays, and religious institutions have been referred to
with such diverse terms as hate crime, hate-motivated crime, bias crime, bias-motivated
crime, and ethno-violence.d
Are hate crimes acts of terrorism? The answer is that not all acts of terrorism are hate crimes, and
not all hate crimes are acts of terrorism. For example, in cases of dissident terrorism, terrorists
frequently target a state or system with little or no animus against a particular race, religion, or
other group. Likewise, state terrorism is often motivated by a perceived need to preserve or
reestablish the state’s defined vision of social order without targeting a race, religion, or other
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group. On the other hand, criminal behavior fitting federal or state definitions of hate crimes in
the United States can have little or no identifiable political agenda, other than hatred toward a
protected class of people.
It is when political violence is directed against a particular group—such as a race, religion,
nationality, or generalized “undesirable”—that these acts possibly fit the definitions of both hate
crimes and terrorism. Terrorists often launch attacks against people who symbolize the cause that
they oppose. In the United Kingdom, Germany, the United States, and elsewhere, many
individuals and groups act out violently to promote an agenda that seeks to “purify” society.
These crimes are committed by groups or individuals who are “dealing in the artificial currency
of . . . ‘imagined communities’—utopian pipe dreams and idealizations of ethnically cleansed
communities.”e For example, after German reunification, “street renegades [demanded] a
new Lebensraum of a purified Germany whose national essence and coherence will not be
weakened and ‘contaminated’ by ethnic and racial minorities.”f Their targeted enemies were
Turkish, Slavic, and southern European immigrants and “guest workers.”
This chapter concludes with a Case in Point discussing the 2016 mass shooting in the United
States in Orlando, Florida, within the context of incidents that can be defined as both an act of
terrorism and a hate crime.
Notes
a. Barkan, Steven E., and Lynne L. Snowden. Collective Violence. Boston: Allyn & Bacon,
2001, p. 105.
b. Ibid., p. 106.
c. Perry, Barbara. In the Name of Hate: Understanding Hate Crimes. New York: Routledge,
2001, p. 8.
d. Hamm, Mark S. “Conceptualizing Hate Crime in a Global Context.” In Hate Crime:
International Perspectives on Causes and Control, edited by Mark S. Hamm. Cincinnati, OH:
Anderson, 1994, p. 174.
e. Kelly, Robert J., and Jess Maghan. Hate Crime: The Global Politics of Polarization.
Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998, p. 6. Citing Anderson, Benedict. Imagined
Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: New Left, 1983.
f. Ibid., p. 5.
This chapter investigates definitional issues in the study of terrorism. Readers will probe the
nuances of these issues and will learn that the truism “one person’s terrorist is another
person’s freedom fighter” is a significant factor in the definitional debate. It must be
remembered that this debate occurs within a practical and “real-life” framework—in other
words, a nontheoretical reality that some political, religious, or ethnonationalist beliefs and
behaviors are so reprehensible that they cannot be considered to be mere differences in opinion.
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Some violent incidents are mala in se acts of terrorist violence. For example, the New
Terrorism of today is characterized by the threat of weapons of mass destruction, indiscriminate
targeting, and intentionally high casualty rates—as occurred in the attacks of September 11,
2001, in the United States; March 11, 2004, in Spain; July 7, 2005, in Great Britain; November
26–29, 2008, in India; January and November 2015 in France; March 22, 2016, in Belgium; and
repeated attacks in Nigeria, Syria, Iraq, and Pakistan. The use of indiscriminate targeting and
tactics against civilians is indefensible, no matter what cause is championed by those who use
them.
Description
Photo 2.1 A protestor (right) from the Stand Against Communism rally, an event organized to
oppose antifascist demonstrations and to support U.S. President Donald Trump, among other
causes, argues with a counter-protestor (left) during May Day events in Seattle, Washington, in
the United States, May 1, 2017.
Reuters/David Ryder
The definitional debate is evident in the following examples drawn from state-sponsored and
dissident terrorist environments:
• State-Sponsored Terrorist Environments. The Régime de la Terreur during the French
Revolution was an instrument of revolutionary justice, such that terrorism was considered a
positive medium used by the defenders of order and liberty. From their perspective, state-
sponsored domestic terrorism was both necessary and acceptable to consolidate power and
protect liberties won during the revolution. Modern examples of state terrorism such as Nazi
Germany and Stalinist Russia also sought to consolidate an ideological vision through internal
political violence—a racial new order in Germany and an egalitarian workers’ state in the Soviet
Union. The methods they used to build the ideological vision resulted in the deaths of many
millions of noncombatant civilians, and both the Nazi and Stalinist regimes were by definition
quintessential terrorist states.
• Dissident Terrorist Environments. The anticolonial and nationalist wars after World War II
often pitted indigenous rebels against European colonial powers or ruling local elites. Many of
these wars involved the use of terrorism as an instrument of war by both state and dissident
forces. During these wars, as well as in subsequent domestic rebellions, the rebels were referred
to as freedom fighters by those who favored their cause.1 The counterpoints to these freedom
fighters were the European and American “colonial and imperialist oppressors.” Thus, for
example, indiscriminate attacks against civilians by rebels in French Indochina and French
Algeria were rationalized by many of their supporters as acceptable tactics during wars of
liberation by freedom fighters against a colonial oppressor.
The discussion in this chapter will review the following:
• Understanding Extremism: The Foundation of Terrorism
• Defining Terrorism: An Ongoing Debate
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• A Definitional Problem: Perspectives on Terrorism
• The Political Violence Matrix
UNDERSTANDING EXTREMISM: THE FOUNDATION
OF TERRORISM
An important step toward defining terrorism is to develop an understanding of the sources of
terrorism. To identify them, one must first understand the important role of extremism as a
primary feature of all terrorist behavior.
Behind each incident of terrorist violence is some deeply held belief system that has
motivated the perpetrators. Such systems are, at their core, extremist systems
characterized by intolerance. One must keep in mind, however, that though terrorism is a
violent expression of these beliefs, it is by no means the only possible manifestation of
extremism. On a scale of activist behavior, extremists can engage in such benign
expressions as sponsoring debates or publishing newspapers. They might also engage in
vandalism and other disruptions of the normal routines of their enemies. Though intrusive
and often illegal, these are examples of political expression that cannot be construed as
terrorist acts.
Our focus in this and subsequent chapters will be on violent extremist behavior that many
people would define as acts of terrorism. First, we must briefly investigate the general
characteristics of the extremist foundations of terrorism.
Defining Extremism
Political extremism refers to taking a political idea to its limits, regardless of unfortunate
repercussions, impracticalities, arguments, and feelings to the contrary, and with the
intention not only to confront, but to eliminate opposition. . . . Intolerance toward all views
other than one’s own.2
Extremism is a precursor to terrorism—it is an overarching belief system that is used by
terrorists to justify their violent behavior. Extremism is characterized by what a person’s beliefs
are as well as how a person expresses their beliefs. Thus, no matter how offensive or
reprehensible one’s thoughts or words are, they are not by themselves acts of terrorism. Only
persons who violently act out their extremist beliefs are labeled terrorists.
Two examples illustrate this point:
First, an example of extremist behavior. Daniel and Philip Berrigan were well-known members
of the Roman Catholic pacifist left and were leaders in the antiwar and antinuclear movements in
the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. What they believed in was an uncompromising
commitment to pacifism. How they expressed their beliefs was by committing a series of
symbolic, and often illegal, protest actions. During one such action on May 17, 1968, they and
seven other Catholic men and women entered the Baltimore Selective Service Board, stole
Selective Service classification forms, took them outside to a parking lot, and burned several
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hundred of the documents with a homemade, napalm-like gelled mixture of gasoline and soap
flakes. This was certainly extremist behavior, but it falls short of terrorism.3
Second, an example of extremist speech. The American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (AK-
KKK) were an activist faction of the KKK that operated mostly in the Midwest and East during
the 1990s. What they believed in was racial supremacy. How they expressed their beliefs was by
holding a series of rallies at government sites, often county courthouses. They were known for
their vitriolic rhetoric. The following remarks were reportedly taken from a speech delivered by
the Imperial Wizard of the AK-KKK in March 1998 at a rally held at the county courthouse in
Butler, Pennsylvania, near Pittsburgh:
Take a stand. . . . Join the Klan, stick up for your rights. . . . Only God has the right to create
a race—not no black and white, not no nigger, not no Jew. . . . Yes, I will use the
word nigger, because it is not illegal. . . . We are sick and tired of the government taking
your money, and giving food and jobs to the niggers when the white race has to go without!
Wake up America.4
This language is intentionally racist, hateful, and inflammatory, yet it falls short of advocating
violence or revolution. A sympathetic listener might certainly act out against one of the enemy
groups identified in the speech, but it reads more like a racist diatribe than a revolutionary
manifesto.
Common Characteristics of Violent Extremists
Scholars and other experts have identified common characteristics exhibited by violent
extremists. These characteristics are expressed in different ways, depending on a movement’s
particular belief system. The following commonalities are summaries of traits identified by these
experts and are by no means an exhaustive inventory.5
Intolerance
Intolerance is the hallmark of extremist belief systems and terrorist behavior. The cause is
considered to be absolutely just and good, and those who disagree with the cause (or some aspect
of the cause) are cast into the category of the opposition. Terrorists affix their opponents with
certain negative or derisive labels to set them apart from the extremists’ movement. These
characterizations are often highly personalized so that specific individuals are identified who
symbolize the opposing belief system or cause. Thus, during the Cold War, the American
president was labeled by the pro–United States camp as the “leader of the free world” and by
Latin American Marxists as the embodiment of “Yankee imperialism.”6
Moral Absolutes
Extremists adopt moral absolutes so that the distinction between good and evil is clear, as are the
lines between the extremists and their opponents. The extremists’ belief or cause is a morally
correct vision of the world and is used to establish moral superiority over others. Violent
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extremists thus become morally and ethically pure elites who lead the oppressed masses to
freedom. For example, religious terrorists generally believe that their one true faith is superior to
all others and that any behavior committed in defense of the faith is fully justifiable.
Broad Conclusions
Extremist conclusions are made to simplify the goals of the cause and the nature of the
extremist’s opponents. These generalizations are not debatable and allow for no exceptions.
Evidence for these conclusions is rooted in one’s belief system rather than based on objective
data. Terrorists often believe these generalizations because in their minds, they simply must be
true. For example, ethnonationalists frequently categorize all members of their opponent group
as having certain broadly negative traits.
New Language and Conspiratorial Beliefs
Language and conspiracies are created to demonize the enemy and set the terrorists apart from
those not part of their belief system. Extremists thus become an elite with a hidden agenda and
targets of that agenda. For example, some American far- and fringe-right conspiracy proponents
express their anti-Semitic beliefs by using coded references to international bankers or a Zionist-
occupied government (ZOG). White nationalist and neo-Nazi rightists degrade members of non-
European races by referring to them as mud people or other pejorative appellations.
The World of the Extremist
Extremists have a very different—and, at times, fantastic—worldview compared with
nonextremists. They set themselves apart as protectors of some truth or as the true heirs of some
legacy. For example, racial extremists within the American Patriot movement have argued that
non-Whites are “Fourteenth Amendment citizens” and that only “whites are sovereign citizens
whose rights are delineated, not by the government, but rather by a cobbled assortment of
historical writings whose meaning is often subject to their fanciful interpretation.”7
Extremists frequently believe that secret and quasi-mystical forces are arrayed against them and
that these forces are the cause of worldwide calamities. For example, some bigoted conspiracy
believers argue that the Illuminati or international Judaism mysteriously controls world banking
and the media or that they run the governments of France and the United States. One conspiracy
theory that became viral on the Internet, and was widely believed among Islamist extremists, in
the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks was that Israeli agents were behind the attacks;
that 4,000 Jews either did not report to work or received telephone calls to evacuate the World
Trade Center in New York; and therefore that no Jews were among the victims of the attack.
As in the past, religion is often an underlying impetus for extremist activity. When extremists
adopt a religious belief system, their worldview becomes one of a struggle between supernatural
forces of good and evil. They view themselves as living a righteous life in a manner that fits with
their interpretation of God’s will. According to religious extremists, those who do not conform to
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their belief system are opposed to the one true faith. Those who live according to the accepted
belief system are a chosen people, and those who do not are not chosen. These interpretations of
how one should behave include elements of the social or political environment that underlies the
belief system. For example, Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina, is a
fundamentalist Christian university founded in 1927. It once justified its prohibition against
interracial dating and marriage as an application of God-mandated truths found in Holy
Scripture. Similarly, one student at a Pakistani religious school explained that “Osama [bin
Laden] wants to keep Islam pure from the pollution of the infidels. . . . He believes Islam is the
way for all the world. He wants to bring Islam to all the world.”8
Description
Photo 2.2 Members of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, including a young boy, march
in Washington, D.C., from the Washington Monument to the U.S. Capitol building.
David S. Holloway/Getty Images News/Getty Images
Extremists have a very clear sense of mission, purpose, and righteousness. They create a
worldview that sets them apart from the rest of society. Thus, extremist beliefs and terrorist
behaviors are very logical from the perspective of those who accept the extremists’ belief system
but illogical from the point of view of those who reject the system.
DEFINING TERRORISM: AN ONGOING DEBATE
The effort to formally define terrorism is a critical one because government antiterrorist policy
calculations must be based on criteria that determine whether a violent incident is an act of
terrorism. Governments and policy makers must piece together the elements of terrorist behavior
and demarcate the factors that distinguish terrorism from other forms of conflict.
There is some consensus among experts—but no unanimity—on what kind of violence
constitutes an act of terrorism. Governments have developed definitions of terrorism, individual
agencies within governments have adopted definitions, private agencies have designed their own
definitions, and academic experts have proposed and analyzed dozens of definitional constructs.
This lack of unanimity, which exists throughout the public and private sectors, is an accepted
reality in the study of political violence.
A significant amount of intellectual energy has been devoted to identifying formal elements of
terrorism, as illustrated by Alex Schmid’s surveys, which identified more than 100
definitions.9 Establishing formal definitions can, of course, be complicated by the perspectives of
the participants in a terrorist incident, who instinctively differentiate freedom fighters from
terrorists, regardless of formal definitions. Another complication is that most definitions focus on
political violence perpetrated by dissident groups, even though many governments have
practiced terrorism as both domestic and foreign policy.
Guerrilla Warfare
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One important distinction must be kept in mind and understood at the outset: Terrorism is not
synonymous with guerrilla warfare. The term guerrilla (“little war”) was developed during the
early 19th century, when Napoleon’s army fought a long, brutal, and ultimately unsuccessful war
in Spain. Unlike the Napoleonic campaigns elsewhere in Europe, which involved conventional
armies fighting set-piece battles in accordance with rules of engagement, the war in Spain was a
classic unconventional conflict. The Spanish people, as opposed to the Spanish army, rose in
rebellion and resisted the invading French army. They liberated large areas of the Spanish
countryside. After years of costly fighting—in which atrocities were common on both sides—the
French were driven out. Thus, in contrast to terrorists, the term guerrilla fighters refers to
a numerically larger group of armed individuals who operate as a military unit, attack enemy
military forces, and seize and hold territory (even if only ephemerally during the daylight
hours), while also exercising some form of sovereignty or control over a defined
geographical area and its population.10
Dozens, if not scores, of examples of guerrilla warfare exist in the modern era. They exhibit the
classic strategy of hit-and-run warfare by small mobile units, and many examples exist of
successful guerrilla campaigns against numerically and technologically superior adversaries.
Guerrilla insurgencies have often been successful in affecting the global political environment.
The following are examples of conflicts in the modern era when guerrilla insurgents prevailed
against strong adversaries:
• 1940s: Chinese communist guerrillas led by Mao Zedong defeated Chinese nationalists.
• 1950s: Communist-led Viet Minh guerrillas forced French colonial forces to withdraw
from Vietnam.
• 1960s–1970s: Numerous guerrilla insurgencies successfully resisted European colonial
forces, including anticolonial wars in Africa.
• 1980s: Afghan mujahideen guerrillas fought invading Soviet troops for 10 years,
eventually prevailing after the Soviet withdrawal.
• 2000s: Using guerrilla tactics, Iraqi insurgents resisted the American-led occupation of
Iraq following the conventional phase in the war that toppled the Ba’athist regime of
dictator Saddam Hussein.
A Sampling of Formal Definitions
The effort to formally define terrorism is critical because government antiterrorist policy
calculations must be based on criteria that determine whether a violent incident is an act of
terrorism. Governments and policy makers must piece together the elements of terrorist behavior
and demarcate the factors that distinguish terrorism from other forms of conflict.
In Europe, countries that endured terrorist campaigns have written official definitions of
terrorism. The British have defined terrorism as “the use or threat, for the purpose of advancing a
political, religious or ideological cause, of action which involves serious violence against any
person or property.”11 In Germany, terrorism has been described as an “enduringly conducted
struggle for political goals, which are intended to be achieved by means of assaults on the life
and property of other persons, especially by means of severe crimes.”12 And the European
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interior ministers note that “terrorism is . . . the use, or the threatened use, by a cohesive group of
persons of violence (short of warfare) to effect political aims.”13
Scholars have also tried their hand at defining terrorism. Terrorism has been described by Gurr
as “the use of unexpected violence to intimidate or coerce people in the pursuit of political or
social objectives.”14 It was described by Gibbs as “illegal violence or threatened violence against
human or nonhuman objects,” so long as that violence meets additional criteria such as secretive
features and unconventional warfare.15 Bruce Hoffman wrote,
We come to appreciate that terrorism is ineluctably political in aims and motives; violent—
or, equally important, threatens violence; designed to have far-reaching psychological
repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target; conducted by an organization with an
identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial structure (whose members wear no uniform
or identifying insignia); and perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity. We may
therefore now attempt to define terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear
through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of change.16
To further illustrate the range of definitions, Whittaker lists the following descriptions of
terrorism by terrorism experts:17
• contributes the illegitimate use of force to achieve a political objective when innocent
people are targeted (Walter Laqueur)
• a strategy of violence designed to promote desired outcomes by instilling fear in the
public at large (Walter Reich)
• the use or threatened use of force designed to bring about political change (Brian Jenkins)
From this discussion, we can identify the common features of most formal definitions:
• the use of illegal force
• subnational actors
• unconventional methods
• political motives
• attacks against “soft” …
CHAPTER TWO THE NATURE OF THE
BEAST DEFINING TERRORISM
CHAPTER LEARNING OBJECTIVES
This chapter will enable readers to do the following:
1. Explain the importance of identifying the common characteristics of extremism and
understanding the world view of extremist adherents.
2. Demonstrate knowledge of the common features of formal definitions of terrorism.
3. Discuss whether violence should be classified as terrorism by recognizing the contextual
perspectives of perpetrators and participants in terrorist environments.
4. Apply the Political Violence Matrix as a conceptual tool to interpret the quality of
violence.
Opening Viewpoint: Are “Hate Crimes” Acts of Terrorism?
Hate crimes refers to behaviors that are considered to be bias-motivated crimes but that at times
seem to fit the definition of acts of terrorism. Hate crimes are a legalistic concept in Western
democracies that embody (in the law) a criminological approach to a specific kind of deviant
behavior. These laws focus on a specific motive for criminal behavior—crimes that are directed
against protected classes of people because of their membership in these protected classes. Thus,
hate crimes are officially considered to be a law enforcement issue rather than one of national
security.
The separation between hate crimes and terrorism is not always clear because “hate groups at
times in their life cycles might resemble gangs and at other times paramilitary organizations
or terrorist groups.”a They represent “another example of small, intense groups that sometimes
resort to violence to achieve their goals by committing . . . vigilante terrorism.”b Among experts,
the debate about what is or is not “terrorism” has resulted in a large number of official and
unofficial definitions. A similar debate has arisen about how to define hate crimes because “it is
difficult to construct an exhaustive definition of the term. . . . Crime—hate crime included—is
relative.”c In fact, there is no agreement on what label to use for behaviors that many people
commonly refer to as “hate crimes.” For example, in the United States, attacks by White neo-
Nazi youths against African Americans, gays, and religious institutions have been referred to
with such diverse terms as hate crime, hate-motivated crime, bias crime, bias-motivated
crime, and ethno-violence.d
Are hate crimes acts of terrorism? The answer is that not all acts of terrorism are hate crimes, and
not all hate crimes are acts of terrorism. For example, in cases of dissident terrorism, terrorists
frequently target a state or system with little or no animus against a particular race, religion, or
other group. Likewise, state terrorism is often motivated by a perceived need to preserve or
reestablish the state’s defined vision of social order without targeting a race, religion, or other
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group. On the other hand, criminal behavior fitting federal or state definitions of hate crimes in
the United States can have little or no identifiable political agenda, other than hatred toward a
protected class of people.
It is when political violence is directed against a particular group—such as a race, religion,
nationality, or generalized “undesirable”—that these acts possibly fit the definitions of both hate
crimes and terrorism. Terrorists often launch attacks against people who symbolize the cause that
they oppose. In the United Kingdom, Germany, the United States, and elsewhere, many
individuals and groups act out violently to promote an agenda that seeks to “purify” society.
These crimes are committed by groups or individuals who are “dealing in the artificial currency
of . . . ‘imagined communities’—utopian pipe dreams and idealizations of ethnically cleansed
communities.”e For example, after German reunification, “street renegades [demanded] a
new Lebensraum of a purified Germany whose national essence and coherence will not be
weakened and ‘contaminated’ by ethnic and racial minorities.”f Their targeted enemies were
Turkish, Slavic, and southern European immigrants and “guest workers.”
This chapter concludes with a Case in Point discussing the 2016 mass shooting in the United
States in Orlando, Florida, within the context of incidents that can be defined as both an act of
terrorism and a hate crime.
Notes
a. Barkan, Steven E., and Lynne L. Snowden. Collective Violence. Boston: Allyn & Bacon,
2001, p. 105.
b. Ibid., p. 106.
c. Perry, Barbara. In the Name of Hate: Understanding Hate Crimes. New York: Routledge,
2001, p. 8.
d. Hamm, Mark S. “Conceptualizing Hate Crime in a Global Context.” In Hate Crime:
International Perspectives on Causes and Control, edited by Mark S. Hamm. Cincinnati, OH:
Anderson, 1994, p. 174.
e. Kelly, Robert J., and Jess Maghan. Hate Crime: The Global Politics of Polarization.
Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998, p. 6. Citing Anderson, Benedict. Imagined
Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: New Left, 1983.
f. Ibid., p. 5.
This chapter investigates definitional issues in the study of terrorism. Readers will probe the
nuances of these issues and will learn that the truism “one person’s terrorist is another
person’s freedom fighter” is a significant factor in the definitional debate. It must be
remembered that this debate occurs within a practical and “real-life” framework—in other
words, a nontheoretical reality that some political, religious, or ethnonationalist beliefs and
behaviors are so reprehensible that they cannot be considered to be mere differences in opinion.
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Some violent incidents are mala in se acts of terrorist violence. For example, the New
Terrorism of today is characterized by the threat of weapons of mass destruction, indiscriminate
targeting, and intentionally high casualty rates—as occurred in the attacks of September 11,
2001, in the United States; March 11, 2004, in Spain; July 7, 2005, in Great Britain; November
26–29, 2008, in India; January and November 2015 in France; March 22, 2016, in Belgium; and
repeated attacks in Nigeria, Syria, Iraq, and Pakistan. The use of indiscriminate targeting and
tactics against civilians is indefensible, no matter what cause is championed by those who use
them.
Description
Photo 2.1 A protestor (right) from the Stand Against Communism rally, an event organized to
oppose antifascist demonstrations and to support U.S. President Donald Trump, among other
causes, argues with a counter-protestor (left) during May Day events in Seattle, Washington, in
the United States, May 1, 2017.
Reuters/David Ryder
The definitional debate is evident in the following examples drawn from state-sponsored and
dissident terrorist environments:
• State-Sponsored Terrorist Environments. The Régime de la Terreur during the French
Revolution was an instrument of revolutionary justice, such that terrorism was considered a
positive medium used by the defenders of order and liberty. From their perspective, state-
sponsored domestic terrorism was both necessary and acceptable to consolidate power and
protect liberties won during the revolution. Modern examples of state terrorism such as Nazi
Germany and Stalinist Russia also sought to consolidate an ideological vision through internal
political violence—a racial new order in Germany and an egalitarian workers’ state in the Soviet
Union. The methods they used to build the ideological vision resulted in the deaths of many
millions of noncombatant civilians, and both the Nazi and Stalinist regimes were by definition
quintessential terrorist states.
• Dissident Terrorist Environments. The anticolonial and nationalist wars after World War II
often pitted indigenous rebels against European colonial powers or ruling local elites. Many of
these wars involved the use of terrorism as an instrument of war by both state and dissident
forces. During these wars, as well as in subsequent domestic rebellions, the rebels were referred
to as freedom fighters by those who favored their cause.1 The counterpoints to these freedom
fighters were the European and American “colonial and imperialist oppressors.” Thus, for
example, indiscriminate attacks against civilians by rebels in French Indochina and French
Algeria were rationalized by many of their supporters as acceptable tactics during wars of
liberation by freedom fighters against a colonial oppressor.
The discussion in this chapter will review the following:
• Understanding Extremism: The Foundation of Terrorism
• Defining Terrorism: An Ongoing Debate
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• A Definitional Problem: Perspectives on Terrorism
• The Political Violence Matrix
UNDERSTANDING EXTREMISM: THE FOUNDATION
OF TERRORISM
An important step toward defining terrorism is to develop an understanding of the sources of
terrorism. To identify them, one must first understand the important role of extremism as a
primary feature of all terrorist behavior.
Behind each incident of terrorist violence is some deeply held belief system that has
motivated the perpetrators. Such systems are, at their core, extremist systems
characterized by intolerance. One must keep in mind, however, that though terrorism is a
violent expression of these beliefs, it is by no means the only possible manifestation of
extremism. On a scale of activist behavior, extremists can engage in such benign
expressions as sponsoring debates or publishing newspapers. They might also engage in
vandalism and other disruptions of the normal routines of their enemies. Though intrusive
and often illegal, these are examples of political expression that cannot be construed as
terrorist acts.
Our focus in this and subsequent chapters will be on violent extremist behavior that many
people would define as acts of terrorism. First, we must briefly investigate the general
characteristics of the extremist foundations of terrorism.
Defining Extremism
Political extremism refers to taking a political idea to its limits, regardless of unfortunate
repercussions, impracticalities, arguments, and feelings to the contrary, and with the
intention not only to confront, but to eliminate opposition. . . . Intolerance toward all views
other than one’s own.2
Extremism is a precursor to terrorism—it is an overarching belief system that is used by
terrorists to justify their violent behavior. Extremism is characterized by what a person’s beliefs
are as well as how a person expresses their beliefs. Thus, no matter how offensive or
reprehensible one’s thoughts or words are, they are not by themselves acts of terrorism. Only
persons who violently act out their extremist beliefs are labeled terrorists.
Two examples illustrate this point:
First, an example of extremist behavior. Daniel and Philip Berrigan were well-known members
of the Roman Catholic pacifist left and were leaders in the antiwar and antinuclear movements in
the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. What they believed in was an uncompromising
commitment to pacifism. How they expressed their beliefs was by committing a series of
symbolic, and often illegal, protest actions. During one such action on May 17, 1968, they and
seven other Catholic men and women entered the Baltimore Selective Service Board, stole
Selective Service classification forms, took them outside to a parking lot, and burned several
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hundred of the documents with a homemade, napalm-like gelled mixture of gasoline and soap
flakes. This was certainly extremist behavior, but it falls short of terrorism.3
Second, an example of extremist speech. The American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (AK-
KKK) were an activist faction of the KKK that operated mostly in the Midwest and East during
the 1990s. What they believed in was racial supremacy. How they expressed their beliefs was by
holding a series of rallies at government sites, often county courthouses. They were known for
their vitriolic rhetoric. The following remarks were reportedly taken from a speech delivered by
the Imperial Wizard of the AK-KKK in March 1998 at a rally held at the county courthouse in
Butler, Pennsylvania, near Pittsburgh:
Take a stand. . . . Join the Klan, stick up for your rights. . . . Only God has the right to create
a race—not no black and white, not no nigger, not no Jew. . . . Yes, I will use the
word nigger, because it is not illegal. . . . We are sick and tired of the government taking
your money, and giving food and jobs to the niggers when the white race has to go without!
Wake up America.4
This language is intentionally racist, hateful, and inflammatory, yet it falls short of advocating
violence or revolution. A sympathetic listener might certainly act out against one of the enemy
groups identified in the speech, but it reads more like a racist diatribe than a revolutionary
manifesto.
Common Characteristics of Violent Extremists
Scholars and other experts have identified common characteristics exhibited by violent
extremists. These characteristics are expressed in different ways, depending on a movement’s
particular belief system. The following commonalities are summaries of traits identified by these
experts and are by no means an exhaustive inventory.5
Intolerance
Intolerance is the hallmark of extremist belief systems and terrorist behavior. The cause is
considered to be absolutely just and good, and those who disagree with the cause (or some aspect
of the cause) are cast into the category of the opposition. Terrorists affix their opponents with
certain negative or derisive labels to set them apart from the extremists’ movement. These
characterizations are often highly personalized so that specific individuals are identified who
symbolize the opposing belief system or cause. Thus, during the Cold War, the American
president was labeled by the pro–United States camp as the “leader of the free world” and by
Latin American Marxists as the embodiment of “Yankee imperialism.”6
Moral Absolutes
Extremists adopt moral absolutes so that the distinction between good and evil is clear, as are the
lines between the extremists and their opponents. The extremists’ belief or cause is a morally
correct vision of the world and is used to establish moral superiority over others. Violent
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extremists thus become morally and ethically pure elites who lead the oppressed masses to
freedom. For example, religious terrorists generally believe that their one true faith is superior to
all others and that any behavior committed in defense of the faith is fully justifiable.
Broad Conclusions
Extremist conclusions are made to simplify the goals of the cause and the nature of the
extremist’s opponents. These generalizations are not debatable and allow for no exceptions.
Evidence for these conclusions is rooted in one’s belief system rather than based on objective
data. Terrorists often believe these generalizations because in their minds, they simply must be
true. For example, ethnonationalists frequently categorize all members of their opponent group
as having certain broadly negative traits.
New Language and Conspiratorial Beliefs
Language and conspiracies are created to demonize the enemy and set the terrorists apart from
those not part of their belief system. Extremists thus become an elite with a hidden agenda and
targets of that agenda. For example, some American far- and fringe-right conspiracy proponents
express their anti-Semitic beliefs by using coded references to international bankers or a Zionist-
occupied government (ZOG). White nationalist and neo-Nazi rightists degrade members of non-
European races by referring to them as mud people or other pejorative appellations.
The World of the Extremist
Extremists have a very different—and, at times, fantastic—worldview compared with
nonextremists. They set themselves apart as protectors of some truth or as the true heirs of some
legacy. For example, racial extremists within the American Patriot movement have argued that
non-Whites are “Fourteenth Amendment citizens” and that only “whites are sovereign citizens
whose rights are delineated, not by the government, but rather by a cobbled assortment of
historical writings whose meaning is often subject to their fanciful interpretation.”7
Extremists frequently believe that secret and quasi-mystical forces are arrayed against them and
that these forces are the cause of worldwide calamities. For example, some bigoted conspiracy
believers argue that the Illuminati or international Judaism mysteriously controls world banking
and the media or that they run the governments of France and the United States. One conspiracy
theory that became viral on the Internet, and was widely believed among Islamist extremists, in
the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks was that Israeli agents were behind the attacks;
that 4,000 Jews either did not report to work or received telephone calls to evacuate the World
Trade Center in New York; and therefore that no Jews were among the victims of the attack.
As in the past, religion is often an underlying impetus for extremist activity. When extremists
adopt a religious belief system, their worldview becomes one of a struggle between supernatural
forces of good and evil. They view themselves as living a righteous life in a manner that fits with
their interpretation of God’s will. According to religious extremists, those who do not conform to
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their belief system are opposed to the one true faith. Those who live according to the accepted
belief system are a chosen people, and those who do not are not chosen. These interpretations of
how one should behave include elements of the social or political environment that underlies the
belief system. For example, Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina, is a
fundamentalist Christian university founded in 1927. It once justified its prohibition against
interracial dating and marriage as an application of God-mandated truths found in Holy
Scripture. Similarly, one student at a Pakistani religious school explained that “Osama [bin
Laden] wants to keep Islam pure from the pollution of the infidels. . . . He believes Islam is the
way for all the world. He wants to bring Islam to all the world.”8
Description
Photo 2.2 Members of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, including a young boy, march
in Washington, D.C., from the Washington Monument to the U.S. Capitol building.
David S. Holloway/Getty Images News/Getty Images
Extremists have a very clear sense of mission, purpose, and righteousness. They create a
worldview that sets them apart from the rest of society. Thus, extremist beliefs and terrorist
behaviors are very logical from the perspective of those who accept the extremists’ belief system
but illogical from the point of view of those who reject the system.
DEFINING TERRORISM: AN ONGOING DEBATE
The effort to formally define terrorism is a critical one because government antiterrorist policy
calculations must be based on criteria that determine whether a violent incident is an act of
terrorism. Governments and policy makers must piece together the elements of terrorist behavior
and demarcate the factors that distinguish terrorism from other forms of conflict.
There is some consensus among experts—but no unanimity—on what kind of violence
constitutes an act of terrorism. Governments have developed definitions of terrorism, individual
agencies within governments have adopted definitions, private agencies have designed their own
definitions, and academic experts have proposed and analyzed dozens of definitional constructs.
This lack of unanimity, which exists throughout the public and private sectors, is an accepted
reality in the study of political violence.
A significant amount of intellectual energy has been devoted to identifying formal elements of
terrorism, as illustrated by Alex Schmid’s surveys, which identified more than 100
definitions.9 Establishing formal definitions can, of course, be complicated by the perspectives of
the participants in a terrorist incident, who instinctively differentiate freedom fighters from
terrorists, regardless of formal definitions. Another complication is that most definitions focus on
political violence perpetrated by dissident groups, even though many governments have
practiced terrorism as both domestic and foreign policy.
Guerrilla Warfare
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One important distinction must be kept in mind and understood at the outset: Terrorism is not
synonymous with guerrilla warfare. The term guerrilla (“little war”) was developed during the
early 19th century, when Napoleon’s army fought a long, brutal, and ultimately unsuccessful war
in Spain. Unlike the Napoleonic campaigns elsewhere in Europe, which involved conventional
armies fighting set-piece battles in accordance with rules of engagement, the war in Spain was a
classic unconventional conflict. The Spanish people, as opposed to the Spanish army, rose in
rebellion and resisted the invading French army. They liberated large areas of the Spanish
countryside. After years of costly fighting—in which atrocities were common on both sides—the
French were driven out. Thus, in contrast to terrorists, the term guerrilla fighters refers to
a numerically larger group of armed individuals who operate as a military unit, attack enemy
military forces, and seize and hold territory (even if only ephemerally during the daylight
hours), while also exercising some form of sovereignty or control over a defined
geographical area and its population.10
Dozens, if not scores, of examples of guerrilla warfare exist in the modern era. They exhibit the
classic strategy of hit-and-run warfare by small mobile units, and many examples exist of
successful guerrilla campaigns against numerically and technologically superior adversaries.
Guerrilla insurgencies have often been successful in affecting the global political environment.
The following are examples of conflicts in the modern era when guerrilla insurgents prevailed
against strong adversaries:
• 1940s: Chinese communist guerrillas led by Mao Zedong defeated Chinese nationalists.
• 1950s: Communist-led Viet Minh guerrillas forced French colonial forces to withdraw
from Vietnam.
• 1960s–1970s: Numerous guerrilla insurgencies successfully resisted European colonial
forces, including anticolonial wars in Africa.
• 1980s: Afghan mujahideen guerrillas fought invading Soviet troops for 10 years,
eventually prevailing after the Soviet withdrawal.
• 2000s: Using guerrilla tactics, Iraqi insurgents resisted the American-led occupation of
Iraq following the conventional phase in the war that toppled the Ba’athist regime of
dictator Saddam Hussein.
A Sampling of Formal Definitions
The effort to formally define terrorism is critical because government antiterrorist policy
calculations must be based on criteria that determine whether a violent incident is an act of
terrorism. Governments and policy makers must piece together the elements of terrorist behavior
and demarcate the factors that distinguish terrorism from other forms of conflict.
In Europe, countries that endured terrorist campaigns have written official definitions of
terrorism. The British have defined terrorism as “the use or threat, for the purpose of advancing a
political, religious or ideological cause, of action which involves serious violence against any
person or property.”11 In Germany, terrorism has been described as an “enduringly conducted
struggle for political goals, which are intended to be achieved by means of assaults on the life
and property of other persons, especially by means of severe crimes.”12 And the European
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interior ministers note that “terrorism is . . . the use, or the threatened use, by a cohesive group of
persons of violence (short of warfare) to effect political aims.”13
Scholars have also tried their hand at defining terrorism. Terrorism has been described by Gurr
as “the use of unexpected violence to intimidate or coerce people in the pursuit of political or
social objectives.”14 It was described by Gibbs as “illegal violence or threatened violence against
human or nonhuman objects,” so long as that violence meets additional criteria such as secretive
features and unconventional warfare.15 Bruce Hoffman wrote,
We come to appreciate that terrorism is ineluctably political in aims and motives; violent—
or, equally important, threatens violence; designed to have far-reaching psychological
repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target; conducted by an organization with an
identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial structure (whose members wear no uniform
or identifying insignia); and perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity. We may
therefore now attempt to define terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear
through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of change.16
To further illustrate the range of definitions, Whittaker lists the following descriptions of
terrorism by terrorism experts:17
• contributes the illegitimate use of force to achieve a political objective when innocent
people are targeted (Walter Laqueur)
• a strategy of violence designed to promote desired outcomes by instilling fear in the
public at large (Walter Reich)
• the use or threatened use of force designed to bring about political change (Brian Jenkins)
From this discussion, we can identify the common features of most formal definitions:
• the use of illegal force
• subnational actors
• unconventional methods
• political motives
• attacks against “soft” …
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Ethics
We can mention at least one example of how the violation of ethical standards can be prevented. Many organizations promote ethical self-regulation by creating moral codes to help direct their business activities
*DDB is used for the first three years
For example
The inbound logistics for William Instrument refer to purchase components from various electronic firms. During the purchase process William need to consider the quality and price of the components. In this case
4. A U.S. Supreme Court case known as Furman v. Georgia (1972) is a landmark case that involved Eighth Amendment’s ban of unusual and cruel punishment in death penalty cases (Furman v. Georgia (1972)
With covid coming into place
In my opinion
with
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The ability to view ourselves from an unbiased perspective allows us to critically assess our personal strengths and weaknesses. This is an important step in the process of finding the right resources for our personal learning style. Ego and pride can be
· By Day 1 of this week
While you must form your answers to the questions below from our assigned reading material
CliftonLarsonAllen LLP (2013)
5 The family dynamic is awkward at first since the most outgoing and straight forward person in the family in Linda
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The most important benefit of my statistical analysis would be the accuracy with which I interpret the data. The greatest obstacle
From a similar but larger point of view
4 In order to get the entire family to come back for another session I would suggest coming in on a day the restaurant is not open
When seeking to identify a patient’s health condition
After viewing the you tube videos on prayer
Your paper must be at least two pages in length (not counting the title and reference pages)
The word assimilate is negative to me. I believe everyone should learn about a country that they are going to live in. It doesnt mean that they have to believe that everything in America is better than where they came from. It means that they care enough
Data collection
Single Subject Chris is a social worker in a geriatric case management program located in a midsize Northeastern town. She has an MSW and is part of a team of case managers that likes to continuously improve on its practice. The team is currently using an
I would start off with Linda on repeating her options for the child and going over what she is feeling with each option. I would want to find out what she is afraid of. I would avoid asking her any “why” questions because I want her to be in the here an
Summarize the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psychological research (Comp 2.1) 25.0\% Summarization of the advantages and disadvantages of using an Internet site as means of collecting data for psych
Identify the type of research used in a chosen study
Compose a 1
Optics
effect relationship becomes more difficult—as the researcher cannot enact total control of another person even in an experimental environment. Social workers serve clients in highly complex real-world environments. Clients often implement recommended inte
I think knowing more about you will allow you to be able to choose the right resources
Be 4 pages in length
soft MB-920 dumps review and documentation and high-quality listing pdf MB-920 braindumps also recommended and approved by Microsoft experts. The practical test
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One thing you will need to do in college is learn how to find and use references. References support your ideas. College-level work must be supported by research. You are expected to do that for this paper. You will research
Elaborate on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study 20.0\% Elaboration on any potential confounds or ethical concerns while participating in the psychological study is missing. Elaboration on any potenti
3 The first thing I would do in the family’s first session is develop a genogram of the family to get an idea of all the individuals who play a major role in Linda’s life. After establishing where each member is in relation to the family
A Health in All Policies approach
Note: The requirements outlined below correspond to the grading criteria in the scoring guide. At a minimum
Chen
Read Connecting Communities and Complexity: A Case Study in Creating the Conditions for Transformational Change
Read Reflections on Cultural Humility
Read A Basic Guide to ABCD Community Organizing
Use the bolded black section and sub-section titles below to organize your paper. For each section
Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott
Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident