Diversity Awareness Assignment - Due Sun 10/3 - Psychology
Assignment Topic: Media Representations of Diversity
Length/Format: 800-1000 words / APA In-text Citations + Reference Page
The assignment must be 750-1000 words long and double-spaced with 1-inch margins.
You must use and cite at least two (2) of the required resources from Week 1 and/or Week 2 of this course. You may use additional scholarly or credible sources.
Use in-text citations in APA (American Psychological Association) style.
Please see attached assignment details and requirements, along with week 1 and 2 class resources.
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BEHS 220 Week 1 Required Resources
Aidichie, C.N. (2009). The danger of a single story [Video]. TEDGlobal.
https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_ngozi_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story
Kang, M., Lessard, D., & Heston, L. (2017a). Identity Terms. Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality
Studies. http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/identity-terms/
Kang, M., Lessard, D., & Heston, L. (2017b). Conceptualizing Structures of Power. Introduction to
Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies.
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/conceptualizing-structures-of-power/
National Council on Disability. (2006) Common Myths about Diversity and Cultural Competency.
https://ncd.gov/publications/2006/june2006
OpenStax College (2020). Chapter 9: Understanding Civility and Cultural Competence, Introduction,
section 9.1 & 9.2. College Success. OpenStax. https://openstax.org/books/college-
success/pages/9-introduction
(Adichie, 2009)
(Baldwin, 2020)
(Kang, Lessard, Heston, & Nordmarken, 2017)
Bibliography
Adichie, C. N. (2009, July). The Danger of a Single Story. TedGlobal 2009. TedTalks. Retrieved September
24, 2021, from
https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_ngozi_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story
Baldwin, A. (2020). Chapter 9: Understanding Civility and Cultural Competence. In A. Baldwin, College
Success. Houston, Texas: OpenStax. Retrieved September 20, 2021, from
https://openstax.org/books/college-success/pages/9-introduction
https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_ngozi_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/identity-terms/
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/conceptualizing-structures-of-power/
https://ncd.gov/publications/2006/june2006
https://openstax.org/books/college-success/pages/9-introduction
https://openstax.org/books/college-success/pages/9-introduction
Kang, M., Lessard, D., Heston, L., & Nordmarken, S. (2017). Unit I: Identity Terms. In M. Kang, D. Lessard,
L. Heston, & S. Nordmarken, Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies (pp. 26-30).
Amherst, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries. Retrieved September
21, 2021, from http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/identity-terms/
Unit I: An Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies: Grounding Theoretical Frameworks and
Concepts
Identity Terms
Language is political, hotly contested, always evolving, and deeply personal to each person who
chooses the terms with which to identify themselves. To demonstrate respect and awareness of
these complexities, it is important to be attentive to language and to honor and use individuals’
self-referential terms (Farinas and Farinas 2015). Below are some common identity terms and
their meanings. This discussion is not meant to be definitive or prescriptive but rather aims to
highlight the stakes of language and the debates and context surrounding these terms, and to
assist in understanding terms that frequently come up in classroom discussions. While there are
no strict rules about “correct” or “incorrect” language, these terms reflect much more than
personal preferences. They reflect individual and collective histories, ongoing scholarly debates,
and current politics.
“People of color” vs. “Colored people”
People of color is a contemporary term used mainly in the United States to refer to all
individuals who are non-white (Safire 1988). It is a political, coalitional term, as it encompasses
common experiences of racism. People of color is abbreviated as POC. Black or African
American are commonly the preferred terms for most individuals of African descent today.
These are widely used terms, though sometimes they obscure the specificity of individuals’
histories. Other preferred terms are African diasporic or African descent, to refer, for example, to
people who trace their lineage to Africa but migrated through Latin America and the
Caribbean. Colored people is an antiquated term used before the civil rights movement in the
United States and the United Kingdom to refer pejoratively to individuals of African descent.
The term is now taken as a slur, as it represents a time when many forms of institutional racism
during the Jim Crow era were legal.
“Disabled people” vs. “People with disabilities”
Some people prefer person-first phrasing, while others prefer identity-first phrasing. People-first
language linguistically puts the person before their impairment (physical, sensory or mental
difference). Example: “a woman with a vision impairment.” This terminology
encourages nondisabled people to think of those with disabilities as people (Logsdon 2016). The
acronym PWD stands for “people with disabilities.” Although it aims to humanize, people-first
language has been critiqued for aiming to create distance from the impairment, which can be
understood as devaluing the impairment. Those who prefer identity-first language often
emphasize embracing their impairment as an integral, important, valued aspect of themselves,
which they do not want to distance themselves from. Example: “a disabled person.” Using this
language points to how society disables individuals (Liebowitz 2015). Many terms in common
use have ableist meanings, such as evaluative expressions like “lame,” “retarded,” “crippled,”
and “crazy.” It is important to avoid using these terms. Although in the case of disability, both
people-first and disability-first phrasing are currently in use, as mentioned above, this is not the
case when it comes to race.
“Transgender,” vs. “Transgendered,” “Trans,” “Trans*,” “Non-binary,” “Genderqueer,”
“Genderfluid,” “Agender,” “Transsexual,” “Cisgender,” “Cis”
Transgender generally refers to individuals who identify as a gender not assigned to them at
birth. The term is used as an adjective (i.e., “a transgender woman,” not “a transgender”),
however some individuals describe themselves by using transgender as a noun. The
term transgendered is not preferred because it emphasizes ascription and undermines self-
definition. Trans is an abbreviated term and individuals appear to use it self-referentially these
days more often than transgender. Transition is both internal and social. Some individuals who
transition do not experience a change in their gender identity since they have always identified in
the way that they do. Trans* is an all-inclusive umbrella term which encompasses all
nonnormative gender identities (Tompkins 2014). Non-binary and genderqueer refer to gender
identities beyond binary identifications of man or woman. The term genderqueer became
popularized within queer and trans communities in the 1990s and 2000s, and the term non-binary
became popularized in the 2010s (Roxie 2011). Agender, meaning “without gender,” can
describe people who do not have a gender identity, while others identify as non-binary or gender
neutral, have an undefinable identity, or feel indifferent about gender (Brooks
2014). Genderfluid people experience shifts between gender identities. The term transsexual is
a medicalized term, and indicates a binary understanding of gender and an individual’s
identification with the “opposite” gender from the gender assigned to them at
birth. Cisgender or cis refers to individuals who identify with the gender assigned to them at
birth. Some people prefer the term non-trans. Additional gender identity terms exist; these are
just a few basic and commonly used terms. Again, the emphasis of these terms is on viewing
individuals as they view themselves and using their self-designated names and pronouns.
“Queer,” “Bisexual,” “Pansexual,” “Polyamorous,” “Asexual,”
Queer as an identity term refers to a non-categorical sexual identity; it is also used as a catch-all
term for all LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer) individuals. The term was
historically used in a derogatory way, but was reclaimed as a self-referential term in the 1990s
United States. Although many individuals identify as queer today, some still feel personally
insulted by it and disapprove of its use. Bisexual is typically defined as a sexual orientation
marked by attraction to either men or women. This has been problematized as a binary approach
to sexuality, which excludes individuals who do not identify as men or women. Pansexual is a
sexual identity marked by sexual attraction to people of any gender or
sexuality. Polyamorous (poly, for short) or non-monogamous relationships are open or non-
exclusive; individuals may have multiple consensual and individually-negotiated sexual and/or
romantic relationships at once (Klesse 2006). Asexual is an identity marked by a lack of or rare
sexual attraction, or low or absent interest in sexual activity, abbreviated to “ace” (Decker 2014).
Asexuals distinguish between sexual and romantic attraction, delineating various sub-identities
included under an ace umbrella. In several later sections of this book, we discuss the
terms heteronormativity, homonormativity, and homonationalism; these terms are not self-
referential identity descriptors but are used to describe how sexuality is constructed in society
and the politics around such constructions.
“Latino,” “Latin American,” “Latina,” “Latino/a,” “[email protected],” “Latinx,” “Chicano,”
“Xicano,” “Chicana,” “Chicano/a,” “[email protected],” “Chicanx,” “Mexican American,”
“Hispanic”
Latino is a term used to describe people of Latin American origin or descent in the United
States, while Latin American describes people in Latin America. Latino can refer specifically
to a man of Latin American origin or descent; Latina refers specifically to a woman of Latin
American origin or descent. The terms Latino/a and [email protected] include both the –o and –a endings
to avoid the sexist use of “Latino” to refer to all individuals. Chicano,
Chicano/a, and [email protected] similarly describe people of Mexican origin or descent in the United
States, and may be used interchangeably with Mexican American, Xicano or Xicano/a.
However, as Chicano has the connotation of being politically active in working to end
oppression of Mexican Americans, and is associated with the Chicano literary and civil rights
movements of the 1960s and 1970s, people may prefer the use of either Chicano or Mexican
American, depending on their political orientation. Xicano is a shortened form of Mexicano,
from the Nahuatl name for the indigenous Mexica Aztec Empire. Some individuals prefer
the Xicano spelling to emphasize their indigenous ancestry (Revilla
2004). Latinx and Chicanx avoid either the –a or the –o gendered endings to explicitly include
individuals of all genders (Ramirez and Blay 2017). Hispanic refers to the people and nations
with a historical link to Spain and to people of country heritage who speak the Spanish language.
Although many people can be considered both Latinx and Hispanic, Brazilians, for example, are
Latin American but neither Hispanic nor Latino, while Spaniards are Hispanic but not Latino.
Preferred terms vary regionally and politically; these terms came into use in the context of the
Anglophone-dominated United States.
“Indigenous,” “First Nations,” “Indian,” “Native,” “Native American,” “American
Indian,” “Aboriginal”
Indigenous refers to descendants of the original inhabitants of an area, in contrast to those that
have settled, occupied or colonized the area (Turner 2006). Terms vary by specificity; for
example, in Australia, individuals are Aboriginal, while those in Canada are First Nations.
“Aboriginal” is sometimes used in the Canadian context, too, though more commonly in settler-
government documents, not so much as a term of self-definition. In the United States, individuals
may refer to themselves as Indian, American Indian, Native, or Native American, or, perhaps
more commonly, they may refer to their specific tribes or nations. Because of the history of the
term, “Indian,” like other reclaimed terms, outsiders should be very careful in using it.
“Global South,” “Global North,” “Third world,” “First world,” “Developing country,”
“Developed country”
Global South and Global North refer to socioeconomic and political divides. Areas of
the Global South, which are typically socioeconomically and politically disadvantaged are
Africa, Latin America, parts of Asia, and the Middle East. Generally, Global North areas,
including the United States, Canada, Western Europe and parts of East Asia, are typically
socioeconomically and politically advantaged. Terms like Third world, First world,
Developing country, and Developed country have been problematized for their hierarchical
meanings, where areas with more resources and political power are valued over those with less
resources and less power (Silver 2015). Although the terms Global South and Global
North carry the same problematic connotations, these tend to be the preferred terms today. In
addition, although the term Third world has been problematized, some people do not see Third
world as a negative term and use it self-referentially. Also, Third world was historically used as
an oppositional and coalitional term for nations and groups who were non-aligned with either the
capitalist First world and communist Second world especially during the Cold War. For
example, those who participated in the Third World Liberation Strike at San Francisco State
University from 1968 to 1969 used the term to express solidarity and to establish Black Studies
and the Ethnic Studies College (Springer 2008). We use certain terms, like Global
North/South, throughout the book, with the understanding that there are problematic aspects of
these usages.
“Transnational,” “Diasporic,” “Global,” “Globalization”
Transnational has been variously defined. Transnational describes migration and the
transcendence of borders, signals the diminishing relevance of the nation-state in the current
iteration of globalization, is used interchangeably with diasporic (any reference to materials
from a region outside its current location), designates a form of neocolonialism (e.g.,
transnational capital) and signals the NGOization of social movements. For Inderpal Grewal and
Caren Kaplan (2001), the terms “transnational women’s movements” or “global women’s
movements” are used to refer to U.N. conferences on women, global feminism as a policy and
activist arena, and human rights initiatives that enact new forms of governmentality. Chandra
Mohanty (2003) has argued that transnational feminist scholarship and social movements
critique and mobilize against globalization, capitalism, neoliberalism, neocolonialism, and non-
national institutions like the World Trade Organization. In this sense, transnational refers to
“cross-national solidarity” in feminist organizing. Grewal and Caplan (2001) have observed that
transnational feminist inquiry also examines how these movements have been tied to colonial
processes and imperialism, as national and international histories shape transnational social
movements. In feminist politics and studies, the term transnational is used much more than
“international,” which has been critiqued because it centers the nation-state. Whereas
transnational can also take seriously the role of the state it does not assume that the state is the
most relevant actor in global processes. Although all of these are technically global processes,
the term “global” is oftentimes seen as abstract. It appeals to the notion of “global sisterhood,”
which is often suspect because of the assumption of commonalities among women that often
times do not exist.
Previous: Theorizing Lived Experiences
Next: Conceptualizing Structures of Power
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LICENSE
Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies by Miliann Kang, Donovan Lessard,
Laura Heston, Sonny Nordmarken is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution
4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/chapter-test-under-main-body/
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/chapter-test-under-main-body/
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/conceptualizing-structures-of-power/
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/conceptualizing-structures-of-power/
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss
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https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Unit I: An Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies: Grounding Theoretical Frameworks and
Concepts
Conceptualizing Structures of
Power
A social structure is a set of long-lasting social relationships, practices and institutions that can
be difficult to see at work in our daily lives. They are intangible social relations, but work much
in the same way as structures we can see: buildings and skeletal systems are two examples. The
human body is structured by bones; that is to say that the rest of our bodies’ organs and vessels
are where they are because bones provide the structure upon which these other things can reside.
Structures limit possibility, but they are not fundamentally unchangeable. For instance, our bones
may deteriorate over time, suffer acute injuries, or be affected by disease, but they never
spontaneously change location or disappear into thin air. Such is the way with social structures.
“Social
Structure” by Shane is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
The elements of a social structure, the parts of social life that direct possible actions, are the
institutions of society. These will be addressed in more detail later, but for now social
institutions may be understood to include: the government, work, education, family, law, media,
and medicine, among others. To say these institutions direct, or structure, possible social action,
means that within the confines of these spaces there are rules, norms, and procedures that limit
what actions are possible. For instance, family is a concept near and dear to most, but historically
and culturally family forms have been highly specified, that is structured. According to Dorothy
https://flic.kr/p/7AzynE
https://flic.kr/p/7AzynE
https://www.flickr.com/photos/shanopw/
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
https://press.rebus.community/app/uploads/sites/68/2017/06/social-structure-2.jpg
Smith (1993), the standard North American family (or, SNAF) includes two heterosexually-
married parents and one or more biologically-related children. It also includes a division of labor
in which the husband/father earns a larger income and the wife/mother takes responsibility for
most of the care-taking and childrearing. Although families vary in all sorts of ways, this is the
norm to which they are most often compared. Thus, while we may consider our pets, friends, and
lovers as family, the state, the legal system, and the media do not affirm these possibilities in the
way they affirm the SNAF. In turn, when most people think of who is in their family, the
normative notion of parents and children structures who they consider.
Overlaying these social structures are structures of power. By power we mean two things: 1)
access to and through the various social institutions mentioned above, and 2) processes of
privileging, normalizing, and valuing certain identities over others. This definition of power
highlights the structural, institutional nature of power, while also highlighting the ways in which
culture works in the creation and privileging of certain categories of people. Power in American
society is organized along the axes of gender, race, class, sexuality, ability, age, nation, and
religious identities. Some identities are more highly valued, or more normalized, than others—
typically because they are contrasted to identities thought to be less valuable or less “normal.”
Thus, identities are not only descriptors of individuals, but grant a certain amount of collective
access to the institutions of social life. This is not to say, for instance, that all white people are
alike and wield the same amount of power over all people of color. It does mean that white,
middle-class women as a group tend to hold more social power than middle-class women of
color. This is where the concept of intersectionality is key. All individuals have multiple aspects
of identity, and simultaneously experience some privileges due to their socially valued identity
statuses and disadvantages due to their devalued identity statuses. Thus a white, heterosexual
middle-class woman may be disadvantaged compared to a white middle-class man, but she may
experience advantages in different contexts in relation to a black, heterosexual middle-class
woman, or a white, heterosexual working-class man, or a white lesbian upper-class woman.
“Privilege is when you think something is not a problem because it is not a problem to you
personally – SURJ MN” by Tony Webster is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0
At the higher level of social structure, we can see that some people have greater access to
resources and institutionalized power across the board than do others. Sexism is the term we use
for discrimination and blocked access women face. Genderism describes discrimination and
blocked access that transgender people face. Racism describes discrimination and blocked
access on the basis of race, which is based on socially-constructed meanings rather than
biological differences. Classism describes discrimination on the basis of social class, or blocked
access to material wealth and social status. Ableism describes discrimination on the basis of
physical, mental, or emotional impairment or blocked access to the fulfillment of needs and in
particular, full participation in social life. These “-isms” reflect dominant cultural notions that
women, trans people, people of color, poor people, and disabled people are inferior to men, non-
trans people, white people, middle- and upper-class people, and non-disabled people. Yet, the “-
isms” are greater than individuals’ prejudice against women, trans people, people of color, the
poor, and disabled people. For instance, in the founding of the United States the institutions of
social life, including work, law, education, and the like, were built to benefit wealthy, white men
since at the time these were, by law, the only real “citizens” of the country. Although these
institutions have significantly changed over time in response to social movements and more
progressive cultural shifts, their sexist, genderist, racist, classist, and ableist structures continue
to persist in different forms today. Similar-sounding to “-isms,” the language of “-ization,” such
as in “racialization” is used to highlight the formation or processes by which these forms of
difference have been given meaning and power (Omi and Winant 1986). (See further discussion
on this process in the section below on social construction).
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Just like the human body’s skeletal structure, social structures are not immutable, or completely
resistant to change. Social movements mobilized on the basis of identities have fought for
increased equality and changed the structures of society, in the US and abroad, over time.
However, these struggles do not change society overnight; some struggles last decades,
centuries, or remain always unfinished. The structures and institutions of social life change
slowly, but they can and do change based on the concerted efforts of individuals, social
movements and social institutions.
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Next: Social Constructionism
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BEHS 220 Week 2 Required Resources
Crenshaw, K. (2016) The urgency of intersectionality [Video]. TEDWomen.
https://www.ted.com/talks/kimberle_crenshaw_the_urgency_of_intersectionality
Kang, M., Lessard, D., & Heston, L. (2017). Intersectionality. Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality
Studies. http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/intersectionality/
McIntosh, P. (1990, Winter). White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. Independent School,
49(2), 31-35.
http://ezproxy.umgc.edu/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=f
5h&AN=9604164115&site=eds-live&scope=site
OpenStax College (2020). Chapter 9: Understanding Civility and Cultural Competence, section 9.2-9.4.
College Success. OpenStax. https://openstax.org/books/college-success/pages/9-2-categories-
of-diversity
https://www.ted.com/talks/kimberle_crenshaw_the_urgency_of_intersectionality
http://openbooks.library.umass.edu/introwgss/chapter/intersectionality/
http://ezproxy.umgc.edu/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=f5h&AN=9604164115&site=eds-live&scope=site
http://ezproxy.umgc.edu/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=f5h&AN=9604164115&site=eds-live&scope=site
https://openstax.org/books/college-success/pages/9-2-categories-of-diversity
https://openstax.org/books/college-success/pages/9-2-categories-of-diversity
Unit I: An Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies: Grounding Theoretical Frameworks and
Concepts
Intersectionality
Articulated by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw (1991), the concept
of intersectionality identifies a mode of analysis integral to women, gender, sexuality studies.
Within intersectional frameworks, race, class, gender, sexuality, age, ability, and other aspects of
identity are considered mutually constitutive; that is, people experience these multiple aspects of
identity simultaneously and the meanings of different aspects of identity are shaped by one
another. In other words, notions of gender and the way a person’s gender is interpreted by others
are always impacted by notions of race and the way that person’s race is interpreted. For
example, a person is never received as just a woman, but how that person is racialized impacts
how the person is received as a woman. So, notions of blackness, brownness, and whiteness
always influence gendered experience, and there is no experience of gender that is outside of an
experience of race. In addition to race, gendered experience is also shaped by age, sexuality,
class, and ability; likewise, the experience of race is impacted by gender, age, class, sexuality,
and ability.
This work is in the Public Domain, CC0
Understanding intersectionality requires a particular way of thinking. It is different than how
many people imagine identities operate. An intersectional analysis of identity is distinct from
single-determinant identity models and additive models of identity. A single determinant model
of identity presumes that one aspect of identity, say, gender, dictates one’s access to or
disenfranchisement from power. An example of this idea is the concept of “global sisterhood,” or
the idea that all women across the globe share some basic common political interests, concerns,
and needs (Morgan 1996). If women in different locations did share common interests, it would
make sense for them to unite on the basis of gender to fight for social changes on a global scale.
Unfortunately, if the analysis of social problems stops at gender, what is missed is an attention to
how various cultural contexts shaped by race, religion, and access to resources may actually
place some women’s needs at cross-purposes to other women’s needs. Therefore, this approach
obscures the fact that women in different social and geographic locations face
different problems. Although many white, middle-class women activists of the mid-20th century
US fought for freedom to work and legal parity with men, this was not the major problem for
women of color or working-class white women who had already been actively participating in
the US labor market as domestic workers, factory workers, and slave laborers since early US
colonial settlement. Campaigns for women’s equal legal rights and access to the labor market at
the international level are shaped by the experience and concerns of white American women,
while women of the global south, in particular, may have more pressing concerns: access to
clean water, access to adequate health care, and safety from the physical and psychological
harms of living in tyrannical, war-torn, or economically impoverished nations.
This work is in the Public Domain, CC0
In contrast to the single-determinant identity model, the additive model of identity simply adds
together privileged and disadvantaged identities for a slightly more complex picture. For
instance, a Black man may experience some advantages based on his gender, but has limited
access to power based on his race. This kind of analysis is exemplified in how race and gender
wage gaps are portrayed in statistical studies and popular news reports. Below, you can see a
median wage gap table from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research compiled in 2009. In
reading the table, it can be seen that the gender wage gap is such that in 2009, overall, women
earned 77% of what men did in the US. The table breaks down the information further to show
that earnings varied not only by gender but by race as well. Thus, Hispanic or Latino women
earned only 52.9% of what white men did while white women made 75%. This is certainly more
descriptive than a single gender wage gap figure or a single race wage gap figure. The table is
useful at pointing to potential structural explanations that may make earnings differ between
groups. For instance, looking at the chart, you may immediately wonder why these gaps exist; is
it a general difference of education levels, occupations, regions of residence or skill levels
between groups, or is it something else, such as discrimination in hiring and promotion? What it
is not useful for is predicting people’s incomes by plugging in their gender plus their race, even
though it may be our instinct to do so. Individual experiences differ vastly and for a variety of
reasons; there are outliers in every group. Most importantly, even if this chart helps in
understanding structural reasons why incomes differ, it doesn’t provide all the answers.
Table 1: Average Annual Earnings for Year-Round Full-Time Workers age 15 Years
and Older by Race and Ethnicity, 2015
Racial/Ethnic
Background*
Men
($)
Women
($)
Women’s Earnings as % of White Male
Earnings
All Racial/Ethnic
Groups
51,212 40,742 –
White 57,204 43,063 75.3%
Black 41,094 36,212 63.3%
Asian American 61,672 48,313 84.5%
Hispanic or Latino 35,673 31,109 54.4%
*White alone, not Hispanic; Black alone or in combination (may include Hispanic); Asian
American alone or in combination (may include Hispanic); and Hispanic/Latina/o (may
be of any race).
Source: Institute for Women’s Policy Research. Compilation of U.S. Census Bureau,
Current Population Survey. 2016. “Historical Income Tables: Table P-38. Full-Time, Year
Round Workers by Median Earnings and Sex: 1987 to 2015.
<https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/incomepoverty/historical-
income-people.html>
The additive model does not take into account how our shared cultural ideas of gender are
racialized and our ideas of race are gendered and that these ideas structure access to resources
and power—material, political, interpersonal. Sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (2005) has
developed a strong intersectional framework through her discussion of race, gender, and
sexuality in her historical analysis of representations of Black sexuality in the US. Hill Collins
shows how contemporary white American culture exoticizes Black men and women and she
points to a history of enslavement and treatment as chattel as the origin and motivator for the use
of these images. In order to justify slavery, African-Americans were thought of and treated as
less than human. Sexual reproduction was often forced among slaves for the financial benefit of
plantation owners, but owners reframed this coercion and rape as evidence of the “natural” and
uncontrollable sexuality of people from the African continent. Images of Black men and women
were not completely the same, as Black men were constructed as hypersexual “bucks” with little
interest in continued relationships whereas Black women were framed as hypersexual “Jezebels”
that became the “matriarchs” of their families. Again, it is important to note how the context,
where enslaved families were often forcefully dismantled, is often left unacknowledged and
contemporary racialized constructions are assumed and framed as individual choices or traits. It
is shockingly easy to see how these images are still present in contemporary media, culture, and
politics, for instance, in discussions of American welfare programs. This analysis reveals how
race, gender, and sexuality intersect. We cannot simply pull these identities apart because they
are interconnected and mutually enforcing.
Although the framework of intersectional has contributed important insights to feminist analyses,
there are problems. Intersectionality refers to the mutually co-constitutive nature of multiple
aspects of identity, yet in practice this term is typically used to signify the specific difference of
“women of color,” which effectively produces women of color (and in particular, Black women)
as Other and again centers white women (Puar 2012). In addition, the framework of
intersectionality was created in the context of the United States; therefore, the use of the
framework reproduces the United States as the dominant site of feminist inquiry and women’s
studies’ Euro-American bias (Puar 2012). Another failing of intersectionality is its premise of
fixed categories of identity, where descriptors like race, gender, class, and sexuality are assumed
to be stable. In contrast, the notion of assemblage considers categories events, actions, and
encounters between bodies, rather than simply attributes (Puar 2012). Assemblage refers to a
collage or collection of things, or the act of assembling. An assemblage perspective emphasizes
how relations, patterns, and connections between concepts give concepts meaning (Puar 2012).
Although assemblage has been framed against intersectionality, identity categories’ mutual co-
constitution is accounted for in both intersectionality and assemblage.
“Gender” is too often used simply and erroneously to mean “white women,” while “race” too
often connotes “Black men.” An intersectional perspective examines how identities are related to
each other in our own experiences and how the social structures of race, class, gender, sexuality,
age, and ability intersect for everyone. As opposed to single-determinant and additive models of
identity, an intersectional approach develops a more sophisticated understanding of the world
and how individuals in differently situated social groups experience differential access to both
material and symbolic resources.
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Next: References: Unit I
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Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies by Miliann Kang, Donovan Lessard,
Laura Heston, Sonny Nordmarken is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution
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Losinski forwarded the article on a priority basis to Mary Scott
Losinksi wanted details on use of the ED at CGH. He asked the administrative resident